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      • KCI우수등재

        지지후보 우세 여부에 따른 선거 여론조사 보도의 영향력 지각 변화

        정성은(Sungeun Chung),박애진(Ae Jin Park),문신일(Shin-Il Moon) 한국언론학회 2014 한국언론학보 Vol.58 No.2

        This study examines perceived impact of media coverage of polls from the third-person effect perspective. It is hypothesized that congruence between media reports of election polls(message position) and pre-existing attitudes and the level of political knowledge are key predictors for perceived impact of polling news on self, presumed influence of polling news on others, and the other-self differential in the perceived effects of polls. To test proposed hypotheses, this study conducted a nationwide online experiment in which participants, who either preferred the ruling party’s candidate or preferred the opposing party’s candidate, were exposed to a poll news(either the ruling party’s candidate is leading or the opposite party’s candidate is leading). Main findings of the present study are as follows. First, perceived message effects on both self and others were found to be greater when the preferred(vs. non-preferred) candidate is leading in the polling result. Second, perceived message effect on others was greater when participants were exposed to the information that the candidate preferred(vs. non-preferred) by the targeted third-person is leading. Whereas participants’ level of political knowledge did not have a significant effect on perceived impact on self, information about the third-person’s level of political knowledge was found to have a negative effect on perceived effect of polls on others and the other-self differential in the perceived effects of polls. Theoretical and practical implications of findings were discussed.

      • KCI우수등재

        제삼자 지각 가설의 재구성

        정성은(Sungeun Chung),이원지(Wonji Lee) 한국언론학회 2012 한국언론학보 Vol.56 No.5

        This study proposed a model of the third-person perception focusing the effect of pre-existing attitudes, the level of knowledge about issues, and message strength. To test the model, an online-experiment was conducted (N = 394). A (strong vs. weak) persuasive messages regarding nuclear power plants was presented to those who opposed nuclear power plants and those who supported nuclear power plants. Perceived impact of messages on self and others were measured. Results showed that the third person perception was affected by congruency between message position and pre-existing attitudes of self, congruency between message position and pre-existing attitudes of other, the level of knowledge possessed by self, and the level of knowledge possessed by other. The findings supported the proposed model. Theoretical implications of findings were discussed.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI우수등재

        당파적 뉴스에 관한 제삼자 지각의 세 주요 결정 요인

        정성은(Sungeun Chung),최윤진(Yunjin Choi) 한국언론학회 2018 한국언론학보 Vol.62 No.3

        Previous studies highlighted social desirability of the message, social distance, ego-involvement, and social categorization as main determinants of the third-person perception about news. However, the variance explained by those variables was 14% of TPP at best. The present study proposed three main determinants of TPP: individual’s evaluation about message desirability, self-other perceptual gap in the level of knowledge about the issue, and self-other perceptual gap in critical information literacy. This study tested the effect of those three variables on the third-person perception about partisan news effect. The results of a nationwide online survey (N = 500) showed significant effects of those suggested three variables and the variance explained by those three variables was 19% for TPP in terms of general others and 26% for TPP in terms of conservative others. Theoretical implications about findings including the effect of self-other perceptual gap in critical information literacy were discussed.

      • KCI등재

        Setting the Record Straight

        Sungeun Chung(정성은),John D. Prats(존프랫),Donghee Shin(신동희) SBS 2013 미디어경제와 문화 Vol.11 No.4

        본 연구는 부정어를 포함한 복잡문 형식의 문장을 처리할 때, 부정어를 완전하게 처리하지 않는다는 인뉴엔도 효과 이론에 근거하여 사실이 아닌 부정적 보도가 정치인 후보 평가에 미치는 영향 그리고 그에 관한 정정보도가 정치인 후보 평가에 미치는 영향을 살펴보았다. 특히, 세 가지 다른 정정 보도문의 형식(부정 否定, 긍정적 확인, 스키마 없는 확인) 그리고 대상 정치인에 대한 초기태도가 정정보도로 인한 태도수정의 정도에 미치는 영향을 실험연구를 통해 살펴보았다(N=199).가상적 선거상황을 제시하고 특정 후보에 대한 초기태도, 부정적 보도 후의 태도, 정정보도 후의 태도를 반복적으로 측정하였다. 연구 결과, 긍정적 초기 태도를 가진 참여자의 경우 부정적 보도로 인한 부정적 태도 변화는 정정보도에 의해 완전히 회복되지 않았다. 반면 부정적 또는 중립적 초기 태도를 가지고 있던 참여자의 경우, 부정적 보도로 인한 부정적 태도 변화가 정정보도에 의해 회복되었다. 정정보도 형식에 따른 태도 변화의 차이는 발견되지 않았다. 정정보도의 효과와 관련된 이론들에 대한 함의와 실제적 함의가 논의되었다. Based on theories of innuendo effects, the effect of false scandal information about politicians and the effect of different types of corrective messages (negation vs. simple affirmation vs. schema-free affirmation) on candidate evaluation were investigated. Initial preference about the politicians was modeled as the moderating variable. An experimental study (N=199), using a hypothetical election situation, found that (a) participants with positive initial preference about a candidate did not fully correct the damaged reputation of the target; (b) participants with either negative or neutral initial preference about a candidate corrected the damaged reputation of the target. Three different types of corrective messages did not render a difference in the amount of correction by corrective messages. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings were discussed.

      • KCI등재

        제삼자 효과는 과연 존재하는가?

        정성은(Sungeun Chung) 한국언론학회 2014 커뮤니케이션 이론 Vol.10 No.2

        제삼자 효과의 행동 가설은 타인-자신 간 미디어 영향력 지각의 차이가 클수록 관련 메시지 검열에 대한 지지가 증가함을 주장한다. 이 가설을 검증하기 위해 사용된 양립 불가능한 방법들의 존재, 그리고 서로 불일치하는 연구 결과들은 행동 가설에 대한 이론적 방법론적 재검토를 요구한다. 본 연구는 첫째, 미디어 영향력 지각과 관련한 인지적 편향들을 규명하여 개인적 차원에서 발견된 타인-자신 간에 미디어 영향력 지각 차이가 인지적 편향으로 완전히 간주될 수 없음을 논증하였다. 둘째, 행동 가설에 대한 기존의 이론적 설명들을 검토하여 타인-자신 간 미디어 영향력 지각 차이와 메시지 검열에 대한 지지 간의 인과적 관계가 허위일(spuriousness relationship) 가능성이 있음을 제기하였다. 셋째, 다이아몬드 검증 모형 등 행동 가설을 검증하기 위해 기존에 사용된 세 가지 통계적 방법들이 행동 가설을 검증하기에 적합하지 않음을 수학적으로 규명하였다. 또한 본 연구는 응답자 자신에 대한 미디어 영향력 지각과 제삼자에 대한 미디어 영향력 지각을 독립변인으로 한 모형이 행동 가설을 보다 효과적으로 검증할 수 있음을 제안하였다. 미디어 영향력 지각에 대한 연구가 앞으로 밝혀야 할 과제들에 대해 논의하였다. The behavioral hypothesis of the third-person effect states that as the disparity between perceived media effect on others and perceived media effect on self increases, support for the censorship increases. However, incompatible testing methods and inconsistent findings regarding the behavioral hypothesis require systematic re-examination of the rationale and testing methods used in the previous studies. First, the present study examined Davison(1983)’s logic for perceptual bias of the other-self disparity in perceived media effect and argued that the disparity may not be an indicator of biased perception about media effect. Second, the present study analyzed the existing rationale for the behavioral hypothesis and concluded that the existing rationale does not exclude spuriousness between the other-self disparity and censorship support. Third, the present study analyzed three existing testing models including the diamond model and concluded that all three models are not appropriate to test the behavioral hypothesis. Rather a simple model using perceived effect on self and perceived effect on others as independent variables can effectively test the behavioral hypothesis for the third-person effect. Based on the analyses, directions for the study on presumed media effect are suggested.

      • KCI우수등재

        정치 팟캐스트의 제삼자 지각 영향 요인에 관한 연구

        곽정원(Jungwon Kwak),정성은(Sungeun Chung) 한국언론학회 2013 한국언론학보 Vol.57 No.1

        Potcasts are emerging as a new medium for political messages. The present study investigated perceived impact of political podcasts. In particular, this study attempted to find determinants of the third-person perception about political podcasts and tests hypotheses with a controversial political podcast, Naneun Ggomsuda. An online survey was conducted to 200 proponents of Naneun Ggomsuda and 200 opponents of Naneun Ggomsuda (N=400). The results showed that individuals with negative pre-existing attitudes toward Naneun Ggomsuda indicated a lower perceived impact of media on themselves but a greater the third-person perception than those with positive pre-existing attitudes toward Naneun Ggomsuda. Perceived impact of media on others and the third-person perception were found to be higher when the others were known to have positive pre-existing attitudes than negative pre-existing attitudes. Perceived impact of media on others and the third-person perception were also found to be higher when the others were known as nonexperts about politics than as experts about politics. Theoretical and practical implications were discussed.

      • KCI우수등재

        실명성, 직업상 조직소속 여부, 개인의 정치적 성향이 SNS공간에서 의사표현 위축행위에 미치는 영향

        변상호(Sangho Byeon),정성은(Sungeun Chung) 한국언론학회 2012 한국언론학보 Vol.56 No.4

        Following the controversy over the registration of personal identification information to access an internet site, the regulation of the SNS media is one of the most heated issues from the perspective of freedom of speech over the world including Korea. This study aims at investigating the chilling effect in communication through SNS media with regards to political, economic, and social issues. The chilling effect is a phenomenon that those who register their personal identification information and might be identified by power organizations, major companies, and social communities are more inclined to do self-censorship their own expression of thought than those who keep their anonymity. Results of a survey from 400 SNS users who were extracted from 4,545 survey-repliers show that (a) the chilling effect of the actually identified group is greater than the actually anonymous group in two issues, political and economic; (b) SNS users with an organizational membership in terms of occupation, particularly using their own real name, shows a stronger chilling behavior in all three issues than those without an organizational membership and those who use SNS anonymously; (c) SNS users’ ideological perspective was found to have a chilling effect in political issues and social issues.

      • KCI우수등재

        미디어 메시지 효과 지각의 정확성 검증

        허유진(Yu-Jin Heo),정성은(Sungeun Chung) 한국언론학회 2016 한국언론학보 Vol.60 No.2

        This study critically examined previous studies on accuracy of perceived media effect and tested accuracy by comparing perceived amount of attitude change with actual amount of attitude change by opinion poll coverages. In a nationwide online survey (N = 519), opinion poll results were manipulated and attitudes toward the issue (multinational GMO company) were measured before and after poll result exposure. Perceived amount of attitude change by poll results was also measured. When the majority opinion in the poll was incongruent with the respondents’ pre-existing attitude, first, perceived message effect on others was found to be greater than that on self(i.e., the third-person perception); second, respondents underestimated the amount attitude change of self; third, respondents overestimated the amount of attitude change of others. When the majority opinion in the poll was congruent with the respondents’ pre-existing attitude, the perceived amount of attitude change did not differ from the actual amount of attitude change for both self and others. Theoretical and practical implications were discussed.

      • KCI우수등재

        선거 여론조사 결과 보도의 실제 영향과 지각된 영향의 차이

        문정현(Junghyun Moon),정성은(Sungeun Chung) 한국언론학회 2018 한국언론학보 Vol.62 No.3

        This study examined the difference between the actual effect and the perceived effect of election poll reports on candidate evaluation. It was hypothesized that voters underestimate the effect of poll reports on the self, and overestimate the effect on others. Hypotheses were tested for those who experienced positive or those who experienced negative evaluation change toward the leading candidate, respectively. Participants were exposed to a manipulated poll result in an online survey and they indicated their candidate evaluations before and after message exposure (N = 322). First, the results showed that voters tended to report the amount of self evaluation change less than the amount of evaluation change they actually experienced. Second, voters tended to report the amount of evaluation change of other voters greater than the amount of evaluation change that other voters actually experienced. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings were discussed.

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