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This study provides a constraint-based analysis of cluster adaptations occurring in Bengali dialects such as spoken Bengali, Dhaka, and Sylheti when English complex words are realized by Bengali speakers or borrowed into Bengali. In spoken Bengali, speakers only employ epenthetic strategy when they realize onset clusters of English. For the selection of vowels, the neutral vowel of English is generally inserted between consonants but the high front vowel is prothesized when a cluster is composed of /s/ plus a voiceless stop. In Dhaka dialect, coda clusters are fixed by either insertion or deletion. Unlike spoken Bengali, the inserted vowel between sonorant consonants is affected by a neighboring vowel. Deletion of an obstruent normally occurs when a cluster consists of a sonorant plus an obstruent but an obstruent survives if a sonorant is dental liquid /r/ in Dhaka. Onset cluster adaptations in Sylheti is similar to that of spoken Bengali but one difference between the two dialects is that interconsonantally inserted vowel is affected by a following vowel in Sylheti while spoken Bengali still maintains the quality of a neutral vowel.
This study delves into echo word formation in Hindi and Kashmiri which is considered a case of partial reduplication. Even though two languages share the same designated first segment for the echo word, they implement the process differently from each other. This is attributed to different restrictions on the identical leftmost segment /v/ in the base and the echo word. Hindi prefers to delete one of the /v/s while Kashmiri replaces the /v/ with the /p/ in the echo word. Another difference is how the fixed segment in the echo word replaces the onset clusters in the base. Hindi only replaces the first segment in the cluster whereas the whole cluster is replaced by the fixed segment in Kashmiri. The different mode of implementing echo word formation process is reflected in the constraints and their specific ranking for each language can readily explain the relevant examples in both languages.
This study focuses on geminate formation through three different types of assimilation in Pulaar. The geminate formation is motivated in order to avoid the unallowable medial consonant clusters, which are created by morpheme concatenation. Progressive assimilation is explained by invoking the preservation of the marked feature [-ant] over the less marked [+ant] of the coronal place feature. Regressive assimilation is accounted for by adopting the asymmetry between onset and coda position with respect to the realization of features. The bi-directional reciprocal assimilation is analyzed by using the constraints employed for two uni-directional assimilation types in the language. These three types of assimilation in Pulaar, which must be explained by different rules and their ordering in rule-based theoretical framework, can be explained by a unified constraint ranking.
This study investigates lateral dissimilation examples in English and provides a constraint-based alternative analysis of them. Unlike former analyses which have mainly focused on the examples where two laterals occur in the same syllable, the current study includes more extensive data and considers important factors required for lateral dissimilation in English. It is argued that the domain of lateral dissimilaion is within two-syllables over a morpheme boundary. The two laterals should be a single syllabic constituent each in order for the dissimilation to apply. The selection of dissimilation target is decided by ranking featural identity to a stem over an affix. So a suffix lateral is always selected to undergo a feature change. The discrepancy concerning the realization of a vowel between a stem and an affix is explained by ranking segmental faithfulness to affixes over stems, which enables an affix vowel to survive. Thus, lateral dissimilation in English shows asymmetries in faithfulness between a stem and an affix with respect to featural identity and segmental realization.
This paper reanalyzes r-dissimilation in English where one of two non-lateral liquids in a word is optionally deleted in pronunciation. The analysis in this study is framed in Harmonic Serialism, which allows derivation. The study is based on the idea that deletion of a segment occurs to a coda segment but not to an onset segment. This idea is supported by coda segment deletion examples in English. Deletion in coda is further supported by metathesis occurring in r-dissimilation examples where a post-consonantal [r] and a following unstressed vowel in /crv/ change their positions to become [cvr] and the coda [r] is deleted when the other [r] occurs in other positions in words such as a singleton onset, a coda of stressed syllable, and a word-final coda. Frequent deletion of a coda segment is discussed in positional faithfulness in which a coda in an unstressed syllable is subject to phonological processes mainly due to its unprivileged status in phonology compared to a segment occurring in a privileged position such as syllable onset. The procedural approach to r-dissimilation in English of this paper can provide a more comprehensive account than one-to-one simple input to output mapping in previous analyses.
This paper focuses on base truncation in English word formation. Deletion of base final vowel or rime occurs over a morpheme boundary formed by a morpheme concatenation. It is argued in this study that such truncation is attributed to avoid a sequence of vowels over a morpheme boundary, two contiguous syllables with identical onsets, the neutralization of a strong vowel in the ate suffix, and three or more consecutive stressless syllables in the output of word formation. Truncation of base final vowel is based on cross-linguistic tendency, which is reflected in the interaction between specific and general segmental faithfulness constraints. The deletion of base-final rime in three different sub-groups of data is implemented through Contiguity-Base, Id-Str(V), *Clash, and prosodically-related constraints such as Ft-Bin and *Lapse. The constraints and their rankings proposed in this study show effects of vowel-initial suffixes in word formation process in English. Even though structural requirements from diverse vowel-initial suffixes are incongruous, they all demand structural well-formedness in outputs and they are explained by the current analysis.
“심정의 세계는 시공을 초월한다”는 말씀이 떠오른다. 하나님의 복귀섭리 한이 서려있는 곳, 예루살렘. 4천년 전의 모세와 이스라엘, 그리고 2천년 전의 예수님과 이스라엘 민족과 이야기를 나누었던 짧은 6박7일의 시간은 너무나 값지고 귀한 은혜의 시간이었음을 고백한다. 참부모님의 한을 잊지 않는 내가 되어야 함을 자각하면서 철없고 무지몽매했던 불효자의 모습을 훌훌 털어 버리고, 천일국 창건을 위해 살아가는 모습으로 거듭 태어날 것을 조심스럽게 다짐 또 다짐을 해본다.
This study delves into spirantization in English whose examples are divided into three based on the syntactic category and composition of a base. It is argued that spirantization is triggered by an English-specific generalized constraint which prohibits the sequence of base-final alveolar stops plus non-low unstressed front suffix initial vowels. The data for the process are delimited to class 1 suffixes because the process is motivated only by specific class 1 suffixes in English. The issues we discuss are the voiceless nature of a resulting spirantization segment irrespective of voicing feature of a target segment, and a unified analysis of both transparent and opaque cases of spirantization examples. By including such issues in the analysis, the current study tries to show more extensive aspects of spirantization in English.