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      • 美·日의 對韓半島政策 : 協力과 葛藤 Cooperation and Conflict

        魚秀永 梨花女子大學校 韓國文化硏究院 1984 主題硏究 Vol.4 No.-

        This study attempts to analyze the U.S. and Japanese cooperation and conflict concerning the security and unification of the Korean peninsula. It discusses the following questions: 1) What are the U.S. and Japanese strategic interests in the Korean peninsula?; 2)How do they modify their security and unification policies of Korea in the changing international environments?; and 3) What is the Japanese attitude to the use of U.S. bases and facilities in Japan for the military operation in the Korean peninsula? The U.S. and Japan have several common interests in Korea. Both nations have maintained an effective and stable balance of power on the Korean peninsula. They do not seek any major change in the present distribution of power. The U.S. and Japan share such goals. However, they do differ in methods to achieve them. The U.S. has proposed a tripartite conference to solve the questions of the Korean peninsula, refusing a bilateral meeting between Washington and Pyongyang. The U.S. has pursued a policy to refrain from even socio-economic contacts with Pyongyang. On the other hand, Japan had maintained a view that socio-economic contacts with Pyongyang would make a contribution to the reduction of tension of the Korean peninsula. With the rapid change of international environments, especially the recent change of North Korea's foreign investment policy toward free democratic countries, Japan is highly likely to pursue a more active economic contact with Pyongyang. Japan is also likely to play a more active political role in reducing tension. Such development might bring about a conflict with the current South Korea's policy toward North Korea. Both the U.S. and Japan have maintained a policy to prevent any military hostility on the Korean peninsula. The prevention of hostility requires U.S. firm commitments to defense the South Korea. The use of the American bases and facilities in Japan is necessary for the military operation in Korea. The Japanese, however, do not want any involvement in the development of hostility in the Korean peninsula. Thus most Japanese have opposed the use of U,S. bases in Japan for military operation. Such a Japanese attitude will persist in the future. This is one of sources for stress in U.S. and Japanese security relations concerning the Korean security.

      • KCI등재

        크로스핏 트레이닝이 중년 남성의 근력과 무산소성 능력에 미치는 영향

        어수영,박혁,강효영,김대열 한국체육교육학회 2023 한국체육교육학회지 Vol.28 No.5

        Purpose: The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of crossfit training for 12 weeks on muscle strength and anaerobic ability of middle aged men aged 40 to 64. Methods: In this study, 20 middle-aged men were randomly divided into the Crossfit exercise training group (n=10, EX) and non-exercise control group (n=10, CON). Participants in the EX had performed the crossfit exercise training (3times per week for 12 weeks). Equality of variables after the baseline tests were analyzed by two-way repeated measures ANOVA with contrast testing. The significance level (Alpha) was set at 0.05. Results: As a result of this study, muscle strength (1RM test) and anaerobic capacity (peak and average power) in the EX group were significantly improved, but not in the CON. Conclusion: Thus, all of the results show that the crossfit exercise training for 12 weeks positively improve the muscle strength and anaerobic capacity of middle aged males. Therefore, it is thought to be an effective exercise intervention method that can strengthen the mental and physical health of middle aged males and improve their quality offline in preparation for decreased muscle strength in old age.

      • 韓國靑少年의 民主的 態度 形成에 관한 硏究

        魚秀永 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 1987 韓國文化硏究院 論叢 Vol.52 No.-

        Democracy is a Complex concept. Democracy can be used to refer to very different things and very different words can be used to refer to the same things. It combines a rich variety of philosophical meanings and historical experiences. If there is much disagreement over the meaning of the term democracy, so the concept of the democratic attitude or democratic frame of mind. In this paper we define democratic attitude as four dimensions of attitude: tolerant attitude; critical minds, trust, and right consciousness. The citizens of a democracy need to be tolerant. Democracy requires tolerance of others with different values. The citizens of a democracy need to trust in fellow citizens. Political trust in fellow citizens of a democracy need to trust in fellow citizens. Political trust in fellow citizens becomes a key question for working with others to achieve political goods and formation of coalition with other groups. The citizens of a democracy need to have a critical attitude toward other leaders. They should not be submissive or obedient to authorities. The judgement of leaders should be respected, but they should also be questioned. The constant criticism is not pleasant for the authorities. It is a burden but it must be born as part of the prise to be paid for democracy. The citizens of a democracy need to be conscious of their own right. Democracy provides channels for pursuing citizens rights and interests. To pursue their own right and interests they should have ability to express their demands. They should be aware of their own rights and believe that their interests and demands are articulated and aggregated though various channels and groups. With sample of 847, middle and high school students, we have identified four different dimensions by employing factor analysis technique. We have examined what kind factors are related with the development of these four dimensions of democratic attitude. Among demographic variables, we found grade is not related with development of democratic attitude. We examined the difference in democratic attitude among 9th, 10th and 11th graders. Data reveal that there is no difference in democratic attitude among different graders. This finding suggests democratic attitude of our sample students has been formulated before they reached the 9th grade. Urbanization has nothing to do with development of democratic attitude. We found there is no relationship between urbanization and democratic attitude. There is no urban-rural difference in development of democratic attitude. At adult level, many researchers found these is a wide difference in political orientation. Dwellers in urban areas tend to have more democratic attitude than those in rural areas. However democratic attitude of our sample students does not differ depending on localities. This finding reveals that democratic attitude has been formulating equally without urban rural gap. This study reveals that there is no relationship between socio-economic status and development of democratic attitude. This finding indicates democratic attitude has been formulating without relations with socio-economic backgrounds of family. In this study we found a wide difference in development of democratic attitude between sex. Male students tend to have more trust, tolerance, and right consciousness attitude than female students. Male students tend to be less critical than female students. Female students of every grade level are more critical than male counterparts. This finding is quite opposite to our expectation because our traditional culture tends to encourage the conformist behavior of women. There is a relationship between democratic attitude and the types of school. Students of the ordinary high school tend to have more tolerant and trust attitude but less critical attitude than those of the vocational evening high school. This finding suggests that tolerance and trust attitudes are highly likely to be related with what might call the ordinary environment, while critical mind and right consciousness attitude are likely to be related with the environment in which ones self esteem is challenged or neglected. We found similar tendency in family structure. Students of autocratic family structure tend to have more right consciousness attitude but less trust in person than those of the permissive family structure. The right consciousness of students tends to increase when their parents neglect their opinions. Students right consciousness also tends to increase when their parents are strict than liberal. Tolerance, critical mind and right consciousness tend to increase when students have more chance to hear about political talks among family members and talk more frequently about politics with friends and watch more often political news on T.V. Contrary to this finding, trust in person tends to decrease when students have more frequency to talk about and hear about and watch political news on T.V. This contradictory finding may closely related with the contents of political conversation among intimate friends and family members who tend to include dark side of politics as well as political reality. Therefore students who hear frequently about realities of politics are highly likely to dispose distrust in persons.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI우수등재

        한국인의 가치 변화와 민주화

        魚秀永 한국정치학회 1992 한국정치학회보 Vol.25 No.2

        오늘날 한국사회는 과학기술의 급속한 발달로 우리 생활에 많은 변화가 일어나고 있다. 일인당 국민소득이 100불선에 머물렀던 1950년 후반에서 6,000불에 육박하는 1990년대에 들어 우리의 물질생활은 놀라운 변화를 일으키고 있다. 이러한 물질적인 풍요와 과학문명이 가져다준 생활의 편리함 못지 않게 1950년 6.25 전쟁 이후 40여년간 전쟁을 경험하지 않은 평온함을 누리게 되었다. 이려한 물질생활의 풍요, 생활의 편리, 전쟁의 공포가 현실생활에서 점점 멀어지는 생활은 인간의 가치에 어떤 변화를 일으키고 있는가? 한국인의 가치는 어떠한 모습으로 변화를 일으키는가? 한국인의 가치에 변화가 일어나고 있다면 그 결과는 무엇인가? 그 정치적인 의미는 무엇인가? 가치변화는 민주주의 성장과 어떠한 관계가 있는가? 이상과 같은 문제를 분석하는 데 본 논문의 목적이 있다. 전국적인 무작위 표본 1251명을 토대로 이상과 같은 문제를 분석한 결과는 다음과 같다. 정치ㆍ경제적인 환경의 변화 즉 70년대와 80년대에 우리 사회가 경험한 물질생활의 풍요와 안정, 물리적인 평온, 실질적인 전쟁의 부재 등으로 물질주의적인 가치(Materialist Value)보다는 탈물질주의적인 가치(Post-Materialist Value)를 선호하는 세대가 성장함으로써 우리 사회에서 민주주의가 더욱 발전할 전망이 크다. 가치의 변화는 민주주의 성장에 크게 기여하고 있다. 물질주의적인 가치란 물가안정, 경제성장, 국방력 확대, 질서와 범죄 소탕 등의 가치를 말하며, 반면에 탈물질주의가치란 언론자유, 직장과 사회에서의 참여의 확대, 정치참여 확대, 인간적인 사회로의 발전, 환경개선 등의 가치를 중요히 여기는 가치를 말한다. 물질주의적인 가치를 중히 여기는 사람은 인격 형성기에 물질적인 빈곤과 물리적인 불안(physical insecurity)을 경험하고 자란 사람들 중에서 많이 발견된다. 이와는 반대로 탈물질주의적인 가치를 중히 여기는 사람은 인격 형성기에 물질적인 풍요와 물리적인 안정을 경험한 사람들 중에서 많이 발견된다. 한국사회에서 중년층과 노년층은 해방과 6.25를 겪으면서 궁핍과 전쟁의 공포를 겪고 자랐기 때문에 물질주의적인 가치를 선호하는 사람들이 압도적으로 많다. 반면에 70년대와 80년대에 들어 물질의 풍요와 물리적인 안정을 경험하고 자란 20대와 30대에서 탈물질주의적인 가치를 소중히 여기는 사람들이 많다. 한국 사회가 물질적인 풍요와 물리적인 평온이 계속된다면 탈물질주의적 가치를 소중히 여기는 세대가 성장하리라 본다. 탈물질주의 가치를 존중하는 사람들은 언론의 자유, 정치참여 확대, 직장과 사회에서의 참여 확대, 인간적인 사회로의 성장 등을 주장하고 있기 때문에 결국 이들의 성장은 민주주의 성장에 기여하게 된다고 본다.

      • KCI등재

        갈등과 협력 : 일본 ODA 연구

        어수영 이화여자대학교 사회과학연구소 2000 사회과학연구논총 Vol.5 No.-

        Japanese ODA(Officiail Development Aid) policy has been criticized as it is so mercantilistic and unfair As most of Japanese ODA has been tied aid, Japanese high technology Products have occupied large Portion of world market. Japanese ODA has been also criticized to have functioned as a department of international fund for Japan Inc, as Japanese ODA has been concentrated in Asian and Middle Eastern areas. It is very unlikely that the ODA is totally unmercantilistic. However, it is hard to deny that the Japanese ODA was mercantilistic as it didnt consider the environmental problems and poverty in African region. All these negative impacts of Japanese ODA have been resulted from japans narrow-mindedness coming out of the national goal of catch up the West and World best Japan, and parsimony among Japanese people. Even though Japan accomplished high level of economic development, as the every day lives of Japanese people are not so affluent, they couldnt bear generosity to help the suffering people outside Japan. 일본은 1989년을 기점으로 미국을 제치고 선진자본주의 국가 중에서 경제원조를 가장 많이 하는 국가로 부상하였다. 그러나, 일본의 경제원조, 즉 ODA는 지나치게 상업적 이며 원조 공여 방식이 불공정하다는 점에서 비난을 받아왔다. 일본의 ODA는 조건부 원조가 매우 많아 일본 상품의 세계시장 점유율을 높여주는 결과를 낳았으며, 경제 원조의 대부분이 아시아와 중동에 집중되어 있어 일본이 천연 자원과 원유를 공급 받고 상품 시장성이 있는 지역에 투자하는 결과를 낳음으로써 일본 주식회사의 국제 자금 담당부서와 같은 역할을 한다고 비난 받았다. 이러한 일본 ODA의 상업성은 일본이 서구를 따라잡겠다는 생각이 너무 강하고, 일본 국민의 생활 자체가 풍요롭지 못함으로 인해 풍성한 마음으로 남을 도와주는 데 인색하지 않을 수 없었기 때문이라고 볼 수 있다.

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