현대시조에 나타난 대중의 성격

정병기(Jung, Byung-Kee) 한국시조학회 2021 시조학논총 Vol.55 No.-

이 글은 고요아침 출판사가 발간한 <현대시조 100인선>과 <우리시대 현대시조선 150>을 대상으로 시조 속에 표현된 대중의 성격을 분석해 다음과 같은 특징을 도출했다. 첫째, 시조의 형태는 평시조가 대부분을 차지하며 특히 3수 연시조가 절반을 넘어 정격 시조를 유지하는 경향이 있다. 둘째, 계급/계층에 대한 관심이 가장 높아 정치경제적 배경이 가장 중요한 영향을 미친다. 셋째, 주로 비극적 현실에서 벗어나지 못하거나 희생되는 모습이 사실주의적 기법으로 묘사된다. 넷째, 민중과 시민은 저항과 연대가 강하게 나타나는 대자적 대중의 모습을 보인다. 다섯째, 다중은 개인과 집단의 중간 지대인, 개별자들의 연결망이 아니라 탈시민적·탈계급적 성격에 더 머물러 있다. 여섯째, 맹목적이거나 무분별한 군중의 모습을 묘사한 경우는 극히 적어 긍정적 대중관을 엿볼 수 있다. This article examines the characteristics of masses expressed in the modern sijos of the Goyoachim Series of Young Sijo Poets (2016–2017) and the GoyoachimSeries of Selected Modern Sijos (2019). First, for the form of sijo, they tend to maintain the rated sijo as pyeongsijo occupies most of the works, and in particular, over half were yeonsijo of three mono-sijos. Second, the interest in class/stratification is the highest, which indicates that the political and economic background is the most influential. Third, they are mainly depicted realistically as unable to escape tragic reality or being sacrificed. Fourth, in contrast to the characteristics of the entire sijo related to the mass, the people and the citizens appear as a für-sich mass with strong resistance and solidarity. Fifth, the multitude is more of a post-citizen and post-class character and not a network of individuals as a middle ground between individuals and groups. Sixth, there are very few cases depicting blind or indiscriminate crowds, which provides a glimpse of a positive perspective of the mass.

세계화 시기 코포라티즘 정치의 전환: 스웨덴과 네덜란드의 예를 통해 본 통치전략적 성격과 정치체제적 성격

정병기 ( Byung Kee Jung ) 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2004 韓國 政治 硏究 Vol.13 No.1

논문 : 프랑스 코포라티즘 -동시적 교환과 제한된 일반적 교환의 사회협약 정치-

정병기 ( Byung Kee Jung ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2014 지중해지역연구 Vol.16 No.3

The features of the French industrial relations, i.e., the weakness of trade union and employer organization, the fragmentation of trade union, the mutual hostility and lack of trust for the government of French workers’ and employers’ organization, are the reasons for its mildness and not for the absence of corporatism. On the one hand, French trade unions refused class reconciliation. On the other hand, they changed into reformist within the capitalist system and formed a conflictual partnership with employer organizations. French workers’ and employers’ organizations claim political independence and distrust the government but do not totally reject political concertation. For these reasons, French corporatism appears as a limited general exchange institutionally through the Economic Social Committee and as a simultaneous exchange through the Social Summit and the inspired tripartite consultation non-institutionally. Therefore, French corporatism can be defined as a political exchange by simultaneous and limited general exchange.

정당 체제에 대한 선거 제도의 영향과 선거 연합의 차단 효과 -프랑스, 이탈리아, 스페인, 그리스-

정병기 ( Jung Byung-kee ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2017 지중해지역연구 Vol.19 No.2

This paper analyzed the influence of electoral systems on party systems and the effect of electoral coalition on it. The comparable countries are the France with an absolute majority representation, the Italy with a mix system on the basis of simple majority representatives (1993-2005), the Greece with a proportional representation on the basis of proportional representation and the Spain with a proportional representation. The types of party system were redefined with the number of parliamentary seats, and the analysis focused on the decrease tendency of parliamentary political forces (political parties and party coalitions) by electoral coalition. Proportionality is commonly known to promote bipartism. As a result of the analysis, on the contrary, the tendency of multipartism is strong in France and Italy, and the tendency of bipartism is strong in Greece and Spain. This was caused by electoral coalition that blocked the influence of the electoral system on party system.

그리스 제3공화국 정당체제 -일당우위제와 불완전 양당제의 해체 및 재편-

정병기 ( Byung Kee Jung ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2015 지중해지역연구 Vol.17 No.2

The Greek political system is built as a pre-dominant party system in which the ND has ruled immediately after the democratization (1974) and re-aligned into the imperfect bipartism (two-party system). However, the two big parties began to weaken since 2007 because they continued the clientelistic politics and could not deal effectively with the global economic crisis in the 2000s. The bipartism has thus suffered a de-alignment process and was re-aligned into multipartism (multi-party system) in the 2012 parliamentary election. And it showed signs of consolidation in the 2015 parliamentary election. Although the re-alignment and consolidation are verging into a multi-party system, it is difficult to predict their particular verge, the polarized one or the two-party-centered one. The result may depend on the party-political and government-political consequence of the SYRIZA which replaced the PASOK and emerged as one of the two major political parties.

노동조합운동과 진보정당 -민주화 이후 민주화 시기 노동운동의 역할-

정병기 ( Byung Kee Jung ) 민주화운동기념사업회 2007 기억과 전망 Vol.17 No.-

The premise of this article is that the democratization of June 1987 should be defined as a political democratization only beyond the confines of workplace and the democratization was not expanded into the workplace until the Great Struggle of Worker in July-September 1987. Moreover considering the content and purpose of `democratization after democratization` as establishment of socioeconomic, producer`s and lifestyle`s Democracy and regarding the working class as the historic subject of the democratization in this article I have inquired into the role and perspective of labor movement in democratization. The political democracy has been consoldated and socioeconomic democratization has been attempted in the decade of so-called the `System 1987` after the democratization of 1987. But by even aggressiver Neoliberalism in the period of IMF also the socioeconomic democratization became more difficult and the establishment of producer`s and lifestyle`s democracy has been worse off. Nevertheless both the wheels of labor movement, KCTU and KDLP, have contributed more than a little to the consolidation of political democracy and continued to form a relevant relation of each other and to struggle to a certain degree for the purpose of socioeconomic democratization. But practically by setting the final aim on the socioeconomic democracy they make their subjectivity of development of complete democracy blurred. In conclusion, labor movement of Southkorea should establish clear subjektivity of historic development toward complete democracy and define socioeconomic democracy as a condition or step to conform producer`s and lifestyle`s democracy.

이탈리아 정당체제의 변화 : 제2공화국 경쟁적 양당제로의 재편

정병기 ( Byung Kee Jung ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2011 지중해지역연구 Vol.13 No.1

The italian party system of ``First Republic`` was established as the incomplete bipartism in 1970s through the polarized pluralism of 1960s by the effects of proportional electoral system with a preferential voting as institutional factor and by exclusion and coexistence of the Communist Party as actoral factor under conditions of the Cold War and the strong Catholic. However it began to be dealigned through weakening and desolution of the both political subcultures and strengthening of the disgust to politics and political parties since the late 1970s and was finally dealigned through the change of election system in 1993. Then the party system of the italian ``Second Republic`` has been transformed in competitive bipartism by the critical electoral realignment through majority electoral system in 1994 and by secular dealignment through the establishment of new political subcultures, center-left and center-right. Under the competitive bipartism the government can be replaced and a single party or an electoral alliance can form a stable majority in parliament. And it is prospected that the consolidation process of this bipartism began just before and after 2008 election, because the two great single parties were established.

민주노총의 노동자 정치세력화 활동 및 평가: 노동조합 및 정치세력화에 대한 인식과 민주노동당과의 관계를 중심으로

정병기 ( Byung Kee Jung ) 한국산업노동학회 2016 산업노동연구 Vol.22 No.1

민주노총은 노동자가 자본주의 극복과 역사 발전의 주체라는 대자적 계급의식에서 출발했으며, 이를 토대로 일반 노조주의와 사회주의 및 정치적 노조주의를 지향해 왔다. 그러나 세부 실천 목표와 과제들이 자본주의 질서를 벗어나지 않는 정치적 민주주의와 사회경제적 민주주의를 추구함으로써 기본 의식 및 지향점들과 모순을 보였다. 민주노총의 노동자 정치세력화는 이러한 모순된 인식에서 출발해 의회주의 정당세력화로 한정됨으로써 성공적 의회 진출에도 불구하고 궁극적으로 실패했다. 그럼에도 민주노총 안팎의 노동자 정치세력화 평가들은 여전히 의회주의 정당세력화에 대한 미련을 버리지 못하거나 자본주의 정치질서에서 구조적으로 존재하는 정당세력화의 한계를 지적하지 못했다. 의회주의 정당세력화는 정치세력화의 충분조건의 하나로서 적절히 배치되어, 다양한 정치·사회·경제·문화적 노동정치들을 통해 뒷받침되어야 노동자 이해관계 대변의 목적에 부합할 수 있다. The KCTU considers the workers as the subject of sublation of capitalism and historical development based on the class consciousness fur sich and has pursued general unionism, socialism and political unionism. However, its action programs and basic projects have been contradictory to the consciousness and principles because they have contained only the political and social-economic democratic demands. Therefore, the political empowerment of working class of the KCTU was limited in parliamentarism and failed ultimately. Nevertheless, the KCTU can not banish the lingering affection for the political empowerment as a parliamentary party, and the various evaluations of it outside the KCTU can not point out the limitations of the parliamentarism in the capitalist political order. The political empowerment as a parliamentary party can answer the purpose of representing workers interests only if it is appropriately placed as a sufficient condition of the political empowerment of working class and is supported by various political, social, economic and cultural labor politics.

정당정치와 진보정당의 과제: 이념구도 변화에 따른 한국 진보정당의 전망

정병기 ( Byung Kee Jung ) 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2009 한국과 국제정치 Vol.25 No.1

산업표준 보유 및 표준화 활동 추이로 본 한국 산업표준 정책의 특징과 변화

정병기 ( Byung Kee Jung ),김찬우 ( Chan Woo Kim ) 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2013 한국과 국제정치 Vol.29 No.3

우리나라 산업표준 정책은 박정희 정부의 개발주의 정책에 따른 공업화 전략의 수단으로 도입되어, 정부가 표준을 제정해 민간에게 준강제적으로 수용하게 하는 국가 주도성을 강하게 띠었다. 그에 따라 국가 주도로 국가표준제도가 확립되고 공업 규격의 급격한 팽창으로부터 성공적인 국제표준화로 발전해왔다. 그러나 점차 민간단체의 표준화 활동이 강화되고 적극적인 민간 이양 정책을 통해 국가주도성은 약화되었다. 이러한 과정은 표준의 도입, 확대, 정체, 재성장, 재확대라는 시기를 통해 점진적으로 이루어지다가 최근 조정기에 가속화되었다. 그러나 낮은 위상이지만 국가기관으로 기능하는 표준화 기구의 성격으로 인해 국가 주도성은 온전히 극복되지 못했으며, 조정 역할의 제약이라는 한계도 충분히 극복되지 못했다. The industrial standardization policy of South Korea was introduced as a means of industrialization strategy based on the developmentalist policy of the Park Chung-hee government. Therefore it was characterized as a stateleadership that the government sets standards and makes the civilians comply with them quasi-mandatorily. Accordingly, the national standardization system was established by government and has developed through the rapid expansion of industrial standards to a successful international standardization. However, the state-leadership was weakened through the strengthening of the standardization activities of civic organizations and an aggressive handover of them to civilians. This weakening has accelerated in the recent adjustment period over the gradual process from the period of introduction through the one of expansion, retention, and re-growth to the one of re-expansion. Nonetheless, the stateleadership and the limitation of coordination role of standardization bodies were not entirely overcome due to the nature of them as a state apparatus, albeit with low status.