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Syllabification in English and Korean: An Optimality-Theoretic Approach
정진완,Chung, Chin-Wan The English Teachers Association in Korea 2002 영어어문교육 Vol.7 No.2
Some Korean speakers have trouble in learning the correct pronunciation of many complex English words which have clusters in their onset and coda position. This study shows that the difficulties Korean students have acquiring English pronunciation partly come from syllable structure differences between English and Korean. We provide an analysis based on Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993) of the syllable structure difference and suggest that Korean speakers learn the different constraint ranking between English and Korean. This will offer Korean speakers with some helpful methods which will facilitate their learning.
An Aspect of Sonorant Dissimilation in Takelma
정진완 ( Chin Wan Chung ) 대한언어학회 2013 언어학 Vol.21 No.4
This study focuses on the dissimilation of coronal sonorants in Takelma prosodic words We assume that a prosodic word of Takelma consists of a root/stem plus an affix. and roots. The process involves multiple feature co-occurrence restrictions over a root and an affix boundary: sonorant, coronal, and nasal features. On the other hand, a less complex restriction is also observed in roots: a non-identical coronal feature restriction. It is argued that dissimilation is triggered by OCP-type constraints from the OT perspective. The selection of a segment for feature changes is achieved by the meta-constraint ranking (McCarthy and Prince 1995), which is inherently asymmetrical in nature. This study reveals that multiple feature co-occurrence restrictions force a change in a root segment; otherwise it is resistant to any featural change.
Segmental Insertion and Deletion in English: A Phonotactic Perspective
정진완 ( Chin Wan Chung ) 대한영어영문학회 2012 영어영문학연구 Vol.38 No.3
The goal of this paper is to observe phonotactically motivated segmental epenthesis and deletion in English and provide an alternative constraint-based analysis of them. The two segmentally related processes occur in English to repair phonotactically unallowable coda clusters. A neutral vowel is only epenthesized between two phonotactically unallowable consonants when they have rising sonority from C<sub>1</sub> to C<sub>2</sub>. On the other hand, either of two consonants is deleted when the coda clusters have falling sonority between them or consist of stop consonants. However, when the two coda clusters are separated into different syllables, neither insertion nor deletion occurs. (Chonbuk National University)
A constraint - based approach to consonant changes and metathesis in Hamer
정진완(Chin-Wan Chung) 한국음운론학회 2004 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.10 No.3
Based on extensively applicable general constraints, this study provides a unified account of consonant changes in Hamer: metathesis, assimilation, and the combination of metathesis and assimilation. We argue for an idea that consonant changes in Hamer are triggered in order to fix the illegal consonant clusters. The important constraints used in this study are SyllCon and Agree: SyllCon bans rising sonority over a syllable boundary while Agree calls for the two adjacent consonants to share a certain feature. The high ranked SyllCon and Agree along with other universal constraints and their ranking can uniformly explain seemingly different phonological modifications. The established constraint ranking can be applied to other languages showing optional and obligatory metathesis, and metathesis with the combination of assimilation. This indicates that for the sonority related cases of metathesis and other phonological processes such as assimilation, Syll Con and Agree can provide a useful tool to explain them in a rather unified fashion.
An aspect of dialectal variations in Korean phonology: a constraint-based analysis
Chin-Wan Chung(정진완) 한국음운론학회 2006 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.12 No.2
This paper focuses on the different realizations of /y/ and /h/ in different dialects in Korean. We delve into /y/ when it occurs word initially, postconsonantally followed by a vowel, and as an off-glide; we observe /h/ when it appears as the onset of a word initial and non-word initial syllable. The paper reveals that a different strategy is applied to modify /ye/, /Cye/ and /?y/ in different positions of a word in different dialects. In Jeolla dialect (JD), the glide /y/ does not occur in the output while in Standard Korean (SK) it consistently appears in /ye/ and /?y/ while /Cye/ shows an optional realization. In Gyeongsang dialect(GD), the off-glide /?y/ is simplified to [y] and it is vocalized. For the word initial /h/, there is no difference in its realization among dialects but in non-initial syllable onset /h/ deletes in JD while /h/ and a preceding voiceless stop are aspirated together in both SK and GD. It shows some interesting phonological patterning among dialects. In some cases, SK patterns with JD while in other cases it patterns with GD. The paper shows that intra-dialectal and inter-dialectal realization differences can best be explained by the constraint-based account because it allows that the dialectal variation can be accounted for by ranking permutation of low ranked constraints.