미국 1870년 민권법(Civil Rights Act of 1870)과 이민자들 - 19세기 중국인 쿨리(Coolie)를 중심으로 -

오영인(Oh, Young-In) 효원사학회 2019 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.56

본 논문은 미국의 1870년 민권법(Civil Rights Act of 1870)과 이민자들과의 관계를 통해 특히 중국인 쿨리들의 다층적이고 다양한 역사 경험을 재발굴 해보고자 한다. 19세기 중국인 쿨리에 대한 대부분의 기존 연구는 서부 백인노동자들이 경쟁적으로 여론화했던 소위 ‘황인종의 위협(Yellow Peril)’에서 미국적 가치를 지키기 위해 중국인 쿨리들을 일상 생활에서뿐 아니라 법과 제도적으로도 격리하고 차별한 인종적 타자로서의 쿨리 연구가 압도적이다. 물론 쿨리 노동력의 노동효율성으로 인해 경제적인 관점에서 미국의 영토 확장에 필요했던 값싼 노동력으로서의 쿨리노동 혹은 자본의 폭력성과 연계되어 작업장에서 착취당하는 이민노동자로서의 쿨리에 대한 연구들도 다수 발표되었다. 그렇다면 쿨리들은 미국 사회에서 자본의 논리로 착취당하고 인종적 타자로 차별 당했던 희생자이기만 한 것일까? 1870년 민권법의 재해석을 통해 이 질문에 답하는 것이 본고의 목적이다. 강제법 혹은 KKK법으로도 익히 알려져 있는 1870년 민권법은 남북전쟁 이후 해방된 흑인의 인권보장이라는 너무도 명백한 목적으로 제정되었다. 그런데 이런 대의에 묻혀 그동안 우리가 간과하거나 무관심했던 것은 1870년 민권법 제16조와 17조항(Sect. 16, 17)이다. 이것은 미국 법제사 중 최초로 미국 시민이 아닌 외국인(alienage)의 인권을 언급한 법 조항으로써 유일하게 인종뿐만 아니라 국적에 있어서도 중립적인 법적 보호망이었다. 이에 1870년 민권법은 연방외국인보호법(The Federal Alienage Protection Act of 1870)으로 불리기도 한다. 더욱 중요한 사실은 이 두 조항들이 민권법에 포함되는 데 결정적 역할을 한 주체가 바로 중국인 이민노동자들이었다는 사실이다. 노예해방 이후 재건기라는 시대 상황 속에서 평등의 개념을 (재)정의하고 인권보호의 정당성을 시민에 한정시켰던 것을 비시민의 법적·제도적 인권보장으로 확대하는 데 있어 이민노동자 쿨리들은 결코 수동적인 희생자가 아니었던 것이다. 오히려 그들은 미국 사회의 한 구성원으로서 법과 제도의 발전적 변화를 이끄는 능동적이고 주체적인 자극제였다. 이에 본고는 미국에 유입된 쿨리는 누구였는가라는 근본적인 질문에서 시작하여 미국 사회에서 이들의 실질적인 삶과 저항들이 미국의 법체계와 법의식의 발전에 어떤 역할을 했는지를 1870년 민권법을 통해 보여줄 것이다. 더불어 중국 이민자들이 1870년 민권법 중 외국인 인권조항을 실제로 어떻게 활용하고 어떤 성공적인 결과를 도출했는 지를 익 우(Yick Wo) 대법원 판례를 통해 증명해보고자 한다. This study tries to re-discover various and multilayered historical experiences of chinese coolies by examining the relations between Civil Rights Act of 1870 and Chinese labor immigrants in the 19th century. Previous studies on chinese coolies in the 19th century, overwhelmingly, focused on the discourse of racial discrimination because of the fact that white laborers in California, in the milieu of so called “yellow peril,” regarded chinese as a serious social threat. Therefore coolies were segregated in the social systems and discriminated in everyday life. With a different perspective, there are many studies on chinese coolies who were exploited in the workshop as immigrant workers. Then, were chinese coolies no more than victims who experienced unfair exploitation and discrimination? The purpose of this study is to answer this question by reconsidering the Civil Rights Act of 1870 in relationship with Chinese coolie immigrants. Known as the Enforcement Act or the First Ku Klux Klan Act, Congress enacted the Civil Rights Act of 1870 in order to enforce the terms of the Fifteenth Amendment, which prohibited the states from denying anyone the right to vote based on race. In the Act, however, section 16 and 17 of the Act were forgotten or largely overlooked because of the obvious purpose of the act for freedmen. However this section 16 and 17 of the 1870 Act for the first time prohibits discrimination on the basis of alienage including American citizens. Therefore the 1870 act was known as the Federal Alienage Protection Act of 1870, too. Chinese coolie immigrant workers played an pivotal role who eventually led Congress to enact section 16 and 17 of the 1870 Act. By expanding and redefining a fundamental notion of equality, chinese coolies made very important contributions to American political and legal history which have been ignored. This study answers the following questions: who were chinese coolies; how did chinese coolies resist the unreasonable and unfair American legal system; what kind of roles did chinese coolies do for the development of American legal system. In addition, through the case of Yick Wo in 1886, it tries to prove how chinese immigrants successfully use the legal system in order to survive by appealing to the Supreme court rather than to California state court.

[미국] 미국사 연구 동향: 역사가의 소명과 팬데믹이 남긴 과제

오영인(Oh, Young-In) 역사학회 2021 역사학보 Vol.- No.251

This review essay is to understand recent research trends of American history in Korea over the past two years(2019-2020). From 2019 to 2020, eighty-two articles, five history books, and four book reviews were published in Korea. In general, every research has multi-layered meanings by crossing diverse subjects making difficult to annalize them by one certain subject. As a convenient device, however, this essay discusses recent researches by each subject such as political, gender, immigration, and so forth. One of prominent trend is a profound achievement in the field of medical history. After COVID19, hatred for particular race called xenophobia is reemerged everywhere in the name of national security or public health. Yet this is nothing new in American history. Since 2000, historians both in the field of medical and immigration/race studies have attempted to reveal diverse historical experiences from diverse immigrant groups across racial or ethnic lines. Another distinctive trend is that the fields of political/diplomatic history is recovering their previous mainstream position by publishing seventeen articles and a book. According to Oscar Wilde, “The only Obligation we have to history is to rewrite it.” Facing pandemic COVID19, historians can no longer keep their role in the past. Rather, with new insights, we should be ready to answer diverse current issues since there is nothing permanent except change as Heracleitos said.

21세기 전환기 미국 여성사와 뉴페미니즘(New Feminism)

오영인 ( Young In Oh ) 역사교육학회 2014 역사교육논집 Vol.52 No.-

This study is for introducing and understanding American Women`s history, particularly new feminism which has been emerging since the mid-1980s. Affected by Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, the New Left criticized the liberal consensus view of American history. Within the historical discipline, in addition, a social and cultural history revolution took place in the 1970s that pushed scholars to emphasize the history from the bottom up such as class formation, regional history, race relations, religions, and gender relations. Emerging from women`s inquiries in the 1960s and the 1970s, women`s history has become one of the most prolific and creative fields in American history. Even so, however, before the mid-1980s, women`s history scholars treated it as a branch of social history which normally emphasized the experiences of ordinary women as a passive agent and the sources of their oppression as women. Women`s history still could not overcome the limits that focused on the rise and fall of Victorian domesticity, with its attention to women`s "separate sphere." By looking at the world as dichotomy between man/woman or public/private sphere, therefore, women`s history before the mid-1980s was criticized as biased analyses. However, since the path-breaking article by Joan Scott in 1986 who introduced the socially and culturally constructed concept of "gender" instead of biological unchangeable concept of sex. Now, the separate public and private spheres became not fixed but socially constructed and possible to change. American women`s history is entering the era of "new feminism" which request historians to change their historical recognition paying more attention to the multiplicity of women`s historical experiences. Both the rise of gender history and the new emphasis on differences among women have reshaped historian`s understanding of women as historical subject. Women`s history is no longer a branch of social history. Historians of law, labor, politics, public policy, race, etc are now recognizing gender as a important category of analysis. This study, in particular, explore three areas that new feminism have reshaped the women`s history at the turn of the 21st century: gender and race; gender and culture(including consumer culture); gender and public policies especially social welfare policies and the policy of citizenship. By doing so, this study provides one possible way in what American women`s history should go.

조선시대 분묘 內 매납 자기에 대한 一考

오영인(Oh, Young-in) 중앙문화재연구원 2013 중앙고고연구 Vol.0 No.12

본 논문은 최근까지 조사된 조선시대 분묘유적 중 한양 공동묘역에서 출토된 한 벌의 자기 부장품의 매납 양상과 특징에 대한 구체적인 규명을 시도한 글이다. 이를 위해 조선시대 한양의 공동묘역인 서교와 동교의 위치가 현재 진관동을 중심으로 한 은평구 일대, 광진구-중랑구-노원구 일대인 것으로 추정하여 이들 지역에서 발굴조사된 5,228기의 분묘 중 128기에서 출토된 한 벌의 자기 부장품을 대상으로 살펴보았다. 총 119건의 부장품 조합을 살펴본 결과 백색이 갖는 의미가 부장품에 적용되어 높은 백자의 매납 비율을 보였으며, ‘발·종자·접시·호·청동시(+저)’의 구성 안에서 개별적인 부장품의 조합이 선별되었고, 그중 ‘발+청동시’의 조합이 가장 높은 비율을 차지하였다. 본 논문에서는 한 벌의 자기 부장품의 구성과 용례에 집중하여「세종실록 」 ｢ 오례의 ｣ 흉례 명기조의 기명 조합, 김장생의 제기도, 명대 분묘 출토품과의 비교를 진행했고, 그 결과 한양 공동 묘역에서 출토된 한 벌의 자기 부장품은 당시 국가적인 예제의 지침에 부합하는 기종에 해당하고, 중국의 제기 기물의 용례와 연관지어 음식, 다례용 제기로 사용된 이후 한 벌의 부장품으로 성격을 변환시켜 매납되었을 가능성을 제시하였다. This study set out to investigate burial aspects and feature of sets of Grave Goods, with the recently excavated relics of the boundaries of a communal grave within Hanyang City in Joseon Dynasty. For that purpose, the relics were presumed Eunpyeong-gu including Jingwan-dong as a western suburb(西郊), Gwangjin-gu, Jungnang-gu and Nowon-gu as the eastern edge(東郊), in which were further examined closely sets of Grave Goods including ceramics excavated 128 graves from among whole 5228 graves. As a result of inspecting the whole 119 sets of Grave Goods including ceramics, white porcelain took possession of most proportion with implication as white color, each compositions were made a selection from the combine of bowl, a small dish, plate, jar and bronze spoon, among which the combine of bowl and bronze spoon comprised the most proportion. The further study, focusing on the composition and usage of sets of Grave Goods including ceramics, compared objects in Five Rituals of Sejong chronicles(世宗實 錄 五禮儀), Kim Changsaeng(金長生)’s book depicting utensils used in ancestral rites, articles excavated from graves in Ming Dynasty, which they were types suited to national guideline, converted tableware for table use and the tea ceremony to utensils used in ancestral rites, being committed to the earth, sets of Grave Goods including ceramics excavated in the boundaries of a communal grave within Hanyang City.

일반논문 : 미국 자유주의와 백인 미국 만들기 -20세기 전반 시민권 정책을 중심으로-

오영인 ( Young In Oh ) 수선사학회 2014 史林 Vol.0 No.47

This study is to explore how American liberalism as a hegemonic discourse at the turn of the 20th century and the half of the century affected federal immigration laws which had been changed from traditional liberal immigration policies to anti-liberal restricted ones. In addition, I examine how individual states and the Supreme Court utilized liberalism for making white America through election laws and the way of defining American citizenship. Historically, the meaning of citizenship has been changed in America where diverse ethnicities with so many different backgrounds live together. Since the beginning of the States, American liberalism continues to provide the basic ideological framework in which most Americans think about politics and society, and liberalism, too, has been so flexible enough to have historically represented both progressive and retrogressive position. With large waves of so-called "new immigrants" from Eastern and Southern Europe at the turn of the 20th century, nativists and Darwinian liberals asserted the law of competition that only the most talented and able members of society would survive and prosper, and Anglo-Saxon race among whites was the superior member of true American. Darwinian liberalism was so closely connected to the laissez-faire doctrine and social darwinist ideologies. Under this rationale, traditional liberal immigration policies had been changed to unliberal restrictive immigration control through federal immigration acts like the Literacy Test Act of 1917 and the National Quota systems in 1924. After the passage of the stringent restrictive 1924 immigration policy, however, most of nativists and liberals no longer focused on the question of openness. The efforts of them turned instead to the issue of filtering naturalized aliens already in the nation and restricting their potential to become full member of American citizens who would participate politics. Under the doctrine of traditional federalism, individual states still had a strong grip to establish qualifications for suffrage, and more than 20 states passed the election law that required voters to demonstrate comprehensive reading and writing ability in English. Legally sanctioned discrimination, the English literacy election law was designed to disenfranchise undesirable yet naturalized linguistic minorities. Based on the prevailed sentiment of white supremacy and Darwinian liberalism, in addition, the Supreme Court developed the category of Caucasian in naturalization decisions. Using the racialized scientific doctrine or common understanding of color, the Supreme Court maintained that the meaning of white expanded to accommodate immigrants from the previously undesirable Europeans from Eastern and Southern Europe. This loss of distinction gave a legal basis for all white Europeans only to be American citizens, making white America slowly but surely. On the contrary, nonwhite`s struggles and resistances for the full membership as an American citizen were buried under the gigantic power of both federal and individual governments and the Supreme Court which paved the ground works for making white America.

미국 문맹테스트 이민법을 통해서 본의회와 이민국의 관계

오영인 ( Young In Oh ) 한국서양사학회 2009 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.103

This study is to reveal why and how the Bureau of Immigration extended its discretionary power in relationship to Congress` attitude toward the law and its administration. It will also explain why the immigration service ended up being both inefficient and dehumanizing and how the conflict between Congress and the Bureau of Immigration, by extension, created an expanded illegal immigration problem. In many studies, scholars of immigration history have pointed out that the federal immigration agency functioned with considerable freedom compared to other government agencies. Since the very beginning of the twentieth century, indeed, the Bureau of Immigration and each immigration station acted largely unchecked in applying its discretion to immigration laws. This discretion led to abuses. Its scope of responsibilities and a heavy work prompted scholars to accuse the immigration agency of inefficient and dehumanizing administration. The history of self-governing immigration policy by the Bureau of Immigration was largely carried on in relation to Congressional attitudes toward immigration issues and immigration laws because Congress and the immigration administration or administrators shared responsibility for running immigration policy. In order to explore the relationship between Congress and the Bureau of Immigration, this study uses the Literacy Test Act of 1917 since it was the first congressional attempt to legislate a systematic restrictive immigration law. In addition, the Literacy Test Act of 1917 played the role of prototype for the relationship between Congress and the Bureau of Immigration. No other immigration laws took such a long time of debates in Congress than the Literacy Test Act. After 4 presidential vetoes, it took almost a quarter century to become the law since its first appearance in an 1893 bill. But after a long and exhausting debate to meet political pressures from various interest groups, Congress did not want to interfere with way to complex and difficult immigration issues, resulting in discretionary administrations. And this development became a standard practice. In the context of the Literacy Test Act and its administration, congressional pressure on the Bureau had mainly two facets: the unwillingness to interfere with immigration issues right after the enactment of legislation, and the matter of money. There was also an enormously wide diversity of individual cases and exceptions that immigration law had to cover. For these reasons, Congress, after passing legislation, tended to delegate further responsibility of preparing regulations to administrative officials. Given Congress` unwillingness to interfere with immigration issues, immigration officers gradually could and did operate with wide latitude, often reflecting the growing racist ideas of the period. However, Congress in the early 1920s was not willing to enlarge the station`s facilities or even repair the existing structures. Rather, by facing a difficult dilemma between the demand from growers for cheap labor and anti-immigrant nativism, Congress negotiated these concerns by focusing on “temporary solutions” such as exempting Mexicans from the literacy test. Congress in 1923 allowed the temporary admission of illiterate laborers on the pretext of relieving the administrative hardship caused by dealing with illiterates habitually crossing at the borders. Facing increasing illegal traffics on the border lines, the immigration service confronted even more complex pressures than just a matter of inadequate budget and lack of capacity. As the restrictive measures of the immigration law began to be felt, this large increase of illegal immigration were not surprising. And, by adding the provision allowing the temporary admission of illiterate laborers, Congress had constructed classifications of entry that supported local and regional labor markets. But this congressional “solution,” with its lack of capacity to provide a comprehensive answer to immigration policy, actually and eventually encouraged illegal immigration.

비평논문 : 미국 이민연구와 적극적 사회주체로서의 이주자들

오영인 ( Young In Oh ) 수선사학회 2010 史林 Vol.0 No.36

As well known, America is `a nation of immigration.` America, indeed, has had a long history of different mass migrations and has struggled to develop a flexible social framework and policy to accommodate diverse immigrants. Since America has accepted new immigrants from not only European countries that already dominate population came from but also the underdeveloped countries, particularly Asia, Latin America after the liberalization of Immigration in 1965, the study of immigration has provided alternative theories to explain a new tale of immigrant history. Moving beyond the traditional debates on restrictions toward immigrants based on nativism, recent studies have clearly paid more attention to the process of immigrant adaptation to a new society. And contemporary researches on immigrants` incorporation to life in America have emphasized the role of ethnic communities to support a collective strategy of self-defense rather than relied on individual assimilation. Ethnic communities does not mean ethnic enclave only, which is generally an economic concept, but also co-ethnic networks, in which each ethnicity could coexist in the socio-cultural and political arena as well. Immigrants, however, have been regarded as just recipients of government policies and economic needs, and the people who have little done to change American social control. Attaching a “minority” label to immigrants, previous studies of immigration have mainly revealed immigrants` discriminatory situations in the host society. Yet, historically immigrants never simply been a passive agent in American society since the beginning of the nation. In order to minimize the prejudice towards immigrants, which has been a critical barrier on their incorporations into a new society, immigration studies should try to discover immigrants as active participants in the host society. Therefore, this study focuses on analysing active roles of ethnic communities to the American society. By doing so, it will show how American society have affected immigrants themselves and how immigrants have responded actively.

조선 전기(15~16세기) 완상(玩賞)의 분위기와 청자 화분의 재현

오영인(Oh Young in) 한국중세고고학회 2021 한국중세고고학 Vol.- No.10

본 연구는 조선시대 소비문화 연구의 일환으로써 조선 전기 완상의 분위기 속에서 고려청자의 수집과 애호가 이뤄졌고, 귀중품으로 인식되던 화분이 고려청자의 특징을 재현하여 제작되었음을 확인하였다. 화훼는 이른 시기부터 완상의 대상이 되었고, 선비의 도리와 군자의 덕성을 연마하는 수단이 수목과 화훼를 가까이 두는 것이라 여겨 수많은 정원이 조성되는 배경이 되었다. 화분은 화훼 재배와 관련한 기능적인 측면 외에도 식재된 수목 및 화훼와 함께 감상되었을 뿐만 아니라 자연을 그대로 축소한 정원 안에서 다른 지물과 대등한 감상의 대상이 되었다. 화훼를 감상하고 애호한 이들은 당시 오래된 명물 중 하나로 수집과 애호의 대상이 되어온 고려청자를 자신들의 정원 및 공간에 구현하고자 하였다. 1411년 제작된 화기는 이러한 요구에 부합하였기에 엄격한 화분 및 받침의 견양으로 유효할 수 있었고, 관요는 15세기 중후반부터 17세기 중반까지 기형, 문양의 종류 및 형태, 구성, 시문방식과 위치에 이르기까지 고려청자 원통형 화분을 재현한 청자화분의 제작을 지속하였다. 즉, 관요 청자에 보이는 고려청자의 전통성은 시대적 전개 추이에 따른 불가피한 사항이 아니라, 사용하는 이들의 요구사항이 투영된 산물이었다. This Study determined that the Flowerpot was reproduced Goryeo celadon to be in the liking and the collection of Goryeo celadon in the atmospherics of Appreciation玩賞 in the early Joseon dynasty, as a part of the study about Consumption Culture in Joseon dynasty. Early Flowering plant was appreciated, it was regarded to have Flowering plant at hand as to perfect the Duty of a Scholar and the Virtue of a Noble man. As well as having a purpose for Floriculture, the Flowerpot was appreciated with Flowering plant planted, and was treated in a class with unlike objects in garden to reduce nature intactly. The Upper Class to appreciate and to care for Flowering plant wanted to incarnate Goryeo celadon in their own space, garden. Flower Vessels花器 produced In 1411, it could valid as standard for the Flowerpot by meeting their needs. the Flowerpot had been produced in imitation of shape, pattern, decoration of Goryeo celadon in Royal Kilns between the late 15th century to the mid-17th century. In other words, it was not the Circumstance beyond control to occur from the passage of time but the Result reflected user requirement, tradition of Goryeo celadon found at Celadon produced in th Royal Kilns of the Joseon dynasty.

조선 전기(15-16세기)의 중국 용천요 청자에 대한 애호와 모방

오영인 ( Oh Young-in ) 미술사와 시각문화학회 2018 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.21 No.-

본 논문은 조선시대 소비 유적에서 용천요 청자의 출토 양상에 주목하여 조선에서의 용천요 청자에 대한 인식과 영향에 대해 구체적인 규명을 시도한 글이다. 이를 위해 최근까지 조선시대 소비 유적에서 출토된 용천요 청자의 종류와 성격, 조선 왕실에 전해진 용천요 청자의 기록을 비교하여 살펴보았다. 한양도성유적을 중심으로 출토되어 온 용천요 청자는 구경이 25∼27cm에 이르는 접시의 비중이 높았던 반면 기록상 조선 왕실에 전해진 용천요 청자는 화분의 비중이 압도적이라는 점에서 차이를 보였다. 더욱이 조선 관요에서는 용천요 청자접시의 규격, 기형, 문양과 유사한 청자를 제작하려고 노력하였으며 실제 유통으로도 이어졌다. 즉, 조선에서 용천요 청자는 특정 소비층을 대상으로 실질적인 유통과 사용이 이루어졌으며 이를 모방하기에 이르렀다. 조선시대 소비 유적에서 높은 비중으로 출토된 용천요 청자 접시가 시전을 중심으로 유통되고, 관요 청자의 제작에 영향을 미친 사실은 사옹원과 시전 운영에 관여한 왕실 친족의 역할에 주목하게 한다. 이들은 당시 서화를 감상하고, 향을 피우거나 화훼를 가꾸는 문화를 주도하고 있었다. 더욱이 사옹원을 통해 자신이 필요로 하는 자기를 별도로 제작할 수 있었고, 물품을 선별하여 시전을 통해 유통시킬 수 있었다. 이런 여건 하에서 용천요 청자는 흔하지 않은 기물로 인식되었고, 그 중에서도 용천요 청자 접시는 완상의 대상이자, 최고급 백자와 대등한 가치를 지닌 도자기로 받아들여졌다. 왕과 왕실 친족, 문인 사대부가 주도한 조선의 완상 문화와 용천요 청자의 사용 실태는 조선 상위계층의 기호와 시대적 요구에 따라 용천요청자 접시가 애호되고 이를 그대로 모방하는 결과를 가져왔음을 보여 준다. This study is intended to investigate the influence and recognition of Longquan celadon wares during the Joseon dynasty. Longquan celadon wares have been discovered from various archaeological sites of the Joseon period. This study compares the textual records of Longquan celadons officially presented to the Joseon court with the Longquan wares excavated in archaeological sites. Most of the Longquan wares found in the sites are large-size celadon dishes (25- 27 centimeters in diameter) whereas it is recorded that most Longquan wares presented to the Joseon court were pots. The imported Longquan wares had an enormous impact on the production of celadons in the Joseon royal kilns (Saongwon Bunwon). The size, form, and patterns of Longquan wares were actively imitated by Joseon ceramic artists. The imported Longquan wares were widely distributed and sold in the central market of Hanyang (present-day Seoul). Members of the Royal household played a key role in the distribution of Longquan wares and in the production of Longquan ware-inspired Korean celadons. They were arbiters of artistic and cultural taste, enhancing the value of Longquan wares as collectables and luxury goods. As a result, Longquan celadon wares were highly sought-after and came to be comparable in value to the finest white porcelains produced in the Joseon royal kilns.

중국 보건의료정책의 변동과 효과가 우리나라에 주는 시사점 - 일차의료 강화 및 의료산업화 과정을 중심으로 -

오영인 ( Oh Young In ),신선미 ( Shin Sun Mi ),김석영 ( Kim Seok Yeong ),이얼 ( Lee Eol ) 경희대학교 경영연구원 2016 의료경영학연구 Vol.10 No.4

The demand of medical services has been consistently increasing in China with economic growth and population aging. They have acknowledged the needs of improvement on primary care system to solve the problems such as "Kan bing nan, Kan bing gui"(getting medical care is difficult and expensive) and have been supporting it for decades. The purpose of the study is to overview the Chinese Health Care System, examine change in policy and its effect and draw implication from it. Promoting community health service (CHS) has become a prioritized policy agenda, in line with the Chinese government``s overall goal of re-strengthening primary care networks based on community health centers (CHCs) since early 1997. Resultingly, compared with a 1.45-fold increase in hospital constructions between 2002 and 2014, there was a dramatic increase by 3.30-fold in the number of CHCs from 2002 to 2007 (8,211 versus 27,069), followed by a mild increase from 2010 to 2014 by which the number of CHCs exceeded that of hospitals (34,238 versus 25,860). The enhanced service provision also resulted from the rising number of medical practitioners working at CHCs (173,838 in 2013 versus 19,451 in 2002). Since 2002, the number of daily clinical consultations per doctor at CHCs has increased by 25.6%(15.7 versus 12.5 in 2013). Korea needs the continuous national supports of primary medical care in a long-term perspective and institutional supports to enable the health delivery system between doctors and hospitals.