SCM 기법에 의한 비정형 콘크리트 패널의 공급관리 모델 기초연구

조원현 ( Wonhyun Cho ),나영주 ( Youngju Na ),김선국 ( Sunkuk Kim ) 한국건축시공학회 2016 한국건축시공학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.16 No.1

Numerous of free-form buildings come up with external appearances using various types of free-form panels. If the panel types produced, transport and installation order and maintenance history are not properly managed, it is difficult to complete a given project successfully. For free-form building projects that satisfy 5 factors (proper time, place, price, product and quantity), a supply chain management technique is applied for distribution management of free-form concrete panels. In addition, the study listed the whole production process of free-form concrete panels and any necessary information, and suggested a basic model for the management. The study result will be a great help in effective distribution management of free-form panels for free-form building projects.

저온 플라즈마 촉매반응에 의한 고부가가치 원료 제조기술 연구

조원일(Wonihl Cho),오영삼(Youngsam Oh),박달령(Dalyung Park),백영순(Youngsoon Baek),김영채(Youngchai Kim) 한국가스학회 1998 한국가스학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.1998 No.9

“금융-산업그룹”의 생성과 러시아 산업조직의 변화에 관한 연구

조원호(Cho Won-Ho) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2000 슬라브학보 Vol.15 No.2

The financial-industrial groups has acquired dominant position in the russian industry in terms of the number of employees and the production of output in Russia over the past 10 years. As many scholars pointed out, these rapid growth of FIGs resulted mainly both from Soviet-era industrial institutional legacies and from the difficult economic transition process. But the real question is: What kind of role do FIGs play both in the reconstruction of Russian industrial organization and in the revitalizing Russian industry. As Juliet Johnson properly pointed out, "are FIGs a transitional phenomenon in Russia, giant dinosaurs destined for extinction?" Through this analysis, it seems that FIGs has a positive effect. at least, on the russian industry facing transitional difficulties. Moreover, after Putin took power in 2000, calling for "strong state", he emphasized government's role in stabilizing and developing Russian economy. Thus for the short-run, the influence and position of FIGs in russian industrial organization will be strengthened in Russia which has now a number of difficult economic problems. However, for the long-run, the future of FIGs will be uncertain. As already shown in above analysis, most FIGs lacked formal structure in terms of an ambiguous management structure and the lack of clear governance structure. Moreover, there are still a number of conflicts between FIG legislations and other legislations. All of these phenomena will force FIGs to be operated in inefficient ways and finally to go away.

백제 웅진기 대통사 창건 수막새의 형식과 계통

조원창(Cho Weonchang) 백산학회 2019 白山學報 Vol.0 No.115

대통사는 527년 백제 웅진기 공주지역에 창건되었다. 일제강점기 가루베 지온에 의해 ‘대통’명 인각와가 수습된 이후 대통사(지)는 현재 백제사의 중요한 논쟁 대상이 되고 있다. 하지만 최근까지 대통사를 입증할만한 유구는 확인되지 않았다. 2018년 공주시 반죽동 197-4번지 유적에서는 ‘대통’명으로 볼 수 있는 인각와를 비롯해 수막새와 암막새, 소조상, 치미, 토기 등 다양한 백제시기의 유물이 출토되었다. 특히 내림마루나 추녀마루에 사용된 것으로 보이는 완형의 마루수막새도 한 점 수습되었다. 수막새는 화판의 판단부에 따라 크게 7가지 형식으로 분류되었다. 이 중 창건와로는 판단원형돌기식을 비롯한 판단융기식, 판단돌기식, 판단첨형식, 돌대식 등이 추정되었다. 창건 수막새의 문양은 연화문이 주류를 이루었고, 일부 판단융기식, 판단첨형식, 돌대식 등은 그 동안 한성기~사비기 등의 백제유적에서 검출된 바 없는 초출 자료로 파악되고 있다. 수막새의 문양 계통은 대부분 남조에 있었음을 알 수 있고, 이는 사찰 창건과 관련하여 남조 장인의 백제 파견과 밀접한 관련이 있을 것으로 생각된다. 이러한 장인 파견은 비조사 창건과 관련하여 백제의 장인이 일본에 파견된 사실과 크게 다르지 않을 것으로 판단된다. 대통사지의 탐색 작업은 지금도 계속적으로 진행되고 있다. 다량의 유물이 출토되었음에도 불구하고 아직까지 대통사지의 흔적은 확인되지 않았다. 하지만 이의 형적이 드러날 날도 머지않았을 것으로 생각된다. Daetongsa Temple was founded in 527 in the Gongju area of the period of the Woongjin of Baekje. Since the recognition of ‘Daetong’ and ‘roof tile with stamped letter’ were settled by the Garobe Zion during the Japanese colonial period, Daetongsa(temple site) is now an important subject of debate of Baekje history. Until recently, however, no remains have been identified to prove the Daetongsa. In 2108, the remains from various Baekje periods, such as the roof tile with stamped letter, which can be considered as ‘Daetong’, the Roof-end tile, concave roof-end tile with finger-tip design, clay statues, ridge-end tile, and earthenware, etc. were excavated at the site of 197-4, Banjuk-dong, Gongju City. In particular, a ridge-end tile, which seems to have been used for a gable ridge or hip, was also recovered. The roof-end tile was classified into 7 types according to the appearance of the petal end. Among them, the roof tiles at the time of foundation were estimated to include the Pandanwonhyungdolgi type(petal-tip round form), Pandanyunggi type(the form in which the petal end rises), Pandandolgi type(a form with a protrusion at the end of a petal), Pandancheomhyung type(petal pointed form) and Doldae type(the form with a line in the middle of the petal). The pattern of the Roof-end tile in the founding was mainly composed of lotus pattern, and Some Pandanyunggi type, Pandancheomhyung type, and Doldae type, etc can be understood as the first data that has not been excavated from Baekje remains such as Hansung period and Sabi period. The pattern system of the roof-end tile was mostly in Namjo, China, and it is thought that this is closely related to the dispatch of the Namjo craftsman to Baekje in relation to the establishment of the temple. It is judged that the dispatch of these craftsmen is not much different from the fact that Baekje craftsmen were dispatched to Japan in relation to the establishment of Askadera in Japan. The search for Daetongsa Temple site is still ongoing. Despite the large quantity of relics being excavated, no traces of Daetonsa Temple site have been identified. However, it is thought that it will not be long before its trace is revealed.

역대 대통령의 광주민주화운동 기념사에 대한 텍스트언어학적 분석

조원형 ( Cho Wonhyong ) 한국텍스트언어학회 2019 텍스트언어학 Vol.46 No.-

In this study I analyzed the Korean presidents’ speeches on the May 18 Democratic Uprising, d.h. speeches of President Lee Myung-bak, President Park Geun-hye, and President Moon Jae-in. Their speeches have similar text structures (d.h. macro strctures) which can be generalized as a common text pattern (Textmuster), in spite of the differences due to their political position and opinion. The speech on the May 18 Democratic Uprising can be regarded as a ‘speech on the past history’ in the perspective of text linguistics, especially the text typology.

<로동신문> 기사의 비난조 표현 분석 - 2017년 11월 ~ 2018년 4월 치 기사를 중심으로 -

조원형 ( Cho Wonhyong ) 한국텍스트언어학회 2018 텍스트언어학 Vol.44 No.-

In this study I have analysed the critical expressions in Rodong Sinmun, the sole official daily newspaper in North Korea. In every article on South Korea or the United States we can find a diverse range of critical expressions, and the authors intentionally utilise at least one critical expression for every use of paraphrase in articles about their opponents. The readers of this newspaper are not only North Korean people, but also their opponents, i.e. the ‘hidden readers’. For these reasons, the intensity of the critical expressions depends on the political and diplomatic situation in North Korea at the time of writing.

중국철학 : 맹자성선설지탐미

조원일 ( Won Il Cho ) 한국철학사연구회 2002 한국 철학논집 Vol.11 No.-

기와로 본 百濟 熊津期의 泗비經營

조원창(Cho Weon-Chang) 한국고대학회 2005 先史와 古代 Vol.23 No.-

King Seong of Baekje transferred the capital from Wungjin to Sabi in 538 and named the country Southern Buyeo. As it is today, it was not easy to move a capital of a country. In addition to dealing with the political interests, they must have got the people to perform engineering and construction work, and made public notices to the people because they had to build the palace, walls, and government offices. Judging from the archeological evidences that have been excavated and researched so far, that is the roof tiles(including Wadang), we can conclude that they started to manage Sabi, with Wungjin as their capital, some time between the late 5th century and the early 6th century. We can infer this from the Northern Wi(or Goguryeo) style of roof tiles excavated from the remains of a ruined temple of Buyeo in Yongjeongri. However, we can presume that they practically moved their capital in the early period of King Seong, judging from the Daetongmyeong Ingack tile and the Dongbeom Wadang of Daetong Temple Remains which were found in the majority of relics, such as Buso mountain fortress, the assumed palace site in Kwanbukri, the remains of Dongnamri, and the previous Cheonwang temple site in Guari. And the location might be the southern hilly districts including the present Buso mountain fortress, and the Guari and Dongnamri disctirts in the west. Through more advanced research into the earthen wares and flat roof tiles, we need to make clearer about the management of Sabi in the Wungjin period.

미학의 옷을 입은 프로파간다 영화의 힘

조원옥(Cho, Won-Ok) 효원사학회 2012 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.42

This article interrogates the political power of the film by analysing Leni Riefenstahl"s Olympia (1938). Olympia, the documentary film in which put Berlin Olympic of 1936, has been paid great compliments of German and World commentators and people due to its high artistry. And so, it have gained appraisals as the unpolitical art film that held on to the fairness corresponding to the spirit of Olympic. In this respect, it has compared with her previous work, the Triumph of the Will(1935), condemned to be political for treating the national convention of Nazis. However, Berlin Olympic of 1936 was the most political in the history of modern Olympic. The Third Reich intended successfully to make use of Olympic as a political instrument. Riefenstahl actualized this intention of Nazis by making Olympia. In virtue of this film, Berlin Olympic could have been viewed to be unpolitical for a while without some doubts. Olympia was the film produced officially by Nazis that designed to embellish this political event into the unpolitical. This film was supported and benefited by Nazis from its planning stage to its making, advertisement, and distribution. In those days when was the dark age for German cineaste, Leni Riefenstahl was almost the only one beneficiary of the Third Reich. After the World War Ⅱ, Riefenstahl had been on trial for being a movie baron of the Third Reich. In spite of controversies, she was finally granted the social pardon. She had conducted unceasingly her career as movie artist, and claimed the copyrights of her works. The people and critics did not deem her works as the vestiges of the Third Reich, and guaranteed her works to be an art. This poses the problem of art and ethics. It means that ‘lust" and ‘caution" can not be simply distinguished in dichotomous way. We are used to unconsciously yield to temptation that wish leave the ethics behind the art. But Olympia shows well the inconvenient truth that the art never can be righteous in itself.

민주공화국의 선거 제도와 통합 : 대선거구제 도입, 납세액 기준 의석 배분 그리고 공무상 배임죄의 신설을 중심으로

조원용(CHO WonYong) 한국헌법학회 2021 憲法學硏究 Vol.27 No.2

대한민국은 ‘민주’국이 아니라 ‘민주공화’국이고 공화는 ‘지배’가 아닌 ‘가치’의 문제이기에 선거를 통해 선출된 대표자가 다수를 점했다는 이유만으로 그들의 지배가 정당화 되는 것은 아니다. 이를 넘어 대표자가 공화국의 이익, 국가이익을 위해 통치하였는지를 반드시 살펴야 한다. 국가이익을 정향해야만 통합을 말할 수 있고 소속 정당이나 지역의 이익을 정향하면서 통합을 말하는 것은 갈등의 임시 봉합, 미봉(彌縫)일 뿐이다. 스스로 개혁하는 인간은 드물게 발견될지 모르나, 스스로 개혁하는 집단은 동서고금을 막론하고 없었다. 통합의 전제인 국가이익을 정향하지 않는 정치인에게 집단적 이익 추구를 버리고 국가이익을 취하라는 말은 허무한 도덕적 메아리에 불과하다. 대표자가 국가이익을 추구할 수 있는 제도적 기반을 만들고 이를 지키기 않았을 경우 적절한 제재를 가할 수 있는 방법을 강구하는 것이 대한민국의 헌법을 공부하는 우리 연구자들에게 주어진 시대적 사명일지 모른다. 연구자는 세 가지 측면에서 선거로 선출되거나 선출된 대표가 국가이익에 정향할 수 있는 제도 개선을 제안하였다. 첫째, 국가이익 추구를 위한 선거구 제도의 개선이다. 선거구 크기(M)가 커질수록 지역구의 크기가 커지고 개별 지역의 이익이 국가이익에 가까워지게 되므로 M의 크기를 확대하면 확대할수록 개별이익을 줄일 수 있고 국가이익에 근접할 수 있다. 이는 헌법 제46조 제2항이 명시한대로 ‘국회의원’은 지역이익과 국가이익이 충돌할 경우 국가이익을 우선하라는 대원칙을 재선의 위험 부담 없이 객관적으로 준수할 수 있는 동기를 부여할 수 있게 하는 대전제로 기능할 수 있다. 다음으로 지역을 기준으로 선거구를 획정하고 대표를 선출하는 방식은 변경이 불가능한 자연법칙이 아니라 인류가 고안해 낸 제도에 불과하기에 이보다 나은 방식의 ‘선거구’ 획정이 가능해지면 언제든지 폐지할 수도 있고 현재 각국은 ‘포퓰리즘’(populism)이라는 민주주의의 위기를 극복하기 위해 ‘대표 없이 조세 없다(no taxation without representative)’ 명제를 토대로 자신이 세금을 낸 만큼 즉, 국가 공동체에 기여한 만큼의 대표를 갖는 것을 원칙으로 하여 지역을 기반으로 선거구를 획정함을 유지하면서도 납세액에 따라 대표의 수를 배분하는 것은 납세액을 기준으로 대표를 선출하는 것으로 가는 길목의 절충안을 제시하였다. 재정으로 공화국에 기여한 만큼의 대표를 갖는 것, 그것이 통합의 시작이다. 둘째, 비례대표 공천 과정의 개선은 비례대표 국회의원 선거를 통합이라는 관점 즉, 국가이익 관점에서 설명하기 위해 공천권을 중심으로 6가지 경우의 수로 나누어 살펴보았다. 공천권자가 소수이면 소수일수록 부분이익을 대변할 사람을 선출할 것이고 공천권자가 다수로 늘어나면 그 만큼 국가이익을 우선시 하는 비례대표가 선출될 가능성이 커지므로 공직선거법 제47조 제2항의 삭제로 인하여 정당의 비례대표 후보자 추천의 ‘민주적 심사절차’ 및 ‘민주적 투표절차’를 보다 엄격하게 적용할 수 없기에 본선거에서 순위 고정을 폐기하는 비례대표 국회의원 선거에서 ‘개방형 명부제’ 도입을 살폈다. 셋째, 정당의 공천 책임의 강화와 사익추구에 대한 사법적 제재를 위해 공천이란 정당이 공직후보자를 추천하는 행위이고 정당의 책임정치의 실현을 위해서는 재보선을 사유를 제공한 정당의 해당 선거의 무공천은 물론이고 선거비용을 부담케 하도록 하는 것이 대단히 중요하고, 실제 집행의 어려움을 감안하면, 국고보조금 지급에서 우선 삭감하여 지급하는 방법을 제안하였고 거증책임이 전환된 공무상 배임죄의 신설을 제안하였다. 공무상 배임죄를 신설하고 거증책임을 선출직 공직자에게 부담케 하면 적어도 개인적 이익, 지역의 이익, 정당의 이익과 국가이익을 비교하여 행위 할 것이다. 선거로 선출된 대표자가 4년 혹은 5년이라는 계약제 임기동안 집단의 이익과 사익을 추구를 당연시 하는 동안 대한민국이라는 민주공화국은 Res Publica가 아닌 Res Privata의 각축장으로 썩어갈 뿐이다. 미래세대의 이익을 아무렇지 않게 좀먹고 사익추구를 당연시 하는 反 공화국의 정치가 종식되기를 기원한다. 시간이 많지 않다. Since the Republic of Korea is not a democratic country, but a democratic republic, and republic is a question of values, not domination, it is necessary to examine whether domination is not justified just because the elected representative occupied the majority, but ruled for the interests of the Republic and the state. Incorporation can be said only by orienting the interests of the state, and speaking of integration while orienting the interests of the political party or region of which it belongs is a closure of conflict. Humans who reform themselves may be found infrequently, but there was no group of people who reformed themselves. To a politician who does not focus on the national interests, which is the prerequisite for integration, to abandon the pursuit of collective interests and take national interests is only an empty moral echo. It may be the mission of the times given to our researchers studying the constitution of the Republic of Korea to create an institutional basis for representatives to pursue national interests and to find a way to impose appropriate sanctions if they fail to comply. The researcher proposed to improve the system in which the elected representatives or elected representatives can focus on the national interests in three aspects. First, it is the improvement of the electoral system to pursue national interests. As the size of the constituency (M) increases, the size of the district increases and the interests of individual regions become closer to the national interests, so the larger the size of M, the more individual profits can be reduced and closer to the national interests. This is a prerequisite to motivate members of the National Assembly to objectively comply with the grand principle of prioritizing national interests in case of conflict between regional and national interests, as specified in Article 46 (2) of the Constitution. Can function. Accordingly, in order to overcome the limitation that the current value of M cannot increase more than the interests of the city and provinces in the case of the National Assembly member election, Article 25 of the Public Officials Election Act was amended to increase the number of M = 253 to increase the national election district. I envisioned. Next, the method of demarcating constituencies based on regions and electing representatives is not a natural law that cannot be changed, but a system devised by humanity. Therefore, it can be abolished at any time when a better method of defining ‘election districts’ becomes possible. In order to overcome the crisis of democracy called ‘populism’, based on the proposition of ‘no taxation without representative’, it is a principle to have a representative as much as he paid his taxes, that is, as much as he contributed to the national community. Thus, distributing the number of representatives according to the amount of tax paid while maintaining the demarcation of electoral districts based on the region presented a compromise of the path to electing representatives based on the amount of tax paid. Having as many representatives as you have contributed to the Republic financially, that is the beginning of integration. Second, the improvement of the proportional representative nomination process was examined by dividing the number of nomination rights into six cases in order to explain the proportional representative elections from the viewpoint of integration, that is, the national interest. If there are a small number of nominated rights, the smaller the number of nominated rights, the more likely a person to represent partial interests will be elected.If the number of nominated rights increases to a large number, the likelihood of a proportional representative that prioritizes the national interest will be elected. The ‘democratic screening procedure’ and ‘democratic voting procedure’