세계화 시기 코포라티즘 정치의 전환: 스웨덴과 네덜란드의 예를 통해 본 통치전략적 성격과 정치체제적 성격

정병기 ( Byung Kee Jung ) 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2004 韓國 政治 硏究 Vol.13 No.1

그리스 제3공화국 정당체제 -일당우위제와 불완전 양당제의 해체 및 재편-

정병기 ( Byung Kee Jung ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2015 지중해지역연구 Vol.17 No.2

The Greek political system is built as a pre-dominant party system in which the ND has ruled immediately after the democratization (1974) and re-aligned into the imperfect bipartism (two-party system). However, the two big parties began to weaken since 2007 because they continued the clientelistic politics and could not deal effectively with the global economic crisis in the 2000s. The bipartism has thus suffered a de-alignment process and was re-aligned into multipartism (multi-party system) in the 2012 parliamentary election. And it showed signs of consolidation in the 2015 parliamentary election. Although the re-alignment and consolidation are verging into a multi-party system, it is difficult to predict their particular verge, the polarized one or the two-party-centered one. The result may depend on the party-political and government-political consequence of the SYRIZA which replaced the PASOK and emerged as one of the two major political parties.

68혁명운동과 노동운동

정병기(Jung byung-kee) 경상대학교 사회과학연구원(마르크스주의 연구) 2008 마르크스주의 연구 Vol.5 No.2

정당 체제에 대한 선거 제도의 영향과 선거 연합의 차단 효과 -프랑스, 이탈리아, 스페인, 그리스-

정병기 ( Jung Byung-kee ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2017 지중해지역연구 Vol.19 No.2

This paper analyzed the influence of electoral systems on party systems and the effect of electoral coalition on it. The comparable countries are the France with an absolute majority representation, the Italy with a mix system on the basis of simple majority representatives (1993-2005), the Greece with a proportional representation on the basis of proportional representation and the Spain with a proportional representation. The types of party system were redefined with the number of parliamentary seats, and the analysis focused on the decrease tendency of parliamentary political forces (political parties and party coalitions) by electoral coalition. Proportionality is commonly known to promote bipartism. As a result of the analysis, on the contrary, the tendency of multipartism is strong in France and Italy, and the tendency of bipartism is strong in Greece and Spain. This was caused by electoral coalition that blocked the influence of the electoral system on party system.

논문 : 프랑스 코포라티즘 -동시적 교환과 제한된 일반적 교환의 사회협약 정치-

정병기 ( Byung Kee Jung ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2014 지중해지역연구 Vol.16 No.3

The features of the French industrial relations, i.e., the weakness of trade union and employer organization, the fragmentation of trade union, the mutual hostility and lack of trust for the government of French workers’ and employers’ organization, are the reasons for its mildness and not for the absence of corporatism. On the one hand, French trade unions refused class reconciliation. On the other hand, they changed into reformist within the capitalist system and formed a conflictual partnership with employer organizations. French workers’ and employers’ organizations claim political independence and distrust the government but do not totally reject political concertation. For these reasons, French corporatism appears as a limited general exchange institutionally through the Economic Social Committee and as a simultaneous exchange through the Social Summit and the inspired tripartite consultation non-institutionally. Therefore, French corporatism can be defined as a political exchange by simultaneous and limited general exchange.

포스트포퓰리스트 정당 포데모스(PODEMOS): 대중 카리스마를 가진 다원주의적 대의 정치 정당

정병기(Byungkee Jung) 한국유럽학회 2022 유럽연구 Vol.40 No.2

이 글은 ‘사회를 인민과 엘리트의 적대 구도로 파악한다’는 사회관과 ‘정치는 엘리트에 대항해 인민을 가능한 한 직접적으로 대변해야 한다’는 정치관으로 포퓰리즘 개념을 파악하며, 그 변하는 속성에 따라 역사적 유형을 구분하고 포데모스를 분석했다. 사회관과 정치관이 이 정의에 부합한다는 점에서 포데모스는 포퓰리스트 정당이며, 좌파 성격을 띠지만 사회를 계급 구도로 보지는 않는다는 점에서 포퓰리스트 좌파가 아니라 좌파 포퓰리스트다. 또한 대의 정치를 수용하고 인민을 다양한 사회 문제에서 소외된 개인들의 다원적 공동체로 파악한다는 점에서 포스트포퓰리스트다. 포데모스는 인민과 엘리트의 대립 구도라는 사회관을 유럽과 세계로 확대하고 개인주의적 다원주의 인민관을 수용함으로써 포퓰리즘이 반유럽적, 제노포비아적, 배타적, 다수자 중심적 집단주의라는 인식을 바꿨다. 반면 대중 카리스마적 피라미드 조직의 경직성을 벗어나는 데에는 한계가 있어 ‘대의 정치의 공동 정치화’ 구상이 실현되는 것은 시기상조로 보인다. This article defined populism with the view of society and politics: the view of society that society is the antagonistic structure between the people and the elite and the view of politics that politics must represent the people as directly as possible against the elite. According to this definition of populism and the changes of its properties, I classified the historical types of populism and analyzed the Podemos. The Podemos is a populist party in the sense that it meets the requirements of the view of society and politics, and it is not a populist left but a leftist populist in that it does not view society as a class structure. And it is also a post-populist in that it accepts representative politics and views the people as a pluralist community of individuals who are marginalized from various social problems. By expanding the populist view of society to Europe and the world and through the individualistic pluralist view of the people, the Podemos changed the perception that populism was anti-European, xenophobic, exclusive, and majority-centered collectivist. On the other hand, there is a limit to escaping from the rigidity of the mass charismatic pyramid scheme, so it seems premature to realize the idea of ‘the commoning of representative politics’.

민주노총의 노동자 정치세력화 활동 및 평가: 노동조합 및 정치세력화에 대한 인식과 민주노동당과의 관계를 중심으로

정병기 ( Byung Kee Jung ) 한국산업노동학회 2016 산업노동연구 Vol.22 No.1

민주노총은 노동자가 자본주의 극복과 역사 발전의 주체라는 대자적 계급의식에서 출발했으며, 이를 토대로 일반 노조주의와 사회주의 및 정치적 노조주의를 지향해 왔다. 그러나 세부 실천 목표와 과제들이 자본주의 질서를 벗어나지 않는 정치적 민주주의와 사회경제적 민주주의를 추구함으로써 기본 의식 및 지향점들과 모순을 보였다. 민주노총의 노동자 정치세력화는 이러한 모순된 인식에서 출발해 의회주의 정당세력화로 한정됨으로써 성공적 의회 진출에도 불구하고 궁극적으로 실패했다. 그럼에도 민주노총 안팎의 노동자 정치세력화 평가들은 여전히 의회주의 정당세력화에 대한 미련을 버리지 못하거나 자본주의 정치질서에서 구조적으로 존재하는 정당세력화의 한계를 지적하지 못했다. 의회주의 정당세력화는 정치세력화의 충분조건의 하나로서 적절히 배치되어, 다양한 정치·사회·경제·문화적 노동정치들을 통해 뒷받침되어야 노동자 이해관계 대변의 목적에 부합할 수 있다. The KCTU considers the workers as the subject of sublation of capitalism and historical development based on the class consciousness fur sich and has pursued general unionism, socialism and political unionism. However, its action programs and basic projects have been contradictory to the consciousness and principles because they have contained only the political and social-economic democratic demands. Therefore, the political empowerment of working class of the KCTU was limited in parliamentarism and failed ultimately. Nevertheless, the KCTU can not banish the lingering affection for the political empowerment as a parliamentary party, and the various evaluations of it outside the KCTU can not point out the limitations of the parliamentarism in the capitalist political order. The political empowerment as a parliamentary party can answer the purpose of representing workers interests only if it is appropriately placed as a sufficient condition of the political empowerment of working class and is supported by various political, social, economic and cultural labor politics.

유럽 통합 과정에서 나타난 유럽 표준화 정책의 성격과 의미: 세계화 대응과 공동규제성

정병기 ( Byung Kee Jung ) 한국EU학회 2013 EU학연구 Vol.18 No.2

The European standardization policy has developed from the Old Approach through the New Approach to the Global Approach. The Old Approach paved the way for re-promoting the economic integration stagnated until the mid-1980s, the New Approach promoted the economic integration immediately with the goal of a single market, and the Global Approach strengthened the European influence at the global level with the European single market. Especially the European standardization policy since the adoption of the New Approach has the co-regulative character not only with the meta-regulation from the EC or EU institutions but also the self-regulation from the European standardization organizations as private sector. This policy has functioned as a major means for the European integration as a block globalization that the Europe responds, on the one hand, to the globalization at the world level by strengthening regional integration at the European level, and intends, on the other hand, to gradually lead the globalization at the global level thereby.

오성운동(M5S)의 직접 의회주의와 사이버크래틱 집중주의: 포스트포퓰리스트 정치 운동의 성공과 한계

정병기 ( Byungkee Jung ) 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2020 韓國 政治 硏究 Vol.29 No.2

이 글은 이탈리아 오성운동의 특징을 최소 정의에 따른 포퓰리즘의 속성과 포스트포퓰리즘의 성격을 통해 밝혔다. 이 글에서 포퓰리즘은 인민과 엘리트의 적대 구도라는 사회관과 인민 의사의 최대한 직접 반영이라는 정치관을 핵심 속성으로 하는 이념이며, 포스트포퓰리즘은 구포퓰리즘과 달리 대의 정치를 수용할 뿐 아니라 신포퓰리즘과도 달리 개인주의를 수용하는 새로운 포퓰리즘이다. 오성운동은 이탈리아 사회를 엘리트(카스트)와 인민(보통 사람들)의 적대 구도로 보고 인터넷 민주주의를 통해 인민을 직접 대변하려 한다는 점에서 포퓰리즘의 최소 정의에 충실하다. 또한 당원과 인민들의 다원성과 개별성을 인정하며 인민의 의사를 웹 기반 직접 의회주의를 통해 실현하려 한다는 점에서 포스트포퓰리즘에 근접했다. 그러나 카리스마적 지도자와 그에 기반한 사이버크래틱 집중주의에 의존한다는 한계를 가졌다. This paper analyzed the characteristics of the Italian Five Star Movement (M5S) with a minimalist definition of populism and attributes of post-populism. In this article, populism is defined as the idea that sees society as a confrontation between two opposing camps, the people and the elite, and that the politics should reflect people’s opinions as directly as possible, and post-populism as a new populism that accepts not only the representative politics (unlike paleo-populism) but also individualism (unlike neo-populism). The M5S meets the requirements of minimalist definition in that it views the Italian society as the antagonism between the people and the elite, i.e. the ordinary people and the caste, and tries to directly represent the people through Internet democracy. It is also (close to) a post-populist in that it recognizes the plurality and individuality of the party members and the people and tries to realize their will through web-based direct parliamentarianism. However, it has limitations in that it relies on charismatic leadership and cybercratic centralism.

이탈리아 정당체제의 변화 : 제2공화국 경쟁적 양당제로의 재편

정병기 ( Byung Kee Jung ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2011 지중해지역연구 Vol.13 No.1

The italian party system of ``First Republic`` was established as the incomplete bipartism in 1970s through the polarized pluralism of 1960s by the effects of proportional electoral system with a preferential voting as institutional factor and by exclusion and coexistence of the Communist Party as actoral factor under conditions of the Cold War and the strong Catholic. However it began to be dealigned through weakening and desolution of the both political subcultures and strengthening of the disgust to politics and political parties since the late 1970s and was finally dealigned through the change of election system in 1993. Then the party system of the italian ``Second Republic`` has been transformed in competitive bipartism by the critical electoral realignment through majority electoral system in 1994 and by secular dealignment through the establishment of new political subcultures, center-left and center-right. Under the competitive bipartism the government can be replaced and a single party or an electoral alliance can form a stable majority in parliament. And it is prospected that the consolidation process of this bipartism began just before and after 2008 election, because the two great single parties were established.