'負商感義碑'와 보부상의 동학농민국 토벌

조재곤 韓國暻園大學校아시아文化硏究所 中國中央民族大學韓國文化硏究所 2003 亞細亞文化硏究 Vol.7 No.-

Kim byeondon's meritoriousness monument was erected in ChungNam Hongsungkun Kwangcheoneb Unamri. This monument said that this area bobusang was mobilized in 1894 peasant war. This monument was in memory of Kim byeongdon, died in ChungCheongDo Yesan Sinrewon combat. And this monument epitaph was written in 1895, and erected in 1896 after peasant war. LeeSeol wrote this epitaph, and his book, BokAmJib, collected this epitaph. The front face of black marble monument was wrote in "Kimbyeongdon's meritoriousness monument". All epitaph was written in back and right side face, Busanggamubi, thanks for busang's righteousness, was written in back face. In left side, Bobusang's staff list and foundation date was written. In period of 1894 peasant war, the bobusang and Government army participated in peasantry army subjugation, in order to ease the road of commerce, remove the harm for nation. The Chosun mobilized the bobusang, stressed loyalty and serving his country. The bobusang regarded itself as public official, took charge of national official mission. Kim byeongdon's another monument was erected in SeoSan Haemi in 1896.

壬辰倭亂 시기 朝鮮과 明의 문화교류

조재곤 韓國暻園大學校아시아文化硏究所 中國中央民族大學韓國文化硏究所 2002 亞細亞文化硏究 Vol.6 No.-

1894년 일본군의 조선왕궁(경복궁) 점령에 대한 재검토

조재곤 서울역사편찬원 2016 서울과 역사 Vol.- No.94

This research study analyzes the Japanese troops' arrival at the Joseon land and their occupancy to the Joseon royal palace triggering Sino-Japanese War in 1894 and 1895, and the response to such a situation. In this regard, this study attempts to consider Sino-Japanese War from political and military perspectives, which shows a difference from any other previous research about it focusing on the diplomatic negotiation as to the outbreak of war and the process of pursuing domestic affairs reformation. First, this study, in particular, examines the Japanese government's movement for the preparation for Sino-Japanese War and reconsiders the real state of the Japanese troops' invasion against the Joseon royal palace triggering Sino-Japanese War to understand some relevant facts about it. Second, this study conducts a comparative analysis of the data at those times to investigate whether the argument is valid that the Japanese troops made such a response as to the Joseon troops' preemptive attack against Japan in order to defend their own country. Lastly, this study reconsiders the actions taken by the Joseon royal palace guards described as mobs who had been defeated, hardly fighting from the first time, in order to reexamine many discussions about it is grounded. The arrival at the Joseon land and occupancy to the Joseon palace were caused by the deliberate plot and scenario of the Japanese government and troops. In particular, the Japanese troops' plan of occupying the Joseon royal palace was completely left unrevealed by anyone except for the General Staff's chief executives and the Japanese legation in Joseon. They recorded Joseon soldiers' fierce resistance against the Japanese troops' occupancy to the Joseon royal palace, in distortive ways. It is a fact that previous researches about it have focused on the characteristics of relevant events rather than exhaustively analyzing the event procedures. The fabricated and concealed event truth was revealed later by Professor Nakaska Akira. However, the specific 'facts' have not been clarified. But despite several processes to conceal the truth, a great deal of data provided by the relevant event officials rather raise the controversies over it. In this regard, this researcher can find several things at least by analyzing and reinterpreting the data about the Japanese troops' occupancy to Gyeongbok Palace. They can be summarized as follows. First, the Japanese troops' detailed plan of occupying the Joseon royal palace was made under the leadership of military elites of the General Staff by Vice Chief of Staff Kawakami Soroku. Second, when the Japanese troops passed over the wall of the Joseon royal palace and illegally occupied the palace, there were several military conflicts between the Japanese troops and the Joseon troops' guards. Then, the Joseon troops fired at the Japanese counterparts, but it was self-defense. Third, the Joseon royal palace guards proactively resisted against Japan, for five times during a day in July, 23. Lastly, dismissing the royal palace guards was derived from the decision to follow the fabricated emperor's royal command, without any doubt of it at all. 본 연구는 1894~1895년 청일전쟁의 단서가 된 일본군의 조선출병및 왕궁(경복궁) 점령과 이에 대한 대응을 분석한 것이다. 그간의 연구가 개전 외교교섭과 내정개혁안 추진과정에 중점을 두었던 것과는달리 정치․군사적 측면의 접근을 시도하였다. 이 중 특히 첫째, 청일전쟁으로 가는 과정에서 일본 정부 내의 움직임을 살피고, 전쟁의 단서가 된 일본군 왕궁점령의 실상을 재검토하여 사실의 일부를 복원하였다. 둘째, 당시 생산된 자료의 비교분석을 통해 조선군의 선제발포에 대한 방어차원의 일본군의 대응이라는 주장의 신빙성 여부를살폈다. 셋째, 처음부터 싸움 한번 제대로 못하고 패주한 오합지졸로묘사된 왕궁수비병의 활동을 재검토하였다. 그 결과 그간의 여러 논의들이 과연 정당한 것인가를 다시 한 번 되새기는 기회를 마련하고자 한다. 일본정부와 군대의 치밀한 계산과 각본에 의해 추진된 것이 조선출병과 왕궁점령이었다. 특히, 일본군의 왕궁점령 계획은 대본영 참모본부 수뇌부와 조선주재 일본공사를 제하면 철저하게 비밀에 부쳐졌다. 그들은 왕궁점령에 대한 조선병사들의 격렬한 저항도 왜곡된기록으로 남겼다. 그간의 연구는 이 사건 진행과정의 면밀한 분석 보다는 성격문제에 치중해 온 것이 사실이다. 나카스카 아키라 교수에의해 사후 조직적으로 사건의 진실을 은폐한 정황은 밝혀졌지만 ‘사실’이 어떤 내용이었는지는 자세히 규명하지 못했다. 그러나 진실을은폐하기 위한 여러 단계의 과정에도 불구하고 당시 사건의 관련자들이 제시한 많은 자료들이 오히려 이를 반박하고 있다. 필자는 일본군의 경복궁 점령과 관련하여 자료의 분석과 재해석을통해 적어도 다음의 몇 가지 점을 확인할 수 있었다. 첫째, 왕궁점령의 세부계획은 참모차장 카와카미 소로쿠의 기획 아래 참모본부 출신의 군부 엘리트들의 주도로 이루어졌다. 둘째, 궁궐 담을 넘어온 일본군의 불법적인 왕궁점령 시 조선군 수비병과 수차례의 교전이있었는데, 이때 조선군의 발포는 정당방위 차원이었다. 셋째, 7월 23 일 하루 동안 왕궁수비병은 5차례에 걸쳐 적극적으로 항전하였다. 넷째, 왕궁수비병의 해산은 ‘패주’가 아닌 날조된 국왕의 ‘전교’를 그대로 믿고 명령을 수행한 것이었다.

대한제국 시기 許蔿의 在京 정치활동과 시국인식

조재곤 서울역사편찬원 2007 서울과 역사 Vol.- No.69

Heo Wi participated in the righteous army movement in 1896. Then, he was engaged in political movements as a conservative intellectual and non-governmental activist. After all, he came to hold an appointment at the age of mid 40s when his achievements were recognized. When he was in charge, Heo was interested mainly in the national problems, and hence carried out active activities in order to solve such problems. He used much personal networking, and being the head of them, he frequently led reform of domestic administration and independent innovation for resolution of various problems at stake including the anti-Japanese currency movement. As a result, he became greatly prominent as a popular statesman. He spoke for what common people wanted at that time. Though he was not a pro-Japanese person, his political role was much strengthened since the Russo-Japanese war. At that time, he was appointed to a high position of the imperial household of the Great Han Empire. It seems that he was used as the last card replacing persons like Lee Yong-ik, who played the role of a steward of the imperial household. Heo Wi disputed the claims of pro-Japanese political powers like Iljinhoe. In the situation since the Russo-Japanese War, however, the basis for his political power was relatively weak, and on the other hand, the check by Japan was extremely severe. After all, the Russo-Japanese War was ended with the victory of Japan in such a quasi-colonial situation, and then Heo was expelled from the political power by Japan right before the Eulsa Treaty in 1905. This was a result of Japan’s obstinate maneuvering for expelling a bureaucrat from the imperial household rather than a mere result of personnel management. Having stay at his hometown since then, he raised a righteous army again in 1907 in the ruinous situation of the emperor Gojong’s forced abdication and the disbandment of the Army. 허위는 1896년 의병운동을 하였다. 그는 이어서 대한제국 초기 보수적 지식인이자 재야운동가로서 황국협회 등을 통해 정치적 운동을 하였다. 결국 그 공을 인정받아 40대 중반의 나이에 비로소 관직생활을 시작하게 되었다. 관직에 있을 때 허위는 주로 민족문제에 큰 관심을 가지고 이를 해결하기 위한 적극적인 행동을 전개하였다. 그는 많은 인맥관계를 활용하였고 그들의 우두머리가 되어 여러 차례에 걸쳐 일본은행권 유통반대운동을 비롯하여 각종 현안 타개를 위한 내정개혁과 자주적 개혁을 주도하였다. 그 결과 대중정치인으로 크게 부각되었다. 당시 일반인들의 염원을 그가 대변한 것이다. 허위는 친일적 인물이 아님에도 불구하고 러일전쟁 이후에 정치적 역할이 강화되었다. 이때 그는 대한제국 황실의 고위 관료로 임명되었다. 이는 그간 대한제국 황실의 집사 역할을 하던 이용익 등의 역할을 대신하는 마지막 카드로 활용되었던 것이 아닌가 한다. 허위는 일진회 등 친일정치세력을 논박하였고, 일본의 정치 경제적 침탈에 적극적으로 반대하였다. 그러나 러일전쟁 이후 시대적 상황에서 그의 권력기반은 상대적으로 약했고, 반면 일본 측의 견제도 극심하였다. 결국 ‘준식민지적 상황’에서 러일 간의 전쟁은 일본의 승리로 귀결되었고, 1905년 ‘을사조약’ 직전 허위는 일본에 의해 정치권력에서 축출되었다. 이는 단순한 인사조처라기 보다는 황실의 관료를 축출하기 위한 일본 측의 집요한 공작에 의한 것이다. 이후 고향에서 지내던 그는 1907년 황제 고종의 강제퇴위와 군대해산이라는 망국적 상황에서 다시 의병을 일으키게 되었다.

전쟁과 변경- 러일전쟁과 함경도의 현실 -

조재곤 동북아역사재단 2013 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.41

This article examines the experiences and awareness of war by local residents of Hamgyeong Province, which was across the border from Russia, and from socio-economic and historical perspectives. As Russia and Japan were engaged in a prolonged war, Hamgyeong Province received serious damage and losses. During the summer and autumn of 1905, there were public outcries due to the impact of great floods and the attack of livestock by epidemic diseases. Local people suffered even greater damage from the Russian troops than the Japanese. Thus many local residents in the province fled to Primorsky,Manchuria, and even government offices in China. Previous research has reported that compared with Japan, Russia intruded less into northern areas of the Korean Peninsula. But unlike most research data reported, all of the local residents in Hamgyeong Province did not always blindly trust Russian troops. There are not a few documents on cases and examples in which Korean troops engaged in battle against Russian troops, and Koreans resisted against Russia. Koreans in the province had good feelings toward Russia, but the nation did not accept this. With war continuing, the Russian troops changed their antagonistic stance toward Japan, and showed a friendly attitude. There also was massive military mobilization not only by Russia and Japan, but also by non-government institutions. As the fierce commercial war waged, international and regional commercial trade declined greatly. These added to the suffering that local citizens experienced. After the naval battle in the East Sea in which Russia’s Baltic Fleet was defeated by the Japanese fleet, Japanese troops gained an edge in land warfare. As a result, the Japanese troop expanded their areas of infiltration. One of the most important reasons why the military administration was established only in Hamgyeong Province was because it was needed to connect the linkage with Russia; to block anti-Japanese Korean independence activities; to prohibit such activities from extending beyond the Korean border; and to keep tight control of the spheres such as public life. In the process, local troops in the Daehan Empire (K. Jinwidae ) in Bukcheong and Jongseong were dismantled. In some regions, a “Russia-style military administration”was founded, too. It is true that Russia received a relatively friendly response from local residents in Hamgyeong Province. Yet, the majority of those people suffered serious damage and losses in labor, in both physical and mental terms, by the Russo-Japanese War being waged, regardless of their will to fight. Most Korean local residents in the province thus had a strong awareness that they were people mobilized in the “war between third nations.” Finally, they perceived that the Russo-Japanese War merely cost lives in the less-developed imperial nations and brutally deprived them of property.

기획2 남북에서 상반되게 평가하는 인물 김옥균 -혁명가인가 친일파인가

조재곤 역사문제연구소 1993 역사비평 Vol.- No.24

한말 일제하 장시와 포구의 존재 양태 廣川場과 甕岩浦市의 물류 유통구조를 중심으로

조재곤 한국근현대사학회 2008 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.46 No.-

Since the Chosun Dynasty, Gwangcheon had functioned as the center of economy and transportation for the Naepo area in the west coast of Chungcheong-do. Accordingly, a large volume of goods were collected and distributed there. This was partially because of the geopolitical role of Gwangcheon but, on the other hand, it was possible due to the emergence of the new coastal economic bloc of Ongampo, which had Gwangcheon as its hinterland. The Gwangcheon Market and the Ongampo Market played roles supplementary to each other, and led distribution economy in the west coast. Since the late Chosun Dynasty, Gwangcheon and Ongam had been the centers of collection and distribution of marine products, and had active transactions of agricultural products including rice. With regard to textile manufacturing as well, Gwangcheon occupied an important position in the Hongseong County. Since the late 19th century, distribution economy had been expanded and, as a result, Ongam had become a representative port in the area around Naepo and played the role of a base for distributing rice collected in Gwangcheon and marine products from neighboring coastal areas and islands to large cities. In the course, major merchants including commission merchants engaged in business actively, and Japanese merchants also visited this area frequently by ship and carried on active business transactions. Ongampo City, which had the functions of collection and distribution as a center of maritime logistics, played the role of an ‘intermediate market’ and, at the same time, the role of sending goods not only to Gwangcheon positioned at an strategic point of inland transportation but also to ‘central markets’ in Incheon, Gunsan, etc. The link that connected Gwangcheon as a central market and Ongam as an intermediary market was the expansion of local markets and business transactions. Role allotment according to geographical characteristics, namely, the dual system of specialized main transaction items, which were agricultural products for Gwangcheon and marine products for Ongam, was established through ‘the dual structure of the rural periodic market in Gwangcheon and the port market in Ongam.’

대한제국기 군사정책과 군사기구의 운영

조재곤 한국역사연구회 1996 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.19

보부상 문서의 운영체계와 활용방안

조재곤 한국근현대사학회 2002 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.23 No.-

한말 근대화 과정에서의 褓負商의 조직과 활동

조재곤 백산학회 1993 白山學報 Vol.- No.41