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English Heavy NP Shift as Clause-internal Fragmenting
박명관,김재준 한국현대언어학회 2016 언어연구 Vol.31 No.4
This paper provides a specifying coordination based analysis of Heavy NP Shift (HNPS) in English. Proposing that the clause involving HNPS has bi-clausal vP or TP coordination, we submit that HNPS is derived by leftward movement of one surviving phrase from the second clause to be deleted. We then show that the well-known restrictions on HNPS like the Right Roof constraint or the ban on preposition-stranding HNPS follow from this conception of HNPS. Specifically, the Right Roof constraint is attributed to the economy requirement of sentence structure building in English, which employs left-branching. The ban on preposition-stranding HNPS is due to the fact that the empty category or null argument as an object of a preposition in the first coordinate clause ends up not being licensed appropriately. We also examine the hierarchical effects that HNPS exerts on the clause involving it
선형 액츄에이터를 적용한 조정식 페달의 설계 및 특성해석
박명관 동양대학교 산업기술연구소 2000 東洋大學校 産業技術硏究所 論文集 Vol.2 No.1
This paper presents new adjustable pedal using linear actuator which is designed and analyzed by two dimensional finite element method. According to using linear actuator for adjustable pedal that achieves simple mechanical structure and attachment.
박명관,조의연,정원일 한국생성문법학회 2014 생성문법연구 Vol.24 No.4
In an attempt to better understand how linguistic dependencies areconstructed in online sentence processing, we examined the processing ofthe three Korean anaphors caki, caki-casin, and casin using event-relatedpotentials (ERPs). In our study we used gender-denoting kinship nounsto dictate either short- (SD) or long-distance (LD) binding of theanaphors at issue. The results showed that in the LD relative to SDcondition, the critical gender-denoting noun after caki elicited a positivityat the fronto-centro-parietal region in the 600-650 ms interval (i.e., a P600effect), that after caki-casin also evoked a positivity at the centro-parietalregion in the 550-650 ms interval, but those after casin revealed anegativity at the anterior region in the 600-650 ms interval (i.e., an LANeffect). We interpret these responses as indicating that in the LD relativeto SD condition, the late (550-650 ms) ERP responses associated with cakireflect complexity-related syntactic revision, those with caki-casin reflectsyntactic repair, and those with casin reflect morphologicalviolation/working memory difficulty. These patterns of results alsoimplicate a role for structured search during online sentencecomprehension, whereby certain structural positions are accessed withoutregard to their binding-related semantic content during the constructionof antecedent-anaphor dependencies for the three Korean anaphorsinvestigated in this paper.
박명관 한국생성문법학회 2013 생성문법연구 Vol.23 No.2
This paper examines the pro-form replacement and ellipsis in the construction containing mit- 'believe' and sayngkakha- 'think' verbs in Korean. These verbs are known to allow the embedded subject to be either Nominative and Accusative Case-marked. We will first investigate how the kulehkey '(do) so' replacement and ellipsis apply to the embedded clause of these verbs when its subject is Nominative or Accusative. Noting that the pro-form kulehkey '(do) so' replaces the embedded clause but allows an expression to move out of it as a remnant or surviving element, we propose that the kuleh substitute (excluding the clause-typing morpheme -key) is in fact a replacement of the embedded TP and allows for extraction of the embedded remnant to the embedded [Spec,CP] before the replacement applies. We then go on to examine the kulay 'do so' replacement of the matrix VP involving these verbs and argue that this replacement can be analyzed on a par with the Pseudogapping construction in English. In particular, the kulay substitute replaces a VP, but like the kuleh substitute, it allows for extraction of the object DP before the replacement applies.
Sluicing Remnants also Meet Identity in Ellipsis
박명관 한국생성문법학회 2022 생성문법연구 Vol.32 No.1
It is generally acknowledged that Sluicing is derived from eliding an ordinary TP. Barros (2012), however, makes an argument in favor of a truncated cleft source of the sluiced clause, drawing attention to examples where the sluiced wh-XP remnant apparently cannot be referentially associated with its antecedent ‘some XP else.’ Vicente et al. (2021) recently adduce Spanish truncated clefts to show that Barros’s (2012) cleft analysis for such an example is not valid, but they adhere to Barros’s (2013) notion of a contextually-sensitive variable to capture the domain restriction property that a sluiced wh-remnant bears. In this squib paper, we show that the domain restriction property at issue is dictated by the general condition of identity in ellipsis, thereby reinstating the traditional wisdom that Sluicing is an elision of a non-cleft ordinary TP.
박명관,이은준,오시마 슈조,야마네 류이치로,Park, Myeong-Kwan,Rhee, Eun-Jun,Oshima, Shuzo,Yamane, Ryuichiro 대한기계학회 1999 大韓機械學會論文集B Vol.23 No.7
The purpose of present research was to get characteristics and basic knowledges of electrorheological(ER) suspension. To observe behaviors of the ER suspensions. transparent conductive plates were used to visualize the flow of ER suspensions between two parallel plate electrodes. The influence of flowing speed and intensity of electric field on the ER fluid were examined in circle-shaped electric field, and it takes several hundred milliseconds that suspensions in flow cluster. The present study also conducts a numerical analysis adopting the Bingham model. It is found that simple Bingham model can not property describe the flow behavior in the parallel plates.
Head-internal Relative Clauses in Korean: ‘Kes’ as an Overt Counterpart of a Null Argument
박명관 한국생성문법학회 2023 생성문법연구 Vol.33 No.3
This paper explores the phenomenon of head-internal relative clauses (HIRCs) in Korean. The existence of HIRCs in Korean has been a topic of intense debate in Korean linguistics, but this study builds upon the corpus findings of S.-K. Cho (2016) and J.-E. Lee (2020) to establish that HIRCs are indeed attested productively in Korean. By acknowledging their presence, this paper proposes a novel analysis that considers the use of ‘kes’ as an NP substitute anaphoric to the in-situ relative head within the HIRC. This analysis successfully captures the structural and interpretational characteristics unique to Korean HIRCs, distinguishing them from ordinary head-external relative clauses (HERCs). Specifically, the behavior of ‘kes’ in HERCs aligns structurally with null arguments in Korean, serving as both overt and covert anaphoric NPs. Interpretively, ‘kes’ in HIRCs refers to the referent affected by the event described by the HIRC. Overall, this analysis sheds lights on the nature of HIRCs in Korean, providing valuable insights into their syntactic and semantic properties.