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전형권(Jeon, Hyeung-kwon) 고조선단군학회 2012 고조선단군학 Vol.26 No.-
This paper aims to analysis the status and problem of overseas Korean future generation’s organizations and their networks, therefore, to suggest policy implications to Korean government. Based on case studies on 24 Korean young venerations organizations, the author examines the operation mechanism and features of Korean future generations’ networks by classifying the networking models into motherland friendly networking model, Korean local based model, local community oriented model including other ethnic groups, and global networking model. From these case studies, we can note that most of the networks of Korean future generations show still weak ties with motherland or global communities while their links to local communities are relatively strong. Futhermore, the largely cases of networks in global or motherland levels are resulted from ‘p-down’ manner of government initiative-networking projects, such as “Future Leaders Conference.” It is worthy of note that, however, the networks in young Korean business and trade man are gradually developing world wide on their own initiatives. There are several obstacles that disturb the development of voluntary networking of young generations; low participations to Korean future generation’s organizations, lack of interests in Korean communities, lack of democratic leadership, and financial shorts. In this context, this paper claims following considerations in policy making of Korean government. First, Korean government have to provide young generations with various participation motivations including incentives. Second, the government should build online information hub network for future generations. Third, Korea has to strengthen the partnership with Korean communities in world to support young generations for successful entering into their mainstream.
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전형권 ( Jeon Hyeong Gwon ) 중국사학회 2004 中國史硏究 Vol.28 No.-
湖南省汝城縣由于受淸末光緖新政期開始的敎育政策的影嚮, 持續推進了新式學校的創辦. 從民國初期元年到民國六年(1917)有突出的一面, 但其后載至1930年(調査對象)可以看到學校數量和學生人數穩定增長的現象. 在政治混亂和軍閥戰爭對立的狀況下. 敎育的普及和敎育機會的擴大不斷地持續着. 這種敎育的普及和敎育机構的擴大, 沒有敎育經費的保障是不可能的. 國家的敎育財政在混亂之中也能??得以保障, 是因爲淸代以來各種學田和書院田等敎育財産在政治激變期間幷沒有消失而作爲敎育財産被徹底管理, 所以在政局不安, 物價不穩中也能??維持敎育的擴大. 然后, 1920年??起的湖南省敎育經費獨立運動的推進和成功, 成立了敎育經費保管委員會, 經過了省里的批准, 在一定程度上保障了敎育經費的獨立性. 不僅在省里, 而且縣級地方財政也除了軍費以外純粹的地方財政中敎育費的豫算是最優先的. 從汝城縣看, 地方經費的15%作爲縣敎育費來支出, 如包括各種的初級小學經費的話, 接近30%的水平. 財源的性質也從以前的農業稅爲主轉換成商業稅爲主. 然后, 沒有直接得到縣補助的各區初級小學的廣泛存在和能??有彌補經費是和這個區域的經濟增長幷不是無關的. 學校數量最多的南一區有七個市場是經濟最發達的區域. 縣城和包括郊區的中區是高級小學以上學校集中, 也是縣立初級中學所在的地方. 學生就學率高, 學校多的東一區和西一區也是商業和市場比較的地方. 淸末民國時期這區域市場的消失和發展. 人口的增加等意味着帝國主義侵略之下所謂半殖民地半封建社會中也民衆的經濟有新增長. 在前面汝城從同治時期到民國時期70年間的物价調査中比較了工人的實際工資, 農民的購買价和 鎖价, 從而曾指明民衆的生活在向上. 一部分窮學生由于交不起學費中途退學的情況也有, 但用錢和米支付學費也普遍化. 但學生人數的增加可以理解爲民間經濟的增長. 書院田, 學田一直到1930年是學校所有的土地, 用出租的收入充當學敎育經費來看, 公認爲是以傳統爲基礎的現代化模式. 新政初期敎育改革的推進中, 書院和書堂等被當作給新式學校提供建筑物和人力資源的基礎的事實已被指出. 代的“三元結構論”也値得傾聽. 湖南省汝城縣在淸末民國時期是經濟增長, 人民生活水平堤高, 敎育普及和敎育機構會擴大的時期, ??難從“半殖民地半封建社論”中所描寫的破産的農村來理解農村.
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전형권(Jeon Hyung-Kwon) 한국정치정보학회 2006 정치정보연구 Vol.9 No.1
이 논문은 중국의 환경세력에 대한 연구로서 점차 부상하고 있는 민간 부문 환경단체와 정부 환경 당국의 역할 및 그들 간의 파트너십 형성에 관한 사례를 분석한다. 이를 통해 중국에서 환경운동이 일정한 성공을 거둔 배경과 정치적 함의를 밝히고자 한다. 여기서는 민간과 정부 환경 당국이 힘을 결집하여 대형 국책사업을 중단시킨 두 가지 사례를 중심으로 연구를 진행한다. 중국 최초 민간 환경세력의 승리로 기록되는 ‘노강 보위전’과 정부 환경 당국의 승리로 기록되는 ‘환보 폭풍’은 그동안 열세에 놓였던 환경세력이 새롭게 부상함을 보여 주는 의미 있는 사례이다. 뿐만 아니라 이는 그동안 정부의 수동적 동원 대상이었던 민간세력이 수평적인 협력 대상자로 부상함으로써 향후 대항적인 환경동맹의 초보적인 모습을 보여주었다는 점에서 의미가 크다. 이러한 환경동맹은 쟁점 영역에서도 과거 환경교육과 캠페인 등 공중을 상대로 하던 방식에서 벗어나 댐 건설 등 대형 국책사업에 대한 반대 등 점차 수위를 높이고 있다. 이는 실질적으로 환경세력이 민감한 사회ㆍ경제 문제에 깊이 개입하는 것이고, 지방정부 등 관련 행위자 사이의 이해관계를 조정한다는 의미에서 정치적 함의가 크다. 중국의 환경 NGO들이 당장 조직화된 정치세력으로서 정부를 감시하는 단계에 이르기는 어렵겠지만, 이들에 의한 반복적인 환경분쟁의 증가와 이슈의 일상화는 중국인들로 하여금 환경 문제에 대한 정치적 이해를 높이는 계기로 작용할 수 있다. This study aims to examine the roles of environmental forces and the emerging factors of the civil-governmental partnership in China. It focuses on the breakoff cases of the large sized national projects, such as the 'Nujiang Dam Project', caused by China's environmental forces. The 'Anti-Nujiang Dam’ movement, recorded the first winning of civil environmental forces in China, is a good example in that it shows a new model of environmental partnership between governmental authority and civil society which has been forcibly mobilized from government. It could be regarded as a rudimentary development of countermovement for environmental protection. In environmental issues, Chinese environmental forces, contrary to the past way mainly engaging in mass campaigns or educational activities for environmental protection, are directly opposing to large sized national development projects such as dam constructions. This means that Chinese environmental groups are deeply involved in social and economic issues. Thus the Beijing should coordinate the interests among related agencies such as regional governments and the populations. It is true that, unlike the past, Chinese civil organizations have been rapidly developed seeking new roles. However we should notice China's domestic political context on which the organizations work. In this context, despite some successful cases in environmental movement like the 'Anti-Nujiang Dam Movement', many constraints to its further development still remain.
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전형권(Hyung Kwon Jeon) 한국정책분석평가학회 2008 政策分析評價學會報 Vol.18 No.4
This paper examines how the Korean’s policy agendas on the overseas Korean to be constructed and what are the main factors that determine the quality of government policy and its performance in critical view. And it will provide some possible alternatives to Korean government for enhancing economic and cultural cooperation and exchange. For this purpose, the author analyzes the process of national agenda setting, policy building and operation system and the performance of networks focusing on the economy, education, and culture.We can evaluate the government’s policy on diaspora network by three dimension. Firstly, it seems to be adequate that the government intervenes in building diaspora network at present, however, the national policy agenda and an all-out plan still lacks and shows unsystematic. Secondly, the government policy has not fully reflected the needs of diaspora society and the plans and programs of related ministries have been overlapped in various fields because of the lack of independent and mediatoral authority, in result, the operation system in government is inefficient. Thirdly, even the networks in various fields has rapidly emerged, they do not be made use of in the right place due to many obstacles.Based on these analysis, I would present some better policy measures to government in building, supporting, and using global Korean networks as followings. First, the policy system needs to be rearranged. Second, the budget system of the Overseas Korean Found need to be unified and the authority should be reorganized in order to accelerate its own business. Third, Korean government should set up a national long term-policy agenda and develop annual action policy measures for economic and cultural cooperation between homeland and overseas Korean communities. Fourth, we need to make a national consensus on the policy philosophy and legal the task of building network in the first place, however, the private sections including overseas Korean society should play a reading role when their condition mature.
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