아비뇽축제 기행: 공연예술의 르네상스

전광호 한국프랑스문화학회 2004 한국프랑스문화학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.2004 No.1

China’s Maritime Transformation:Naval Superpower in the 21st Century?

전광호 한국동북아학회 2014 한국동북아논총 Vol.19 No.1

Maritime military capabilities exist to protect the interest of seafaring nations across the world. Today China leads the world in economic growth, and that growth is both enabled by the export trades of goods at sea as well as by the access to raw materials and energy. This paper will address the issue of China’s slow natured approach to developing sufficient defensive capabilities for its maritime interests. It will explore the current strategy of PLAN and the areas in which it is choosing to invest and those in which it is choosing forego. It will also assess the newfound capacity of China’s ship building industry to supply maritime defence capabilities to identify whether this could be a trigger that allows a rapid capability expansion. Some consideration will be made for historical approaches by both China and by other states rising to power, so as to identify trends in present‐day strategies, however the focus of the paper remains in regards to current investments and capabilities. This paper will form an assessment of China’s timing‐conscious approach to expanding is control in the maritime domain. It will identify that while China has both motivators and capability that enable it to assert itself in the short‐term it has enacted a calculated restraint in its expansion. The difficulty of expanding into seas in which rivals will try to deny ability, is highlighted as being problematic for China and the diversity in its approach with considerations for ‘killer maces’ (capabilities that can strike decisively) are ways in which it will try to offset this balance as it grows its force. Its ambition is identified as being real and it is highlighted that China’s cautious approach should not be mistaken for weakness. The interests that PLAN exists to defend are and will remain a central part of China’s growth, stability and security and will continue grow demanding an increasingly capable defensive strategy.

European Parliament and its Position in the Context of the Constitutional Debate

전광호 한국유럽학회 2007 유럽연구 Vol.25 No.1

Conflict Prevention and Regional Organisations The Role of the African Union in Burundi Crisis

전광호 경희대학교 인류사회재건연구원 2008 OUGHTOPIA Vol.23 No.2

The aim of this study is to explore what is the ability of the African Union in conflict prevention. In order to have a better comprehension of the abilities of the African Union (AU) in conflict prevention, we will need to critically examine how its predecessor, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), have created the environment for emergence of regionalism in the areas of peace and security. And then the study will focus on the specific case of Burundi. Following analysis of both African regional organisations capacities in conflict prevention, objective will be to examine the peace support mission of each of the organisation, as they both intervened in Burundi, in order to assess the role and effectiveness of their intervention. In analysis of the African peace support interventions in Burundi, the African Union mission has, compared to the OAU observer mission illustrated a great progress in its conflict prevention capacities, but yet significant improvements must still be made. Burundi remains a small country and it is about the management of a domestic conflict. If even in this case resources are limited, how could the African Union be efficient in more important conflicts? It is also important to note that beside regional efforts in conflict resolution in Burundi, governmental and nongovernmental bilateral and domestic initiatives were as well significant contributions to the peace process. Throughout this study, it has been shown that the future trend of conflict management and peacekeeping in Africa is the sharing of responsibility between the AU, subregional organisations, and the United Nations. It is clear that avoiding armed conflicts is essential because most of the time the victims of it are the population, but almost nothing will change if the root causes are not being addressed.

The UN Enforcement of Chapter VII and the UN Security Council

전광호 대한정치학회 2011 大韓政治學會報 Vol.19 No.1

The Security Council has been criticized for failing to suppress acts of aggression. Some argue that this is due to the lack of the permanent UN force in Chapter VII of the UN Charter. How have these Articles, designed to give the Council authority and power fallen into abeyance? The paper examines whether, or not, the enforcement Articles of Chapter VII of the UN Charter and the Security Council, are fit for their current role. Through secondary sources the paper examines: The UN and it’s Charter; Chapter VII of the Charter; The Military Staff Committee, and; The Security Council. The paper concludes that: The Security Council’s role falls short of that originally anticipated; Original enforcement plans were for standby arrangements only; UN members now choose to ignore their standby force commitments, under Article 43, and the Uniting for Peace resolution; The Security Council is perceived as being dominated by the US; The Council requires reform to make it more representative of UN membership and more accountable; The Charter is a treaty and it is technically illegal for UN members and the Security Council to exercise their powers outside the Charter; If global civil society now demands that the Security Council conducts Preventive diplomacy, Peace-building, Peace-making, Peace-keeping and Peace-enforcement, then the UN Charter requires amendment.

The Future of Common Security and Defence Policy in Europe

전광호 한국EU학회 2010 EU학연구 Vol.15 No.2

There is considerable debate regarding progress made thus far on the European Security Strategy and the Common Security and Defence Policy and significantly, whether a strategic culture is emerging within the European security domain. This paper considers this latter question in depth, looking firstly at what a strategic culture actually is and why it is important. It then attempts to measure whether convergence towards a strategic culture is happening in Europe via analysis against 5 norms and whether this links to Europe’s desire to become a global security actor. It then considers both to what extent Europe is already such an actor and what it can do in the future to develop its position further. It concludes that whilst an approximation of a strategic culture is emerging as there is currently goodwill amongst the principal participating nations, there remains considerable work to do to consolidate it and drive the EU forward in a focussed manner towards a more defined and significant world role.

‘A War’ and ‘The War’: Conceptualizing Modern US Security Cooperation

전광호 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2019 평화학연구 Vol.20 No.2

The National Security Strategy of the United States of America emphasizes a doctrine of pre-emption that upon closer inspection resembles one of prevention. Among the global community, substantial controversy surrounds the principles of this policy and the recently employed methods to achieve its imperatives. A preventive yet less contested approach to achieving America’s national security objectives is security cooperation. Security cooperation allows the United States to protect her interests while simultaneously expanding her influence and legitimacy within the international political system. This study examines the emergence of the U.S. security cooperation construct in the post 9/11 era through an analysis of relevant historical context and current initiatives. It further considers the value of increasingly multilateral and regionally focused security operations to prepare America for future conflicts. This analysis of historical lessons, contemporary issues, and scholarly recommendations concludes that an expansion of the current U.S. security cooperation framework should continue in order to maximize America’s opportunities for global stability and prosperity.

RUSSIA’S ENDURING SECURITY INTERESTS AND THEIR FUTURE BEHAVIOR

전광호 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2011 평화학연구 Vol.12 No.2

This paper examines Russia’s enduring interests, their influence on the formulation of contemporary Russian policy and their use in indicating Russia’s likely future behaviour. Using information presented in academic and government literature, this paper concludes that Russia has many important interests which have remained consistent for several centuries despite the political storms that have assailed the country during that time. It further concludes that, despite high expectations in the West that Russia would transition to a full liberal democracy in the post-Cold War period, Russians themselves seem to prefer authoritarian rule and, therefore, the West should neither expect a full transition to a liberal democracy nor cajole Russia into becoming one

Cyber Security and the Military’s Role: The UK and Its Response

전광호 국방대학교 국가안전보장문제연구소 2013 The Korean Journal of Security Affairs Vol.18 No.1

The issue of cyber security has become an ever more important aspect of national security. In the 2010 United Kingdom (UK) National Security Strategy, it is now a Tier One threat and the 2011 UK Cyber Security Strategy has been created to address this. Cyber attacks are a proven threat, as witnessed in Estonia in 2007 and Georgia in 2008. The threat to a nation’s economy is also significant with cyber crime costing an estimated US$1 trillion per year worldwide. The UK Government values the economic benefit from cyber trade, and therefore places great stock in cyber security. This paper examines the military role in cyber security using information in government strategy documents, books, academic journals, and the media. The analysis begins by considering cyber security and the threats that exist at all levels of cyber activity. Within this, the legal position of acting within cyberspace is explored. The defensive and offensive roles of cyber security are then discussed focusing on the military’s role. It concludes that the military has a role within a cross-government approach to cyber security, but that it would only have the lead in delivering offensive cyber attacks.

사이버대학 재학생의 자기표현, 감정조절, 자기효능감이 소진에 미치는 영향

전광호,김요완 차세대컨버전스정보서비스학회 2021 차세대컨버전스정보서비스기술논문지 Vol.10 No.4

This study is to analyze variables on burnout, in social crisis by COVID-19 pandemic, especially, to identify effects of self-expression, emotion regulation, and self-efficacy on it. Data were collected through an online survey of 486 students attending a cyber university, and analyzed with SPSS Statistics 24 and LISREL 8.72. Frequency was analyzed for basic characteristics of data, Cronbach's α value was confirmed for reliability, and exploratory and confirmatory factor were analyzed for validity. Structural equation modeling was analyzed to verify the research model. The results of this study showed that as antecedent variables of burnout, emotion regulation ability and self-efficacy had a negative effect on burnout. Also, as antecedent variables of self-efficacy, the effect of emotion regulation ability was not statistically significant, but self-expression ability had a positive effect. On the other hand, self-expression ability had a positive effect on emotional regulation ability. Through the result of this study, measures of individual, university, and education authority were proposed to prevent burnout, and the limitations of this study and future studies were discussed. 본 연구는 코로나19 팬데믹의 사회적 위기에서 소진에 미치는 변인을 분석한 연구이다. 특히 소진의 선행변인으로서 자기표현, 감정조절, 자기효능감의 영향력을 파악하고자 하였다. 연구모형 검증을 위해 한 사이버대학교 재학생 486명을 설문조사 하였고, SPSS 24, LISREL 8.72를 이용하여 자료를 분석하였다. 자료의 기본특성은 빈도분석을 하였고, 신뢰성 분석을 위해 Cronbach’s α값을 확인했으며, 타당성 분석을 위해 탐색적, 확인적 요인분석을, 연구모형 검증을 위해 구조방정식 모형을 분석하였다. 연구 결과, 소진의 선행변인으로서, 감정조절능력과 자기효능감은 소진에 부정적인 영향을 미쳤다. 또한, 자기효능감의 선행변인으로서 감정조절능력의 영향은 통계적으로 유의미하지 않았으나, 자기표현능력은 긍정적인 영향을 미쳤다. 한편, 자기표현능력은 감정조절능력에 긍정적인 영향을 미쳤다. 연구 결과를 통해, 개인, 학교, 정부의 조치를 제언하였고 연구한계와 추후 연구에 대해 논의하였다.