대구의 초기 수채화단 성립과 1930년 향토회 발족배경

이중희(Lee, Jung-hee) 한국근현대미술사학회 2012 한국근현대미술사학 Vol.23 No.-

Art activities in Daegu began to keep pace with those in Seoul circa 1922, the year in which the Joseon Art Exhibition was organized. The formation of a western painting circle in Daegu was not solely a regional cultural phenomenon, but one that was directly connected to the dynamics that lay at the heart of the formation of western painting circles at the national level. More to the point, Daegu played an important role in the formation of the dynamics that led to the emergence of western painting circles at the national level. This study seeks to identifythe reasons why the Daegu western painting circle was characterized by watercolor paintings, and to shed light on the actual reasons for the establishment of the Hyangtohoe in 1930. The core figures during the early stages of the modern period in which paintings exhibited the regional characteristics of the locale known as Daegu were: Seo Byeong-o (1862-1936), Lee Sang-jeong (1897-1947), Lee Yeo-seong (1901-?) and Seo Dong-jin (1900-1970). These individuals were the intellectuals, pioneers, and nationalists who best represented the Daegu area at the time. At a time of crisis in which national sovereignty had been usurped, these leaders initiated independence movements and did their utmost to protect Korea’s history and traditional culture. They exhibited a cultural orientation under which poetry, calligraphic writing, and painting were integrated into what effectively became an extensionof the sadaebu culture that had prevailed during the Joseon dynasty. The features of Western painting gradually became part of this cultural orientation. For these individuals, Western painting was the beacon of a new era and a symbol of the new age that was afoot. The works of Lee Sang-jeong and Lee Yeo-seong, both of whom were interested in new art forms, are characterized by watercolor paintings that shared many similarities with traditional sumukhwa (水墨畵, inkpainting). The watercolor paintings created by Lee Sang-jeong and Lee Yeo-seong were similar in style to the works produced bySeo Dong-jin, Park Myeong-jo and Choe Hwa-su. In this regard, Daegu came to be regarded as the center of watercolor paintings. While these pioneers’ painting style shared many similarities with traditional painting, they nevertheless exhibited elements of the Western painting style. To this end, their paintings were referred to as examples of western painting (seoyanghwa). What were the intentions behind the establishment of the Hyangtohoe in 1930? Individuals such as Seo Dong-jin, Kim Yong-jun, Choe Hwa-su, and Park Myeong-jo who were the main actors behind the Hyangtohoe saw the latter as a means to actualize the Korean identity based on the promotion of a nationalistic love for the motherland (local area). Their attempts to embody the hyangtosaek were rooted in their love for the rivers and mountains of Korea. In this regard, the term ‘hyangtosaek (indigenous colors)’ came to refer to more than indigenous colors rather, it took on the meaning of an ‘expression of the true Joseon.’ This wasclosely connected to the movements led by enlightened Koreans who since the late 1920s had sought to define and promote the Korean identity. The members of this organization focused on the production of works which depicted new architecturalbuildings such as the Gyesan Cathedral, ditches, and alleys in urban areas. In fact, one would be hard-pressed to find any pastoral agricultural landscapes. Nevertheless, the expression hyangtosaek had been regarded by some scholars to have been in keeping with the intentions of the members of thereview committee of the Joseon Art Exhibition, who asserted that, from the standpoint of the colonizer Japan, the depressed atmosphere found in agricultural paintings constituted the main theme and image of the controlled country known as Joseon.

중국 제14기 전국양회 과학기술계 대표·위원의 변화 -인터넷·플랫폼 엘리트에서 기술자립 엘리트로-

이중희 ( Jung-hee Lee ) 한중사회과학학회 2024 한중사회과학연구 Vol.22 No.3

In China, the state uses a variety of methods to effectively achieve its national goals. Another way for the state to efficiently achieve its national goals is to allow representatives and members who meet the national priority goals to advance to the two sessions. In China, recent national goals are related to the US-China technology hegemony competition and green growth. Therefore, as the importance of semiconductors, batteries, new energy vehicles, and artificial intelligence, which are core technologies related to this grows, the state naturally supports the related science and technology elites to participate more as representatives of the two sessions and strengthen their roles. On the other hand, the Internet and platform-related elites retire from representatives of the two sessions, or their roles are relatively low. This paper can say that the resignation of internet and platform celebrities is a smooth retirement, but it is also true that the importance of the internet and platform elites has weakened compared to before. This paper demonstrated that more science and technology-related elites, who are highly related to the country’s priority goals, have entered the two sessions nationwide as representative members, and they actively engage in activities to realize the country’s priority goals. Through Baidu search, the research method extracted related persons, focusing on semiconductors, artificial intelligence, and automobiles (new energy cars, batteries, etc.) among the new and existing representatives, and executives of the two sessions. Retired representatives of the two sessions related to internet and platforms and celebrities of internet and platform companies were also extracted. The extracted new and retained representatives were divided by new and retained representatives of the two sessions, and industries such as semiconductors, artificial intelligence, electric vehicles, and batteries were also identified.

중국의 인구 정책과 고령화의 추세, 원인 및 특성

李重熙(Lee Jung-hee) 대한중국학회 2007 중국학 Vol.29 No.-

  In the seventies of twenty century, the family plan started. Since its starting, especially the procreation of "one bady", the population accrual rate, summation procreation rate and the population birthrate all descended greatly. They have caused ageing problems. In 2000, ageing society started.<BR>  In China, the size of elderly population is very big. The speed of ageing has been very fast. When their incomes were not high in comparison with developed countries, China began to be ageing society. The dependency ratios of population by region are different from each other. The rural gross dependency ratio was higher than the urban gross dependency ratio.<BR>  Also the introductions of old-age insurances and health insurances have been uneven between rural and urban areas, among ownerships, and between citizens and mingongs. Therefore, ageing has had economically negative influences on poor population such as rural population.

중국의 거대 플랫폼에 대한 반독점과 데이터 독점 규제: 알리바바 사례를 중심으로

이중희(Lee, Jung Hee) 한국아시아학회 2021 아시아연구 Vol.24 No.4

본 논문의 가설은 다음과 같다. 2020년 후반부터 중국에서 거대 플랫폼에 대한 규제가 본격적으로 시작됐다. 미국의 바이든 정권에서도 리나 칸 등의 신 브랜다이스 학파는 전통적 시각을 부정하고 소비자의 후생이 향상되더라도 민주주의 체제에 위협이 되면 독점으로 인정해야한다는 시각에서 아마존 등의 거대 플랫폼에 대한 규제를 주장하고 있다. 중국의 상황은 다르다. 중국이 미국의 실리콘밸리모델을 모방해서 그동안 플랫폼의 발전을 방임하거나 지원해왔다. 중국에서는 2020년 11월 이전까지 중국기업에 대한 반독점 조치를 명시적으로 거의 취하지 않았다. 그러다가 거대 플랫폼의 독점이 “중국공산당 영도의 체제” 혹은 시진핑체제에 위협이 된다고 판단하기 시작했다. 더욱이 국가는 독과점 플랫폼의 데이터 권력을 체제위협으로 인식하기 시작했다. 때로는 국가가 플랫폼이 가진 데이터에 대한 보안이 국가안보에 중요하다고 인식하기 시작했다. 그러면서 2020년 11월 이후부터 본격적으로 반독점 조치를 취하기도 하고 플랫폼의 독점적 데이터를 공유화하는 조치를 취하기 시작했다. 다시 말하면, 시진핑 체제를 강화하기 위해서 국가는 과거의 실리콘밸리 모델에서 플랫폼에 대한 규제 모델로 전환한 것이다. 이러한 과정에서 중국적 특성의 플랫폼 문제가 작용하기도 한다. 2020년 11월 이후부터 플랫폼에 대한 고강도 규제 사례는 다양하다. 본 연구는 이러한 가설적 주장을 검증하기 위해서 시진핑 체제에서 플랫폼 고강도 규제의 목표와 조치를 더 많이 내포하는 사례를 선정하여 연구하는 것이 적합한 것으로 판단된다. 현재 알리바바, 디디추싱, 메이퇀, 텐센트 등의 플랫폼에 대한 고강도 규제가 진행되고 있다. 본 논문에서는 이 가운데 고강도 규제의 보다 다양한 의미를 내포하는 사례로 알리바바를 선정하여 사례연구를 진행한다. 알리바바를 사례로 택한 이유는 첫째, 플랫폼의 반독점 규제와 데이터 파워에 대한 규제를 가장 많이 담고 있는 사례이기 때문이다. 데이터에 대한 국가안보문제와 관련된 디디추싱 사례, 청소년 게임 사용 제한을 통한 교육정상화와 관련된 텐센트 사례, 플랫폼 노동자 보호와 반독점 규제와 관련된 메이퇀 사례 등과 대조적이다. 둘째, 거대 플랫폼에 대한 최근의 고강도규제를 가장 대표하는 사례이기 때문이다. 알리바바에 대한 과징금 규모가 지금까지 가장 클 뿐만 아니라 데이터의 국가공유, 국유화 조치 등으로 보아 알리바바는 고강도 규제사례이기 때문이다. The hypothetical argument of this paper is as follows. Regulations on large platforms began in earnest in China in late 2020. The New Brandeis Movement in the United States also denies the traditional view. In its view, even if consumer welfare improves, if it poses a threat to the democratic system, it should be recognized as a monopoly. It argues for regulations on large platforms such as Amazon. The situation in China is different. China has supported the development of the platforms by imitating the US Silicon Valley model. In China, few anti-trust measures were explicitly taken against Chinese companies until the first half of 2020. Then, it began to judge that the monopoly of the huge platform threatened the "system of the Communist Party of China." Moreover, the state has begun to recognize the data power of monopoly platforms as a threat to the system. Sometimes the state has begun to recognize that security of the platforms" data is important to national security. In the meantime, from the second half of 2020, anti-trust measures were taken in earnest and measures were taken to share exclusive data of the platforms. In other words, in order to strengthen the Xi Jinping system, the state has shifted from the past Silicon Valley model to a regulatory model for platforms. In this process, the platform problem of Chinese characteristics may work. Starting in the second half of 2020, there are various cases of high-intensity regulations on platforms. In order to verify these hypothetical arguments, it is considered appropriate for this study to select and study cases that more imply the goals and measures of high-intensity regulations on platforms under the Xi Jinping system. Currently, high-intensity regulations are underway on platforms such as Alibaba, Didi Chuxing, and Meituan. In this paper, Alibaba is selected as an example that has more diverse meanings of high-intensity regulation and a case study is conducted. The reason why Alibaba was chosen as an example is that first, it contains the most anti-trust regulations on platforms and regulations on data power. This contrasts with Didi Chuxing cases related to data security issues, Tencent cases related to normalization of education through restrictions on youth game use, and Meituan cases related to platform worker protection and antitrust regulations. Second, this is because it is the most representative example of recent high-intensity regulations on large platforms. This is because Alibaba is not only the largest penalty so far, but also the strongest regulatory case in view of data sharing and nationalization measures.

중국 도시주민 식품소비의 다원화 추세(1985-2014) 연구

이중희(Lee Jung Hee)(李重熙) 대한중국학회 2016 중국학 Vol.57 No.-

엥겔계수에 의하면 1980년 이전까지는 빈곤단계에 해당한다. 이 시기의 특징은 기본적인 배고픔을 충족하기 위한 양식소비가 증가하고 식물성 소비 중심의 단일성을 그 특징으로 한다. 개혁·개방 이후 1980년대 초반부터 1995년까지가 대체로 원바오 단계에 해당한다. 이 단계는 알류, 수산물, 조류(가금육), 소고기, 양고기의 소비량이 양적으로 늘어나는 특징을 갖고 있다. 반면 양식, 채소 등 식물성 식품의 소비량은 양적으로 감소하고 있다. 이 단계에 다원화가 시작되는 추세가 나타난다. 샤오캉 단계에도 우유, 조류, 소고기, 양고기, 과일, 수산물, 알류의 소비량이 양적으로 늘어나는 추세가 심화되고 있다. 양식, 채소 등 식물성 식품의 소비량이 양적으로 감소하는 추세도 원바오 단계와 마찬가지로 샤오캉 단계에도 계속되고 있다. 다원화 추세가 양적으로 심화되고 있는 것이다. 지출 금액 기준에서 보아도 이와 유사한 결과이다. 샤오캉 단계에서 지출 금액이 높은 항목은 우유·유제품, 수산물 등이다. 지출 금액 기준의 외식비 통계를 보면 샤오캉 단계에 우유·유제품, 수산물에 이어 세 번째로 증가율이 높다. 반면 지출 금액 기준으로 증가율이 낮은 항목 가운데 하나는 양식이라는 점에서 양적 기준의 결과와 유사하다. 부유단계는 양적 기준에 의하면 조류, 우유, 수산물에 증가율이 높다. 조류, 수산물의 소비량 증가는 가공(냉동가공 포함)을 통해 상품화되기 용이한 식품이다. 하지만 부유단계에서도 양적으로 양식, 채소, 돼지고기의 소비량이 여전히 가장 높은 품목이다. 지출금액 기준으로 보아도 역시 유사한 연구결과이다. 우유·유제품과 육류·조류·가공제품의 증가율이 높다. 특히 부유단계에는 외식비의 비중을 가장 늘린다는 사실도 확인되었다. 증가율이 낮은 항목은 역시 기본식품인 양식이다. 소득 수준별로 보아도 위와 유사한 결과를 보인다. 고소득층은 지출금액면에서 수산물과 우유·유제품의 소비량을 더욱 늘리고 양식의 소비량을 줄인다. To explain the changing consumption structure of food in urban China, the paper focuses on trends of food consumptions in the four stages. The paper analyzes the statistical data, which are China Statistical Yearbook and China Statistical Abstract published by National Bureau of Statistics of China. The four stages are poverty stage, Wenbao stage, Xiaokang stage, and affluence stage. In the poverty stage, the proportion of grain expenditures increases. In the stage, the vegetability is the majority of consumption and there is little diversifying trend in the consumption structure. In the Wenbao stage, the proportions of food s and fresh vegetables expenditures increase in the lowest speed, while the proportions of eggs, aquatic products, poultry, beef and mutton increase in the highest speed. In the stage, the diversifying trend begins. In the Xiaokang stage, the proportions of milk and dairy products and aquatic products expenditures increase in the highest speed while the proportion of gran s expenditures increase in the lowest speed. In the affluence stage, the expenditure proportions of milk and dairy products, products of meat, and poultry increase in the highest speed, while that of grain increases in the lowest speed.

The Limits of Government Capacity : Social Security Reform of State Enterprises in Post-Mao China (1978~1995)

Jung Hee Lee(이중희) 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 1997 중소연구 Vol.21 No.4

중국의 산자이 열풍과 지적재산권문제: 국가와 이해당사자

이중희(Jung Hee Lee) 한국아시아학회 2011 아시아연구 Vol.14 No.2

중국의 지적재산권 관련 법제도의 보호수준은 집행수준에 비해서 높은 편이다. 영미권의 주류 시각은 중국에서 지적재산권 관련 법제도의 집행정도가 낮은 이유를 유교적 가치에 두고 있다. 본 논문은 이러한 주류시각을 유교적 결정론으로 보고 다른 시각을 제시한다. 이 논문에서는 중국에서 지적재산권 관련 법 제도가 잘 집행되지 않는지 국가이론에 입각해서 설명할 것이다. 산자이에 대한 분석을 하기 전에 산자이에 대한 정의가 필요한데 본 연구에서 산자이는 단순 모방, 짝퉁, 해적판, 불법복제, 표절처럼 명백히 지적재산권을 침해하는 경우와 창조적 모방을 뜻하는 긍정적 의미를 가지는 경우를 모두 포괄하는 것으로 정 의한다. 산자이에 대한 이해당사자로는 산자이 제조기업, 정품제조업체, 소비자, 지식 인, 네티즌, 피해국가 등이 있다. 지적재산권 침해에 대해서 한편으로 정품제조 업체와 피해 국가는 지속적으로 중국에 압력을 가해왔다. 다른 한편, 산자이 제 품소비자, 일부 지식인 및 다수의 네티즌은 산자이로부터 이익(gain)을 얻거나 이를 옹호하여왔다. 산자이 기업은 말할 것도 없이 산자이에 대한 규정에 대해 서 가장 반발하는 이해당사자이다. 뿐만 아니라 산자이 제품 소비자도 산자이에 대해서 옹호적 태도를 갖고 있다. 이들은 저가의 산자이 제품을 구매할 수밖에 없는 중저소득층이다. 물론 정품으로 오인하고 산자이를 구입함으로써 피해를 입는 소비자들의 불만도 있을 수 있지만 "산자이" 임을 인식하고 구입한 소비자 들이 있는 한 산자이 제품과 산자이 기업은 존재할 것이다. 소비자입장에서 중국의 체면문화도 산자이 제품에 대해 옹호적 태도를 갖게 한다. 민족주의적 정서를 가진 네티즌과 일부 지식층도 산자이 제품을 옹호하고 있다. 중앙국가(central state)는 다른 나라 못지 않은 엄격한 수준의 지적재산권 관 련 법규를 마련했다는 점에서 피해국가, 정품제조업체의 입장을 어느 정도 고려하고 있을 뿐만 아니라 장기적으로 기술혁신의 필요성도 인지하고 있다. 하지만 중앙 국가는 산자이 기업, 산자이 제품소비자, 일부 지식인, 네티즌의 이익과 이들의 이익을 보다 우선시하는 지방 국가의 이익을 고려해야할 뿐만 아니라 이들에 대한 영합하는 중국 국가 내 엘리트의 주장도 고려함에 따라 지적재산권에 대한 규제를 완화하는 경향이 있다. 지방 국가는 보다 더 지방경제를 위해서 산자이를 옹호할 뿐만 아니라 산자이 관련 기업들과 유착하기 조차 했다. Since 2008, the strong wind of shanzhai has begun in China. The examples of shanzhai are "shanzhai cellular phones", "shanzhai notebook" and "shanzhai PC". The strong wind of shanzhai may have negative influence on the protection of intellectual property rights (IPR). While China has established a full institution of IPR legislation, its enforcement procedures are comparatively fragile. This article criticizes a mainstream perspective that Confucian values provide a negative influence on their commitment to intellectual property law. In place of Confucian determinism, the article explains China`s enforcement problem of intellectual property law in view of a state theory. The central state of China initiated a full institution of IPR legislation, facing pressures of foreign countries and internal enterprises, and developing technological innovation. However, shanzhai enterprises and consumers buying shanzhai products, obtaining gains from shanzhai products, defend shanzhai products and resist intellectual property protection. And nationalism-oriented netizen and intellectuals defend shanzhai products. The local states tend to consider local and partial interests in comparison with the central state. Therefore, the local state, considering economy and employments in local area, defend shanzhai enterprises and products and adhere to shanzhai enterprises. Even though, it faces the resistance of foreign countries and enterprises, the central state, considering those whodefend shanzhai, tend to lessen the intellectual property protection.

중국의 개미족에 대한 계층적 분석

이중희(Lee Jung-Hee) 동북아시아문화학회 2011 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.26

The purpose of this paper is to find the situation of balinghou (1980s), to find factors the formation of yizu (ant tribe), and to suggest the class analysis on yizu, The findings are as follows. First, yizu is groups who reside in big cities, and were graduated from undergraduate schools or graduate schools. Second, factors causing the formation of yizu are as follows. The first important factor is that the number limit of university has rapidly increased since 1990’s. The second important factor is that the prices of housing have rapidly increased since 1990’s. The third factor is the attraction of big cities in view of the young generation. Third, ninety three percents of yizu were 1980s in the survey of 2009. Most of yizu are from rural area or small cities. Eighty one percents of yizu have full-time or part-time jobs in the survey of 2009. The monthly income of yizu is 1,956 yuan in the survey of 2008. That of yizu is a very low level of income in comparison with other groups. Fourth, in the survey of 2010, eighty percents of yizu are from the poor parents. The rapid increase of the number limit of university does not cause the rising trend of graduates in view of social mobility. Fifth, since 2005, the beginning year of yizu, the number of yizu has rapidly increased. In 2011, the number of yizu is estimated to come up to several million. Sixth, entry barriers of balinghou to middle class are difficulties of getting employment and rapid increase of housing prices.

중국의 스모그에 대한 사회학적 분석

이중희(Lee, Jung-Hee) 동북아시아문화학회 2014 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.41

Ulrich Beck argues that the industrial society was transferred to the risk society. The principle of the industrial society is the distribution of wealth while that of the risk society is the distribution of risks. And the technological and economic developments create new risks. The risk society theory of Ulrich Beck has been developed in Western societies and can be applied to Western societies. The development of Korea are different from that of Western Countries. The Korean development is the characteristics of the rush to modernization or the compressed modernization. The compressed modernization deepens and enlarges risks. Chang, Kyung-Sup regards Korean society as complex risk society including risks of developed societies, of developing societies, and of Korean specialties. First, in developed societies, serious risks can be caused by gas, nuclear energy power, etc. And the means of transportation and a large size of architectures can cause serious accidents. Second, in developing societies, people easily experience risks caused by transportation, energy, production and environment. Third, in societies of compressed modernization, there are various risks caused by the development of fast speed. In China, there are many papers which focus on Chinese society in terms of risk society. However, few papers focus on the Chinese specialties of risk society. Few papers analyze the Chinese risk society based on the Chinese specialties of development. The Chinese development has both compressed modernization and system conversion. The Chinese system has changed from the socialist planned economy system to the socialist market economy system. The Chinese society does not only have the risks of compressed modernity existed in korea, but also has risks of system conversion. The Chinese society is more complex risk society than the Korean Society. In China, the risks of system conversion include risks caused by the existing socialist system, the introduction of market economy, and the combination of the existing socialist system and the newly introduced market economy. In China, both the Wenzhou High-Speed Train accident and the Smog problems are problems which do not include only the risks of developing societies and compressed modernization, but also the risks of system conversion.

공동주택 주방ㆍ욕실 배기구의 동시사용율에 따른 배기측정실험

이중희(Joong-Hee Lee),이용호(Yong-Ho Lee),박진철(Jin-Chul Park),황정하(Jung-Ha Hwang) 대한설비공학회 2013 대한설비공학회 학술발표대회논문집 Vol.2013 No.6