토끼털에 의한 직업성 천식 의증

이선녕 ( Shun Nyung Lee ),이석정 ( Seok Jeong Lee ),노진규 ( Jin Kyu Noh ),이민수 ( Min Su Lee ),이남석 ( Nam Seok Lee ),이부길 ( Bu Ghil Lee ),리원연 ( Won Yeon Lee ),용석중 ( Suk Joong Yong ),신계철 ( Kye Chul Shin ),김상하 ( Sa 대한천식알레르기학회 2008 천식 및 알레르기 Vol.28 No.4

Occupational allergic rhinitis caused by rabbit fur has been reported in Korea. However, occupational asthma due to rabbit fur has not yet reported in Korea. We report a suspected case of allergic asthma caused by rabbit fur on occupational exposure. A 35-year-old male developed dyspnea, chest discomfort related to rabbit fur. He has been worked for a spinning factory. He presented with a history of allergic rhinitis and asthma. Peripheral blood eosinophil count was 690/mm3. Bronchodilator response was positive, the results of skin prick test were positive for house dust mite, cockroach and rabbit fur. The level of specific IgE for rabbit fur was 8.39 KU/L. The methacholine challenge test was positive (PC20 1.96 mg/mL). These findings suggest that the rabbit fur could induce occupational asthma. We could not perform bronchoprovacation test with rabbit fur due to patient`s refusal. He is in a well controlled state with the use of a combination of inhaled corticosteroid and long acting β2 agonist after the avoidance of rabbit fur. (Korean J Asthma Allergy Clin Immunol 2008;28:309-312)

4세기 초ㆍ중엽 고구려ㆍ백제ㆍ신라의 관계 변화

李富五(Lee, Bu-Oh) 신라사학회 2005 新羅史學報 Vol.- No.5

기원전후 斯盧國의 支配構造 변화

李富五(Lee Buo) 역사교육연구회 2000 歷史敎育 Vol.76 No.-

This thesis aimed at investigating how the ruling system of Saro state changed from B.C.1 to A.D.1. The process of internal advancement of a small state was tried to be revealed through it. Saro state birth was originated from the fact that center Upnak(邑落) began to strengthen the sovereign power on Upnak league. Jusu group(主帥層) in Kukup(國邑) was formed from Hyokkose(赫居世) clan along with certain clans of Kohyochon(高墟村). The power in Kukup had been occupied by all of these clans, but Kosogan(居西干) was indicated as the representative of Saro area in deciding the process of an important issue. His ruling power on Upnak wasn"t strong, and the ruling boundary was ranged into Kyungju basin. However, the Six Chon of Saro area(斯盧 六村) was united into Saro state. Along with increasing use of iron and foreign trade. Hyokkose clan had a chance to amplify sovereign power from the beginning of A.D.1. That is, Kosogan constructed Kukup song(國邑城) called Kumsong(金城) and attained a new space of ruling in it. He made government system giving some works to the clans of Jusu group in charge of chief. Once Daebo(大輔) was installed in the age of Namhae(南解). Kosogan governed it rather systematically. As a result, Saro state was advanced to a small state as a fully developed level.

5세기 후반 신라의 소백산맥 서록 진출과 지배형태

李富五(Lee, Bu-Oh) 신라사학회 2007 新羅史學報 Vol.- No.10

上古末 新羅의 外位 편성과 干支

이부오(Lee, Bu-o) 신라사학회 2015 新羅史學報 Vol.0 No.34

진한 지역에서 干支는 소국이나 읍락 등 단위정치체의 대표를 가리키는 위호였다. 사로국에 복속한 이후 간지는 자치적 위호의 성격을 띠었다. 간지의 자치적 위계는 보위자와 하위 간층, 그리고 非간층 실무자로 구성되었다. 전략적 요충지에 거점성주가 파견되면서 간층에 대한 통제가 강화되기 시작했다. 4세기 후반경부터 신라는 간지와 그 보위자의 자치적 위호를 선택적으로 승인하기 시작했다. 이에 간지는 자치적 위호에 기반을 두고 신라의 통치에 협조하는 직임의 성격도 띠게 되었다. 5세기 말부터 신라는 축성활동을 활발하게 벌이면서 간지와 그 보위자, 그리고 비간층 실무자의 체계적인 협조를 필요로 했다. 이에 읍락, 伐 등의 간층 가운데 간지를 승인해 道使의 지배에 협조하도록 했다. 간지의 보위자에게는 壹金知를 승인했다. 간지-일금지는 기존 간층의 자치적 위호를 바탕으로 촌을 효율적으로 통치하기 위한 신라의 공적 위호였다. 또한 지역 간층을 경위와 구분해 신라의 통치체계로 편성한 위계라는 점에서 간지-일금지는 외위의 시원적 형태를 이루었다. 505년~520년 사이에는 행정촌의 干支 아래 인물에게 下干支를 수여하기 시작하면서 干群 外位가 분화했다. 봉평비에서 간지가 등장하지 않는 것은 변경 일대의 사건을 처리하는 과정에서 간지가 타격을 받았기 때문일 것이다. 외위의 상층이 간지와 하간지로 편성된 것은 율령반포 단계까지도 간층의 자치적 기반이 일정 부분 인정되었음을 의미한다. 하지만 간군 외위의 분화를 통해 외위는 官位의 성격을 띠게 되었다. 이는 중고기에 간군 외위가 상향 분화하는 기반이 되었다. Originally Ganji(干支) was the title pointing to the representative of unit political body in Jinhan(辰韓). Ganji has turned into autonomous title after surrendering to Saroguk(斯盧國). The autonomous hierarchy of Ganji consisted of assistants, sub Gan(干)-class, and Non Gan-class practitioners. Since the lord of the fortress was dispatched to the strategic point, the control of Gan-class got more strengthened. Since the late 4th century, Silla has approved Ganji and the autonomous title of his assistants selectively. Accordingly, Ganji also put on official duty to cooperate with the rule of Silla. Since the end of the 5th century, Silla required a systematic coordination of Ganji, his assistants, and Non Gan-class practitioners for the aggressive construction of fortress. Silla granted Ganji to one among Gan-class of Eupnak(邑落) and Beol(伐), asked him to cooperate with the rule of Dosa(道使) and granted Ilgeumji(壹金知) to one among Ganjis assistants. Ganji-Ilgeumji was an official title for the effective governance of Chon(村) by separating Gan-class to Gyeongwi(京位). Ganji-Ilgeumji was a primal form of Woewui(外位) in that it intended to organize a hierarchy for the rule of Silla. Haganji(下干支) was awarded at Administrative-Chon between A.D. 504 and A.D. 520. Accordingly, Gan-series Woewui has separated from Ganji. We can"t find Ganji on Bongpyeong(鳳坪)-Epitaph, and it’s supposed that he got damaged in the process of handling the incident at that time. Autonomy of Gan-class was partially accepted by Silla even after promulgating Yulrung from the fact that the top layer of Woewui consisted of Ganji and Haganji. But Oewi takes on the character of Gwanwi(官位) by differentiation of Gan-series Woewui."

신라초기 기년문제에 대한 재고찰

이부오(Bu Oh Lee) 한국고대학회 1999 先史와 古代 Vol.13 No.-

The genealogical record of Sillabonki(新羅本紀) in 『Samkuksaki(三國史記)』 shows some omissions and changes of order in royal generations. Because of this, the chronology before King Nae-mul(奈勿) is different from the real years. This study is for settling this chronological problems and clarifying the real chronology shown by the early documents. The establishment and development of Saro State between B.C. 2nd century and A.D. 1st century was contracted in the reign of Hyokkose(赫居世). Afterwards, Namhae(南解), Yuri (儒理), and T`arhae(脫解) were the kings of Silla from the late 1st century to the mid-2nd century, and P`asa(婆裟) in the late 2nd century. Chima(祗摩) and IIsong(逸聖) were on the throne from the late 2nd century to the early 3rd century. Adalla(阿達羅) reigned in the mid-3rd century, Porhyu(伐休) and Naehae(奈解) from the mid-3rd century to the late-3rd century, and Chobun(助賁) from the late 3rd century to late 310s. Followed is Chomhae(沾解) until late 320s. Mich`u(味鄒) became the king around 330s. Yurye(儒禮) and Kirim(基臨)`s generation is around 340s, and Hurhae(訖解) from late 340s to the year 356. The documents related to the latter generations` historical events were inserted in the reign of the Kings listed above. Those facts are shown conspicuously in documents about military actions and the local ruling in the reign of T`arhae and P`asa. This was to solve the problem of deficient data and emphasize the fact that there was a fuming point in foreign trade and conquest under those two kings. The insertions of latter generations` historical events dosed from Ilsong and Adalla`s reign. From these generations, some documents which mixed latter generations` events were also limited to records of battles related to notable persons. After Yurye`s reign, except a few mistakes, those kinds of documents almost disappeared. Considering these facts, the early documents of Sillabonki in 『Samkuksaki』 can present more abundant data.

1~3세기 辰王의 성격 변화와 三韓 小國의 대외교섭

李富五(Lee, Bu-Oh) 신라사학회 2004 新羅史學報 Vol.- No.1

中國史書의 서술 맥락을 통해 본 ≪三國志≫ 韓條의 辰韓과 辰王

이부오(Lee, Bu-oh) 신라사학회 2012 新羅史學報 Vol.0 No.26

본고는 ≪삼국지≫ 동이전에 나타난 辰韓과 辰王의 層位를 중심으로 3세기 중엽 진한의 실체에 대한 단서를 찾기 위하여 작성되었다. 通行本 ≪삼국지≫ 동이전 한조에서는 변·진한 12국이 屬한 대상, 이들이 대대로 왕을 위탁했던 대상, 그리고 자력으로 왕이 되지 못했던 주체가 辰王이라 했으나, 원본에서는 모두 `辰韓`이었다고 추정된다. 필사본 단계에서 이를 `진한`으로 표기한 자료와 `진왕`으로 표기한 자료가 각각 ≪普書≫ 계통과 통행본 ≪삼국지≫ 계통으로 계승되었다. 여기서 변·진한 12국이 屬한 `辰韓`은 이전의 수 세대 동안 마한 목지국왕이 수행하여 변·진한이 스스로 기능할 수 없었던 `王`의 역할과 대비되었다. 전자는 正始 7년 중심으로 魏代의 상황을 설명했고, 후자는 辰韓 諸國의 성립 이후 위대 이전의 상황을 나타냈다. 전자의 단계에서는 진한 12국의 분립성과 `진한`에 의한 통합성이 이중적으로 기술되었다. 이는 국들 사이의 세력 차등을 기반으로 `진한`이 12국에 대해 영향력을 행사했음을 보여준다. 이를 바탕으로 `진한`은 魏郡縣과의 교섭에서 대표권을 행사했다. 개별 국이 분립했다는 서술은 각 거수들이 이러한 대표권을 수용하면서도 자치권을 유지했음을 의미한다. 魏代에 변·진한 12국이 속한 `辰韓`과 과거 마한 목지국왕에게 의탁했던 辰王은 ≪위략≫에서도 언급되었다고 추정된다. ≪후한서≫ 동이열전이 전자를 생략하고 후자를 강조한 것은 후한대에 초점을 맞췄기 때문이다. 후자의 역할을 수행한 시기는 기원전 1세기 이후이다. 진왕 칭호는 옛 진국이었던 한반도 남부에 대한 상징적 대표기능에서 출발했는데, 魏郡縣은 목지국 진왕의 대표기능이 마한의 일부와 변한에 한정된다고 인식했다. ≪삼국지≫ 한조에서 優呼를 더한 진한 臣智가 보이지 않는 것은 진한이 별개의 交涉圈을 이루었음을 보여준다. 太康 연간에 진한왕이 西普에 조공한 것은 `진한`의 급격한 성장보다 이러한 통솔권의 연장으로 이해되어야 한다. This paper was written to find a clue about the reality of the Jinhan in the middle of the 3rd century emphasised on the stratum of narrative about Jinhan(辰韓) and Jinwang found in the paragraph Han of the ≪Samkukji(三國志)≫. He was called `Jinwang` who had ruled the 12Kuk(國)`s, who had done a role of the King for generations so who had not been a King by himself. However, I think that `Jinhan` was written in a meaning of `Jinwang` in the original of this book. The notation of `Jinwang` and `Jinwang` in the early manuscripts was used in the ≪Chinsoe(普書)≫ and the current ≪Samkukji≫ respectively. `Jinhan`, who had ruled the 12Kuk`s, was mentioned compared with a role that The King of MokchiKuk(目支國) had performed for generations. The former described the situation of the year A. D. 246, Wei(魏) dynasty, and the latter described from the birth of `Jinhan` to the just before of Wei dynasty. The separation between 12Kuk`s and unification by `Jinhan` were described compositely for the former situation. This shows that `Jinhan` had a power of representation for 12Kuk`s at the negotiations with Wei Chinese Kun(郡)`s. Koesu(渠帥) of each Kuk`s allowed the `Jinhan` to represent their authorities, while maintaining autonomy. `Jinhan` in the Wei(魏) dynasty and `Jinwang` who had existed prior to the Wei(魏) dynasty were also described in ≪Wiryak(魏略)≫. Because the `Jinwang` was made much of in the paragraph Han of the ≪Huhanseo(後漢書)≫, the `Jinhan` was omitted. The title of `Jinwang` was emerged from the symbolic representative power on The ChinKuk(辰國) existed before. But, Wei Chinese Kun`s recognized that the representative power by `Jinwang` was limited to Byunhan(弁韓) and a part of Mahan(馬韓). There is no Shinji() of `Jinhan` who had a superior title in the paragraph Han of the ≪Samkukji≫. It means that this region was the separated units at the foreign negotiations. The King of `Jinhan` negotiated with West Chin(西晋) in the late 3rd century, which derived from the Wei(魏) dynasty.

6세기 신라의 가야지역 지배와 가야유민의 역할

이부오(Lee, Bu-o) 신라사학회 2020 新羅史學報 Vol.0 No.50

본고는 신라의 가야지역 지배 과정에서 가야유민의 역할과 위상 변화를 밝히기 위해 작성되었다. 가야유민은 524~527년 사이에 신라가 금관국을 정복하면서 발생하기 시작했다. 그 지배세력은 아직 자치권을 유지했으나, 532년 仇亥王이 신라로 항복해 阿干支에 가까운 경위를 받았다. 금관국 내에서는 그의 친족이 구해의 식읍을 관리하고 지역세력과 신라의 관계를 조정했다. 일반 干層의 일부도 지방관의 업무에 협조했다. 금관국의 유민이 우대받은 배경은 이들이 자발적으로 항복한 점 외에도 5세기 이후 양국의 우호관계와 신라의 영향력에 있었다. 신라가 고구려의 압박과 백제와의 긴장에 대응하기 위해 남변을 안정시키려 했던 정책도 작용했다. 안라국에서는 친신라 세력과 가야 제국 및 백제, 왜와 연대하려는 세력이 대립했다. 후자는 560년경 신라의 안라국 정복으로 상당 부분 제거되었다. 관산성전투 후에 즉위한 대가야의 道設智王은 신라의 간섭을 거부하다가 562년 신라군의 정복으로 기존 嘉實王 세력과 함께 제거되었다. 반면 522년 異腦王과 신라 왕족 사이에 태어난 月光은 대가야인들을 회유하기 위한 상징적 인물이 되었다. 신라가 안라국과 대가야에서 강압정책을 구사한 것은 이들이 신라의 압력에 저항했기 때문이다. 백제가 관산성전투의 충격으로부터 벗어나는 데 집중했고 고구려가 대내외 문제의 해결에 골몰했던 것도 그 배경이 되었다. 이 기회에 신라는 옛 가야지역을 확실하게 장악하려 한 것이다. 565년 신라는 大耶州를 설치하여 내지의 지역지배체제를 가야유민에게 적극적으로 이식했다. 阿良村(함안)에는 邏頭가, 휘하의 노함촌・칠토에는 道使가 파견되어 外位의 협조를 받아 통치했다. 6세기 후반~말에는 성산산성이 구축되어 군치의 역할을 했다. 이를 위한 물자동원은 대부분 낙동강 중상류에서 이루어졌지만, 인근 가야유민의 노역이 적지 않게 동원되었다. 이러한 노력으로 적어도 591년까지 가야지역에서도 군・성(촌)이 편성되었다. 이로써 신라는 백제・고구려와 경쟁하기 위한 후방의 안전판을 마련했고, 가야지역에서 인적・물적 자원도 안정적으로 확보할 수 있었다. 가야유민은 이제 신라의 공민으로 변화했다. This a rticle was written to investigate the role change of Gaya’s people in Silla’s domination of this region. When Geumgwan State collapsed between 524 and 527, the ruling forces still maintained their autonomy. King Guhae surrendered to Silla and was awarded Gyeongwi(京位) in 532. His relatives and common Gan(干)-class cooperated in the work of local official in the Geumgwan region. The reason why the ruling power of Geumgwan State were favored was that they voluntarily surrendered despite friendly relations with Silla since the 5th century. Silla’s efforts to cope with the tensions with Goguryeo and Baekje were also responsible. In Anra State, pro-Silla forces and pro-Gaya・Baekje・Wai(倭) ones were at odds with each other. The latter was removed in 560 when Silla conquered this state. In Daegaya(大加耶), which collapsed in 562, King Doseolji and the former King Gasil were removed. On the other hand, Wolgwang, who was born between King Inoi and Silla royalty, became a symbolic figure to appease the Daegaya people. Silla’s coercive policies in Anra State and Daegaya were made because these co untries resisted. This was also due to Baekje’s efforts to escape the shock of its defeat in the Battle of Guansan Castle and the fact that Goguryeo was bent on solving internal and external problems. On this occasion Silla a ttempted to dominate t he Gaya region strongly. Silla established Daeya Ju(州) to systematically control the people of Gaya in 565. Nadu(邏頭) was dispatched to Aryangchon(村), Dosa(道使) to Nohamchon and Chilto for ruling with the cooperation of Woewui(外位). Seongsan Fortress was constructed to become the center of Kun(郡) from the late 6th century to the end of that. Most of the supplies were requisitioned in the upper-middle reaches of the Nakdong River, but the labour force in the nearby Gaya region. In the end, Kun・Seong(城)(Chon村) were established in Gaya until 591. Silla secured a safety zone in the rear to compete with Baekje and Goguryeo, and gaineds table human and material resources in the Gaya region. The Gaya people changed into the citizen of Silla.

『한국사』의 고대 전쟁사 서술과 개선방향

이부오(Lee, Bu-Oh) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2015 군사 Vol.- No.94

This paper was written to analyze the ancient war history which appeared in high school『Korean History』textbook published in 2014, and to present its improvement direction. In this textbook of『Korean History』, the war history was described on the purpose of promoting the awareness of national community. This objective is in line with the national consciousness that has been emphasized since the First Curriculum. In this text, multiple values and critical thinking capability were also emphasized. These values were first presented at The Sixth Curriculum, more embodied at the Revised Curriculum in 2007, and also accepted at the Revised one in in 2009. The Edition of『Korean History』in 2014 showed more progress than the 2011 Edition in terms of contents and keep the objective stance. However, it is necessary to keep the balance and also required to use precise terms among the Three Kingdoms and the Later Three Kingdoms in terms of the competition of occupying territory, the war of unification. When it comes to the use of war history maps in the text, the map of a war between Goguryeo and Sui-T’ang and a war between Silla-T’ang Coalition and Baekje-Goguryeo should be adapted precedently over the uncertain situational map in the early 7C. It must be exact to discern each war respectively. Some expressions about the confrontation between the Three Kingdoms and between the Later Three Kingdoms should be revised. It should be preferred over the other information that had an significant effect on the result of the war. An emphasis on the nation"s independence must be based on the academic facts when you describe about the ancient war history in the future. It is necessary to keep the balance between nation and state, and to express the essential information concisely in the maps. We should choose photo materials to match the content of the text. It is required to develop various topics in the researching activities for unification of the Three Kingdoms by using the experiences of the various classes.