17C 중국인 피난민 康世爵에 대한 문학적 형상화와 인식태도 -<강세작전>과 <강군세작묘지명>을 중심으로-

윤세순 ( Se Soon Yun ) 한국고소설학회 2010 古小說 硏究 Vol.30 No.-

This study investigated three Kang Se-jak Jeons and Kanggun Se-jak Myojimyeong, which all described the life of Kang Se-jak, a migrant of Ming Dynasty. The four authors wrote a book about the same person and adopted different perspectives on him, telling similar stories. Park Se-dang(朴世堂) and Nam Gu-man(南九萬) belonged to the Soron Family and the same kin and academic circle. It is also noteworthy that Choi Chang-dae(崔昌大) was a disciple of the two and belonged to the Soron Family, as well. Park Se-dang roughly talked about what Kang experienced at the battlefield of Liaodong, showing no interest in it. What he focused on was his aspects as a migrant of Ming Dynasty in Joseon. On the contrary, Kim Mong-hwa(金夢華) provided intensive descriptions of him dominating the battlefield of Liaodong. The two authors` compositions were different because Park tried to highlight Kang`s character, personality, and insight and Kim intended to make him be reborn as a war hero, calling him a man of heroic and noble mind. Meanwhile, Nam Gu-man and Choi Chang-dae depicted both what Kang experienced at the battlefield of Liaodong and the aspects he showed living in Joseon. While Nam tried to what Kang experienced in real life and his human aspects with no addition or subtraction, Choi beautified him, calling him a man of honor or a man of fervid loyalty by inserting his arguments in the book, as well as overestimated him by comparing him with O Ja-seo. Park and Nam did not depict Kang in an abstract manner in their stories; that is, they presented his simple life as a rural serf as it was. Both of them were his contemporary figures and had chances to talk with Kang while serving in an official position in Hamgyeong Province, thus being able to show him as he was. On the other hand, Choi and Kim presented the conceptualized aspects of Kang in their stories. Having no chance to meet him in person, they easily put real Kang in the image framework they prepared in advance and gave him a new life according to their intentions. Thus Kang was embodied as a man of honor or fervid loyalty and further a war hero. While Park and Nam, who saw Kang from the perspective of daily life, penetrated into his actual aspects and wrote what they saw and felt about him in reality, Choi and Kim, who never had a chance to meet him in person, could easily put him in the othering process and create him the way they intended. From a microscopic dimension, it is obvious that the four authors adopted different perspectives and goals regarding Kang. However, it seems that Joseon`s traditional Sino-centrism must have worked in subtlety in the social background that the four books were written from a macroscopic dimension.

논문 : 역사인물 오자서에 대한 조선 지식인의 인식태도

윤세순 ( Se Soon Yun ) 민족문학사학회·민족문학사연구소 2013 민족문학사연구 Vol.51 No.-

본 연구에서는 문제적 역사인물 오자서를 조선시대 사대부들이 어떻게 인식하고 평가했는지 살펴서 이들의 의식의 한 단면을 들추어 보려 하였다. 오자서는 춘추시대 초나라 출신으로서, 성품이 강직하고 문무를 겸비한 인물이었다. 젊은 시절 그의 부친이 억울하게 누명을 쓰고 초나라 평왕에게 죽임을 당하자, 오자서는 오나라로 망명하여 부친의 원수를 갚았다. 이 일 때문에 오자서는 복수의 화신으로 일컬어지게 된다. 반면 우매한 오나라 왕 부차에게 충간하다가 자결하라는 명을 받고 세상을 떠난 비운의 충신이기도 하다. 이처럼 왕에 대한 복수와 충성이라는 오자서의 양면성은 그에 대해 긍정과 부정이라는 양가적 평가를 내리기에 충분하다. 본 연구를 수행하기 위해 오자서에 대한 조선시대 사대부들의 인식태도를 네 부분, 즉 ① 자식으로서의 처신, ② 초나라 평왕에 대한 복수, ③ 오왕 부차에 대한 신하로서의 면모, ④ 오나라 공자 광에 대한 지원과 협력으로 나누어 진행하였다. 오자서를 네 가지 측면에서 살펴본 결과, 유교 국가였던 조선시대 사대부 지식인들이 충효에 대해 어떻게 인식하고 있었는지 엿볼 수 있었다. This study aims to reveal the noblemen`s consciousness through investigating how they recognized and evaluated a historical character WuZixu. WuZixu was a politician of the State of Chu during the Spring and Autumn period. He was incorruptible and good at both literary and martial arts. He moved for refugee to the State of Wu after his father was executed for the false charge by the King Ping and finally took his father`s revenge. Finally, he was called the symbol of revenge. On the other hand, he was also a loyal subject who used to give a good advice to the foolish king Fuchai of the State of Wu. However, he committed suicide to honestly follow the order to kill himself by the King Fuchai. Likewise, his contrastive two-sided behavior of revenge and loyalty for the king made him to have an ambivalent evaluation as both a positive and negative character. In this paper, the research was conducted into four strata of the noblemen`s recognition of Wu Zixu as following: ① behavior as a descendent ② revenge to the King Ping ③ loyalty for the King Fuchai of the State of Wu ④ support and cooperation with royal man Chuang of the State of Wu. The research about WuZixu revealed how the noblemen recognized the loyalty and filial piety in Chosun Dynasty which was a Confucianism country.

논문 : 17세기, 간행본 서사류의 존재양상에 대하여

윤세순 ( Se Soon Yun ) 민족문학사학회 2008 민족문학사연구 Vol.38 No.-

17세기에 소설문학이 발전하게 된 배후에는 무엇보다도 서사양식이 튼실한 버팀목 구실을 하고 있었다. 게다가 독자 수의 증가도 소설문학이 자신의 자리를 확보하는데 기여하였다. 소설류는 말할 것도 없고 소설에 근접해 있는 다른 서사류 책들도 간행된다면, 필사되었을 때보다 많은 양의 책을 생산해 낼 수 있어 그 만큼 독자를 더 많이 확보할 수 있을 것이다. 본고에서는 서사류 책의 간행이 소설문학의 발전에 일정한 기여를 했을 것이라 여겨 이 시기에 간행된 서사류 책에 대해 살펴보았다. 우선 `재간본`·`초간본`으로 나누어 보았고, 이것들을 다시 서사류의 하위체계라 할 수 있는 `소설류`·`전기류`·`필기 야담류 및 기타`로 나누어 살펴보았다. `소설류`에는 『오륜전전』·『전등신화』·『전등여화』·『삼국지연의』·『효빈집』이 있고, `전기류`에는 『정충록』이 있으며, `필기야담류 및 기타`에는 『종리호로』·『옥호빙』·『세설신어』·『소설어록해』·『동국신속삼강행실도』가 있다. 17세기에는 흥미본위의 심미적 목적을 위한 서사류 책 간행이 결코 쉽지 않았다. 즉 교화를 목적으로 한 도덕적 효용을 앞세워야 간행이 수월하였다. 중국연의류 번역소설이나 장편국문 창작소설들은 도덕적 효용보다는 흥미로운 읽을거리라는 목적이 우선시 되었지만, 아쉽게도 간행되지 못하고 필사본의 형태로 향유되었다. 따라서 17세기에 소설 독자나 독자가 될 가능성이 있는 부류를 확보하는데 있어서는 간행된 서사류책이 필사본 보다 더 효과적이었을 것이다. First of all, narrative literature pieces published in the 17th century can be divided into original editions(初刊本), secondary editions(再刊本). As for the original editions, there are 『Jeongchungrok(精忠錄)』·『Jonglihoro(鍾離葫蘆)』·『Hyobinjip(效빈集)』·『Samgukjiyeonui(三國志演義)』·『Shishuoxinyu(世說新語)』·『Soseoleolokhae(小說語錄解)』·『Sanbomunwonsakyul(刪補文苑사橘)』 and 『Dongguk Shinsok Samgang Haengshil-do(東國新續三綱行實圖)』. For the secondary editions, there are 『Oryunjeon-jeon(五倫全傳)』·『Jeondeungsinhwa(剪燈新話)』·『Jeondeungsinhwa(剪燈餘話)』·and 『Okhobing(玉壺氷)』. These groupings the are classified into subordinate concepts of narratives-novels(小說類), biography(傳記類), PilgiYadam(essays of unofficial stories, 筆記野談類) and others. As for the novels, there are 『Oryunjeon-jeon(五倫全傳)』·『Jeondeungsinhwa(剪燈新話)』·『Samgukjiyeonui(三國志演義)』·『Hyobinjip(效빈集)』. For Jeongi, there is 『Jeongchungrok(精忠錄)』. And for the PilgiYadam and others, there are 『Jonglihoro(鍾離葫蘆)』·『Okhobing (玉壺氷)』·『Shishuoxinyu(世說新語)』·『Sosheoleorokhae(小說語錄解)』 and 『Dongguk Shinsok Samgang Haengshil-do(東國新續三綱行實圖)』. All of the published narratives in the 17th century are known to be government-published. Also, the published places of the narratives were not limited to Seoul, but varied from Jae Ryong, Soon Chang, Jae Ju, Pyeong Yang, and so on. For the government-publications, its number usually did not exceed as much as 100 copies, but some were published and distributed by the government in large figures in order to educate the mass. 『Dongguk Shinsok Samgang Haengshil-do』is such an example, which was printed into as much as 900copies and was distributed to 5 provinces. Through this, the fact that the narrative publications were nationally distributed can be recognized. Thus, because the number of printed-fully-published narratives were much more than that of the written copies, it has taken a very important role in taking lower class men and women of Kyu-bang into the reading group. In Addition, the fully-published editions were all printed into many same copies and so the content was perfectly identical, while the written copies almost had no such cases of having perfectly matching copies, whether or not the transcriber had other intentions. In other words, the publicized copies had predominance over written copies in both keeping identity of the text and securing more readers. On the other side, there are no written record found yet which shows the existence of private publication and Banggakbon, But it is hard to conclude that there were no publication made by an individual with private purpose, because there was a private publicized edition of 『Saseouhnhae(四書諺解)』 for sale in 1637. This publication has the characteristics of Ji-Bang-Gan-Bon(地方刊本), and through its publication records, it can be considered to be sold with commercial purpose. If this 『Saseouhnhae(四書諺解)』 proves to be a Banggakbon with commercial purpose, there must have already been Banggakbon during the middle 17th century. Under such circumstances, narratives and banggakbon could possibly have been published in accordance of popularity and marketability. Accordingly, narratives such as 『Jeondeungsinhwa(剪燈新話)』, which was printed and read among the mass, maybe have already been sold for commercial purpose in early 16th century.

기획주제: 중세의 동물에 대한 인식과 문학적 형상(2) : 한문소설에 나타난 주요 동물의 문학적 형상

윤세순 ( Se-soon Yun ) 동방한문학회 2015 東方漢文學 Vol.0 No.62

조선후기 사대부 소설작가들은 국문소설 가운데서 당시 유행하고 있었던 동물우화소설의 영향을 받아 동물 소재 한문소설을 지었다. 이들이 이처럼 쉽게 동물우화소설의 영향을 받아 한문으로 동물 소재 소설을 지을 수 있었던 이유는 한문학의 전통 속에 면면히 흐르고 있던 관물정신과 우언양식, 그리고 동물전과 동물설의 한문학 양식 등이 있었기 때문이다. 동물을 소재로 다룬 한문소설에는 「호질(虎叱)」·「서대주전(鼠大州傳)」·「서옥기(鼠獄記)」·「토공전(兎公傳」이 있는데 본고에서는 이들 작품에서 서사적 추동력이 있는 주요 동물만을 다루었다. 즉 「호질」의 호랑이, 「서대주전」의 늙은 쥐, 「토공전」의 토끼와 자라의 문학적 형상만을 논의의 대상으로 삼았다. 「호질」에서는 호랑이를 동물의 제왕으로 인정하였고, 인간이 호랑이를 두려워한다는 점을 들어 호랑이가 인간의 우위를 차지하게 하였다. 또 동물의 입장에서 인간은 배고픔을 해소하는데 필요한 고기 덩어리에 불과하다고 여겨 인간을 동물 가운데 하나로 여기거나 동물의 먹잇감으로 취급함으로써 호랑이의 위상을 상대적으로 격상시켰다. 이로써 호랑이는 허위의식으로 가득찬 인간을 통렬히 비난할 수 있는 권한을 부여받게 되었다. 「서대주전」에서는 쥐의 생태를 잘 파악하여 이를 늙은 쥐 서대주의 모습으로 잘 형상화해 놓았다. 서대주의 만행과 뻔뻔스런 행태는 현실사회에 존재하는 파렴치한 인간을 비유한 것이다. 「토공전」에서는 토끼의 총명함보다는 어리석음에 대해 다루어 보았고, 자라의 달변가적 면모와 표리부동한 모습, 즉 표면적인 충성심과 이면의 욕망과 두려움에 초점을 맞추어 논의해 보았다. In late Joseon dynasty, gentry intellectuals expressed negative attitudes toward the swarm of newly published Korean novels by insisting that the novels deserve to be burned as they brought about the phenomenon of social pathology. However, in the midst of this major commotion, gentry novelists wrote Sino-Korean novels after they were influenced by animal fable novels among Korean novels which were popular at the time. The novelists were able to easily write animal-based novels in Chinese characters which were inspired by animal fables because literary styles of Gwanmul spirit, fable style, animal-Jeon, and animal tale were deeply rooted in the Chinese literature. 「Hojil 虎叱」, 「Seojdaejujeon 鼠大州傳」, 「Seookki 鼠獄記」, and 「Togo ng-Jeon 兎公傳」 are some Sino-Korean novels which storylines are based on animals and this dissertation dealt with main animals which have narrative impetus. That is, the thesis set literary form of the tiger in 「Hojil」, the old mouse in 「Seodaejujeon」, and the rabbit and the turtle in 「Togong-Jeon 토끼전」 as the targets of discussion. Moreover, the paper tried to grasp how the animals were formed within the works by internal methodology. In 「Hojil」, the tiger is acknowledged as the king of animals and at a superior position than humans since the humans have fear toward it. In addition, the tiger is raised to a higher status by merely treating humans as preys or a type of animal. With this, the tiger is authorized to bitterly criticize humans who are full of falsity. In 「Seodaejujeon」, the old mouse Seodaeju has been well formed after a thorough understanding of the life of mice. Seodaeju``s barbarous acts and impudent behavior are a stark comparison to shameless humans. Generally, in the Korean version of 「Tokki-Jeon」, the rabbit``s wisdom and the turtle``s fidelity have been mentioned. However, in the 「Togong-Jeon」 which is a Chinese character version of 「Tokki- Jeon」, the discussion is centered on the rabbit``s foolishness and the turtle``s eloquence and treacherousness. The witty rabbit somehow manages to escape from the Dragon King``s Palace but displays a foolish act of heading back toward it after being deceived by the turtle``s eloquence. The turtle is an eloquent speaker who is equipped with strategies and practical ingenuity to accomplish his desire for success. Furthermore, outside he is a courageous loyalist but inside he``s full of desires and fears.

한국(韓國) 한시(漢詩)의 특징(特徵)과 전개(展開) 17세기 전기소설에 나타난 삽입시가의 존재양상과 기능 -「주생전(周生傳)」·「위경천전(韋敬天傳)」·「운영전(雲英傳)」·「상사동기(想思洞記)」를 중심으로-

윤세순 ( Se Soon Yun ) 동방한문학회 2010 東方漢文學 Vol.0 No.42

Inserted poems refer to poems inserted in novels and are found through the classical novels of Korea. Diverse forms of inserted poems can be found in Chuachi(傳奇), Mongyurok, chapter-titled, Hangul love, heroic, and Pansori novels. Inserted poems made their first appearance in biography novels including 「Ssangnyeobungi 雙女墳記」, the first biography novel between the end of Shilla and the beginning of Goryeo, 『Geumosinhwa 金鰲新話』and 『Gijaegiyi 企齋記異』from the former half of Chosun, and many more biography novels from the 17th century. The inserted poems performed various roles in biography novels, enhanced their lyricism, highlighted their composition, and even revealed the writers` talents and personalities, settling down as the aesthetic characteristic of Chuachi. This study investigated the existence patterns and functions of inserted poems with four works of Chuachi from the 17th century, 「Joosaeng-jeon 周生傳」·「Wheegyeongchon-Jeon 韋敬天傳」·「Unyeong-jeon 雲英傳」·「sangsadongyi 想思洞記」. Below is a chart for the investigation: Performing such diverse functions in Chuachi from the 17th century, the inserted poems brought out the unique aesthetic nature of novel, a narrative format. Their functions were not independent, rather mingling with each other and helping themselves take a solider root in narrative. That is, inserted poems would function as a character description to present his or her psychology, as the development of an event or underplot, and means of communication to deliver his or her emotions or thoughts to others at the same time. Performing diverse roles as one of the aesthetic characteristics of Chuachi, inserted poems influenced other formats of narrative later. In the latter half of Chosun, it felt natural to find inserted poems throughout the formats of narrative.

『난실담총(蘭室譚叢)』의 편찬 시기와 지식 구축 방식

윤세순 ( Yun Se-soon ) 동방한문학회 2018 東方漢文學 Vol.0 No.76

『蘭室譚叢』은 조선 후기의 문인이자 학자인 成海應(1760~1839)이 편찬한 저작이다. ‘蘭室’은 성해응의 號인데, 좋은 친구나 본받을 만한 훌륭한 사람이 있는 곳을 비유한 말이다. 또한 蘭臺와 같은 뜻으로, 漢나라 때 궁중에 있던 藏書閣의 이름이기도 하다. 성해응은 이 두 가지 의미를 아우르는 차원에서 ‘난실’이란 호를 채택했을 것이다. 성해응은 29세 때인 1788년(정조12)에 규장각 檢書官이 되었는데, 이후 규장각에 소장되어 있던 각종 서책들을 마음껏 열람할 수 있었고, 뛰어난 학자인 이덕무·박제가·유득공 등과 학문을 토론하고 담소를 즐기며 학자로서의 황금기를 보냈다. 따라서 『난실담총』은 성해응이 다양한 분야의 많은 서적을 열람하고, 당대의 박식한 학자들과 교유하여 폭넓은 견문을 얻을 수 있었던 규장각 검서관 시절 기획되어 자료를 수집하기 시작했을 것으로 추정된다. 『난실담총』의 정확한 자료수집 기간과 편찬 시기를 알 수는 없지만, 전체내용을 자세하게 읽어보니, 자료를 채록한 시기를 알 수 있는 내용들이 있었다. 이를 바탕으로 자료수집 기간은 최소한 20여년(1789~1812)임을 알 수 있었다. 『난실담총』은 총6권으로 『연경재전집외집』 56권부터 61권까지에 수록되어 있는데, 이 부분은 子餘 부문에 해당한다. 또 자여 부문 안에서도 筆記類로 분류해 놓았다. 권1에 수록된 내용은 주로 국가 제도 및 왕실과 궁궐에 관련된 것들이다. 권2에 수록된 내용은 주로 관직제도와 조정의 벼슬아치들과 관련된 것들이다. 권3에 수록된 내용은 주로 남다른 면모를 지닌 인물, 이름과 호칭, 풍속, 복식, 장례, 국방, 역사적 공간과 관련된 것들이다. 권4에 수록된 내용은 주로 식물, 동물, 奇石, 글자, 귀신, 외국과 관련된 것들이다. 권5에 수록된 내용은 주로 명말청초 시기와 관련된 인물과 사건, 그리고 청나라와 관련된 것들이다. 권6에는 주로 考證, 서책, 서화, 종교, 歸化人, 금석문과 관련된 것들이다. 『난실담총』에 수록된 내용이 이처럼 다양하고 폭넓은 것은 18,9세기 조선의 학술계에 유행했던 박물학의 영향을 받은 성해응의 박물학적 지식취향 때문이다. 『난실담총』은 필기류 양식이 변화를 겪고 있던 당시의 상황 속에서도 필기류 본연의 글쓰기 방식인 述而不作의 전통을 지키고 있었다. 성해응은 자신이 견문한 사실이나 문헌 기록들을 정리하여 『난실담총』에 지식정보로 구축해 놓았는데, 본고에서는 지식구축 방식을 6가지로 나누어 파악해 보았다. 지식구축의 6가지 방식은 다음과 같다. ① 직접 목격하거나 측근에게 전해들은 이야기로 구축 ② 동일하거나 비슷한 소재의 이야기를 하나의 항목으로 묶어 구축 ③ 기존 문헌에서 필요한 부분만 발췌하고 재구성하여 구축 ④ 기존 문헌의 내용을 거의 그대로 옮겨와 구축 ⑤ 기존 문헌의 내용에 후속 정보를 보완하여 구축 ⑥ 한 서책에서만 발췌하여 구축 『난실담총』은 외양적으로는 이것저것 모아놓은 잡다한 기록물처럼 보일수도 있다. 하지만 그 안을 들여다보면 일정한 체계를 갖추어 편찬되었음을 알 수 있다. 즉 각 항목에 적절한 제목이 달려 있고, 서로 비슷한 類에 속하는 항목들이 모아져 있다. 이는 『난실담총』이 類書의 형식을 어느 정도 모방하고 있음을 보여주기도 한다. 『Nansildamchong』 is written by Seong Hae-eung(成海應), the literary scholar of the late Choson Dynasty. He became Gyujanggak(奎章閣) Gemseguan(檢書官) 1788, at the age of 29. In there, he was able to read a lot of books in various fields and to get a wide range of knowledge by communicating with erudite scholars of the era. Perhaps he started to collect data for the compilation of 『Nansildamchong』 when he worked as the Gyujanggak Gemseguan. I can not know when he collected the data and compiled the 『Nansildamchong』exactly, but I could figure out that it took at least 20 years(1789~1812) to collect data after reading the book thoroughly. This book has six volumes in total, and is classified as a Pilgi(筆記) genre in Yeongyeongjae waejip (硏經齋外集). Volume one is about the national system, royal and palace. Volume two is about the official system and government officials. Volume three is about characters with special aspects, name and title, customs, costumes, funerals, defense and historical space. Volume four is about plants, animals, strange stones, letters, ghosts, foreign countries. Volume five is about the characters and events from late Ming Dynasty to the early Qing Dynasty and Qing Dynasty’s characters. Volume six is about historical investigation, books, book paintings, religion, naturalized persons, inscription on a stone monument. The diverse and wide contents of 『Nansildamchong』 come from Seong Hae-eung’s knowledge preference for natural history that was influenced by the study of nature which was popular with scholars of the Chosun Dynasty in the 18^th and 19^th century. On the other hand, Seong Hae-eung summarized document records or the facts which he observed and built up knowledge information with these in 『Nansildamchong』. The building of knowledge was conducted in six ways. ① He used the story that he witnessed or heard from his aides. ② He built a series of stories of similar material into a single story. ③ He extracted only necessary parts from the existing literature and reconstructed it. ④ He quoted the contents of the existing literature almost identically. ⑤ He added the following information to the contents of the existing literature. ⑥ He extracted the information from only one book and built knowledge information with it.

17세기 필사본 소설류에 대하여

윤세순 ( Se Soon Yun ) 우리한문학회 2008 漢文學報 Vol.19 No.-

18세기 사대부 지식인 유만주의 고독

윤세순 ( Se Soon Yun ) 근역한문학회 2014 한문학논집(漢文學論集) Vol.38 No.-

본고는 조선시대 사대부 지식인 유만주가 느낀 고독감에 대해 살펴보았다. 그런데 현재 사용되고 있는 고독의 개념이 다양하고도 모호한 부분들이 있어 우선 고독의 개념을 정리해 외재적 고독과 내재적 고독으로 나누어 보았다. 외재적 고독이란 홀로인 상태를 수동적으로 받아들여 외로움[loneliness]을 느끼는 것이고, 반면 내재적 고독이란 홀로인 상태를 능동적으로 받아들여 자신의 내면으로 沈潛[solitude]하는 것을 말한다. 물론 외재적 고독과 내재적 고독을 정확하게 분리하여 설명할 수 있는 것은 아니다. 인간은 혼자라는 외로움 속에서 쓸쓸함과 우울함이 지속되어 고통 받을 수도 있겠지만, 외로운 상태로 한 동안 지내다 혼자임을 기꺼이 인정하며 내면의 동굴 속으로 들여가 침잠할 수도 있다. 또 이와는 반대로 침잠의 상태에서 빠져나와 혼자라는 외로움에 몸서리칠 수도 있다. 고독을 느끼는 인간이라면 외로움[loneliness]과 침잠[solitude] 사이를 오가며 이 둘을 모두 경험할 것이다. 유만주는 타고난 본래적 성향과 주변인들과의 소통부재, 사회적 정체성의 부재, 그리고 소중한 사람의 죽음으로 인해 외재적 고독의 상태 속에 있기도 했고, 반면 자신의 내면으로 침잠하여 탈속의 경지를 동경하다가 마침내 ‘臨華洞天’이라는 상상의 세계를 구축에 나아가기도 했다. ‘임화동천’은 造景의 ‘설계도’ 같은 특징을 갖고 있으면서 동시에 허구의 가상세계로 이루어진 소설을 연상시키기도 한다. 이는 유만주가 외로움을 극복하고 내면으로 침잠하여 창조적 힘을 발휘하여 만들어간 그만의 세상이었다. 유만주는 이 상상의 공간 속에서 자신만의 고유한 개성을 활짝 펼치면서 마음껏 자유하였다. 또 사회적으로 미미한 존재감 때문에 현실 속에서 상처받은 자신의 영혼을 이곳에서 치유 받았다. 하지만 자신의 희망이었던 맏아들 구환의 죽음을 겪은 후에 끝내 절망의 외로움 속에서 병약한 몸을 지탱하지 못하고 아들이 죽은 지 1년이 못되어 세상을 떠나고 말았다. This paper examines the loneliness of YuMan-Ju, a Sadaebu(the noble class) intellectual from eighteenth-century of the Joseon dynasty. It also analyzes the solitudinous aspect of his life showing that he was willing to immerse himself in his inner world. In this paper, loneliness and solitude will be dealt in a different perspective and meaning. Loneliness is regarded as an attitude where one passively receives the situation being alone, whereas solitude is an active acceptance of being apart from others. It is not easy to differentiate between the state of loneliness and solitude because while one could be suffering from chronic depression and loneliness, at the same time that person could embrace his emotions and further delve into his mental “cave”, entering a state of solitude. The converse also applies: a person in a state of solitude may come to realize that his emotions were in fact loneliness. People in general, when alone, may experience a constant fluctuation between loneliness and solitude. Yu Man-Ju’s inherit character, lack of communication with others, absence of social presence, and the death of a beloved person ultimately led him to experience feeling lonely. On the other hand, letting himself sink into his inner world and longing to transcend the secular world, Yu established imaginative world called ‘Imhwadongcheon(臨華洞天)’. The aspect of Imhwadongcheon is similar to the landscaping scheme, and it also reminds us of a fantasy novel. It is a world created through his overcoming of loneliness and the finding of solace in his solitude. In addition, this recluse allowed him to cure his soul, heavily wounded by the reality of his faint social presence. However, the death of his first son(Gu-Hwan), who he regarded as his hope, left his mind in a state of desperate loneliness, and the resulting shock led to his death, less than a year apart from his son`s death.

외래 도서가 한국한문학의 발전에 끼친 영향의 탐색 조선시대 중국소설류의 국내유입에 대하여

윤세순 ( Se Soon Yun ) 동방한문학회 2016 東方漢文學 Vol.0 No.66

This paper will analyze the influx of various works of Chinese fiction in Chosun dynasty in periodic characterisation of 15th century through 19th century. As a result, it can be confirmed that Chinese fiction has consistently been transported ever since the establishment of the Yi Dynasty from the 15th century until its end. It was urgent to establish the state system in the 15th century, which Confucianism was the principal basis of the foundation of the country; thus government was instrumental in importing the Confucian scriptures and historical book into the country. Bringing fictions into the country was nearly impossible. However, the fiction Jeondeungsinhwa(剪燈新話) was introduced at this time period, although we do not know of the details of it importation. From the 16th century, there was an improvement in government affairs; its operation became lenient. Hence, it was easier to acquire Chinese books than during the previous century. In addition, Chinese fiction was brought in by Chosun envoys or interpreters who visited Beijing. Book dealers appeared in this time period allowing the books to be more accessible. These book dealers were active until the end of 19th century. The two consequent wars in the 17the century generated a new paradigm, which led to a new awareness that made changes to the way people viewed the various life tales in fiction in a positive light. Furthermore, during the time of Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 after the fall of the Ming dynasty, the soldiers and migrants naturally diffused Chinese culture. Thus, the thriving fiction literature in China were permitted naturally without much resistance. During this period, the recently published books from China were imported inland of Chosun much faster. More genre of fictions were introduced such as Yan-yi novel(演義小說), The Gong`an theme novel(公案小說), Freestyle Chinese novel(筆記小說) and Scholar-Beauty romances(才子佳人小說). The 18th century Chosun society was the renaissance of Korea as it led a far different cultural atmosphere from the prior century. In this century abundant amount of various books overflowed from China. For the affluent and some of the middle classes, who had time on their hands, reading Chinese fiction became a part of their leisure actives. In result, this period brought with it a considerable amount of books focused on the demands of the wealthy. Thus the influx of Chinese fiction continued until the very end of its dynasty in the 19the century.

투고논문 : 17세기, 소설류의 유행양상

윤세순 ( Se Soon Yun ) 동방한문학회 2006 東方漢文學 Vol.0 No.31