[Cover] 북핵 담판 해 넘기나 : 북미 핵 대결 첨예화 우려

류미나,류지복 연합뉴스 동북아센터 2019 마이더스 Vol.2019 No.12

인지적 재평가와 회피 전략이 부적정서 완화에 미치는 영향 -전략의 본인 선택과 타인 선택의 경우를 중심으로-

류미나,김창대,신은혜 한국상담학회 2020 상담학연구 Vol.21 No.5

This study used experimental paradigm(Emotion Regulation Task) to examine the influence of emotion regulation strategy and selection types on relieving negative affect. IAPS(pictures with valence) was utilized to rate the negative affect following various instructions. Participants utilized cognitive reappraisal or distraction strategies, either by choosing and performing by oneself(intrapersonal regulation) or following the partner's choice(interpersonal regulation). Participants completed McGill Relationship Questionnaire, CES-D10, STAI, and TAS-20K scale as they signed up online for the experiment. Data of total 36 teams (72 university students) were analyzed. One-Way-ANOVA was conducted to see the influence of strategy types, resulting that when using cognitive reappraisal, the score of negative affect decreased in both selection condition(intrapersonal and interpersonal), while when using distraction, the score of negative affect increased. Two-Way-ANOVA was conducted and showed that there was a main effect in selection type and interaction effect in emotion regulation strategies and selection types. This study is significant in that it used scientific tools such as, Emotion Regulation Task and IAPS, and the concept of interpersonal emotion regulation and provided additional implications for peer-counseling research. 본 연구는 실험패러다임을 활용하여 정서조절전략의 종류와 선택방법이 부적정서 완화에 미치는 영향에 대해 검증해보고자 하였다. 연구도구로 정서조절과제, 즉 정서가가 있는 사진을 보고 다양한 지시사항에 따라 부적정서를 측정하는 방식의 과제를 활용하였다. 본 연구에서는 인지적 재평가와 회피 전략을 활용하여 본인이 혼자 전략을 선택하여 부적정서를 측정하는 조건과 타인이 선택해준 전략을 활용한 후 부적정서를 측정하는 조건을 살펴보았다. McGill 관계만족도 척도, CES-D10 단축형 우울 척도, STAI 특성불안검사, TAS-20K 감정표현불능증 척도를 사전에 온라인으로 실시하고 연구 참여 대상자를 선정, 총 36팀 72명의 대학생 참가자의 자료를 분석하였다. 먼저 정서조절전략의 종류에 따른 효과를 확인하기 위한 일원분산분석을 실시한 결과, 인지적 재평가 전략을 활용하였을 때 본인 선택 조건과 타인 선택 조건 모두에서 부적정서 점수가 낮아진 반면, 회피 전략에 대해서는 두 선택 조건 모두에서 부적정서 점수가 오히려 높게 나타났다. 또한 선택방법과 정서조절 여부에 관해 이원분산분석을 실시한 결과, 정서조절의 주효과와 선택방법과 정서조절의 상호작용 효과를 확인하였다. 본 연구는 새로운 도구인 정서조절과제와 정서가를 가진 사진을 활용하여 상담연구에 활용하고, 타인정서조절 개념의 활용과 또래상담연구에 추가적인 시사점을 제공하였다는 점에서 의미를 지닌다.

문화재 반환 교섭으로 본 한일회담의 한계― 일본의 한국 문화재 반환 절차를 중심으로

류미나 일본사학회 2014 일본역사연구 Vol.40 No.-

This study investigates how Japan nationalized the cultural assets from the colony and foreign countries when the “Cultural Assets Protection Law” was legislated in 1950. It also analyzes how Japan enforced the nationalizing and returning of the cultural assets to Korea during the Korea-Japan talks in the 1950s and the 1960s. During the 14 years of Korea-Japan talks, the cultural assets which was excavated out of the Korean peninsula and defined as the Japanese assets were partly turned to Korea. It was proceeded, however, in secret by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan. After returning of assets, the ministry reported to the Diet and Japanese society learned the event from Korean or Japanese newspapers. Although the return of cultural assets was made from Japan to Korea, it was done only in the frame of “National Assets” of Japan. It showed the limited undertaking in the legacy of the Japanese colonial rule, resulting in the Korea-Japan agreement for the Korean cultural assets as “the private assets of the Japanese people” and “the belongings of the Japanese people.”

‘한일회담 외교문서’로 본 한일간 문화재 반환 교섭

류미나 일본사학회 2009 일본역사연구 Vol.30 No.-

This paper seeks to examine the two governments' negotiations over the return of Korean cultural properties in Japan based on analysing diplomatic documents relating to the Korea-Japan Cultural Property Agreement of 1965. The key point raised in this paper is that Japan's "negative aspects" or "ambiguous attitudes" towards the return of the Korean cultural properties are rooted in the implication of domestic politics. Such a Japan's political reaction is particularly determinated by interactions between the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA). These political actors possess their perceptions of individual and national interests which may both conform to conflict with the pressures arising from the structure of domestic politics. At the same time, the historical legacy of colonialism was reinforced by the nature of Japan's limited negotiations over the return of Korean cultural properties in the process of de-colonization. Thus, without handling Japan's domestic politics and its legacy of colonialism, Seoul-Tokyo negotiations over the return of Korean cultural properties in Japan will be clearly problematic.

연속기획 : 외교문서를 통해서 본 한일회담 일본의한일회담관련 외교문서공개의경위와현황

류미나 국민대학교 일본학연구소 2008 일본공간 Vol.4 No.-

식민지권력에의 ‘협력’과 좌절― 經學院과 향교 및 문묘와의 관계를 중심으로 ―

류미나 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2005 한국문화 Vol.36 No.-

In the colonial Chosun, the Kyonghagwon was the purposed institution for collaboration established by the Chosun Government General in the year 1911. By the time Korea was liberated from Japan, Kyonghagwon, replacing Sunggyungwan of Chosun Dynasty as a colonial institution, had won the Yangban-Confucian scholars society over to the Chosun Government General and played a role of propaganda in local provinces to enhance the colonial ruling. Centering around Hyangyo and Munmyo, Yangban-Confucian scholars sought for solidarity, and by continuing activities they contrived to clarify their identity as well as to approach up to the colonial ruling power, maintaining an active and cooperative relationship with kyonghawon. In the whirlwind of the rapidly changing colonial society, it was ‘a strategic choice’ for maintaining their power. This collaborative relationship, however, was not in the equal terms with the Chosun Gorernment General. In fact, it was obvious that all the work Yangban-Confucian scholars did was always under the colonial government ruling

19c말~20c초 일본제국주의의 유교 이용과 조선 지배

류미나(柳美那) 동양사학회 2010 東洋史學硏究 Vol.111 No.-

전시체제기 조선총독부의 유림정책

류미나 한국역사연구회 2007 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.63

K-Beauty 구전효과가 온라인 매출액에 미치는 영향: 중국 SINA Weibo와 Meipai 중심으로

류미나,임규건 한국지능정보시스템학회 2019 지능정보연구 Vol.25 No.1

In addition to economic growth and national income increase, China is also experiencing rapid growth in consumption of cosmetics. About 67% of the total trade volume of Chinese cosmetics is made by e-commerce and especially K-Beauty products, which are Korean cosmetics are very popular. According to previous studies, 80% of consumer goods such as cosmetics are affected by the word of mouth information, searching the product information before purchase. Mostly, consumers acquire information related to cosmetics through comments made by other consumers on SNS such as SINA Weibo and Wechat, and recently they also use information about beauty related video channels. Most of the previous online word-of-mouth researches were mainly focused on media itself such as Facebook, Twitter, and blogs. However, the informational characteristics and the expression forms are also diverse. Typical types are text, picture, and video. This study focused on these types. We analyze the unstructured data of SINA Weibo, the SNS representative platform of China, and Meipai, the video platform, and analyze the impact of K-Beauty brand sales by dividing online word-of-mouth information with quantity and direction information. We analyzed about 330,000 data from Meipai, and 110,000 data from SINA Weibo and analyzed the basic properties of cosmetics. As a result of analysis, the amount of online word-of-mouth information has a positive effect on the sales of cosmetics irrespective of the type of media. However, the online videos showed higher impacts than the pictures and texts. Therefore, it is more effective for companies to carry out advertising and promotional activities in parallel with the existing SNS as well as video related information. It is understood that it is important to generate the frequency of exposure irrespective of media type. The positiveness of the video media was significant but the positiveness of the picture and text media was not significant. Due to the nature of information types, the amount of information in video media is more than that in text-oriented media, and video-related channels are emerging all over the world. In particular, China has made a number of video platforms in recent years and has enjoyed popularity among teenagers and thirties. As a result, existing SNS users are being dispersed to video media. We also analyzed the effect of online type of information on the online cosmetics sales by dividing the product type of cosmetics into basic cosmetics and color cosmetics. As a result, basic cosmetics had a positive effect on the sales according to the number of online videos and it was affected by the negative information of the videos. In the case of basic cosmetics, effects or characteristics do not appear immediately like color cosmetics, so information such as changes after use is often transmitted over a period of time. Therefore, it is important for companies to move more quickly to issues generated from video media. Color cosmetics are largely influenced by negative oral statements and sensitive to picture and text-oriented media. Information such as picture and text has the advantage and disadvantage that the process of making it can be made easier than video. Therefore, complaints and opinions are generally expressed in SNS quickly and immediately. Finally, we analyzed how product diversity affects sales according to online word of mouth information type. As a result of the analysis, it can be confirmed that when a variety of products are introduced in a video channel, they have a positive effect on online cosmetics sales. The significance of this study in the theoretical aspect is that, as in the previous studies, online sales have basically proved that K-Beauty cosmetics are also influenced by word-of-mouth. However this study focused on media types and both media have a positive impact on sales, as in previous studies, but it has been proven that video is more informative and influencing than tex... 중국 화장품 전체 교역중 약 67% 정도가 전자상거래로 이루어지고 있는데 특히 한국 화장품인 K-Beauty 제품의 인기가 높다. 기존 연구에 의하면 화장품 같은 소비재의 경우 소비자의 80%는 제품 구매 전 제품정보를인터넷으로 검색하며 구전정보에 영향을 받는다. 대부분의 중국 소비자들은 화장품과 관련된 정보를 주요 SNS 에 다른 소비자들이 올린 댓글을 통해 획득하며 최근에는 뷰티 관련 동영상 채널 정보를 이용하기도 한다. 기존의 온라인 구전 관련 연구는 대부분 Facebook, Twitter, 블로그 등의 매체 자체가 중심이었다. 본 연구에서는 온라인 구전정보의 전달 형태와 정보의 형태를 고려하여 정보유형을 동영상과 사진 및 텍스트로 나누어 연구하고자 한다. 중국의 SNS대표 플랫폼인 SINA Weibo와 동영상 플랫폼 Meipai의 비정형 데이터를 분석하고 온라인구전정보를 양과 방향성으로 나누어 K-Beauty브랜드 매출액에 미치는 영향을 분석하고자 한다. Meipai에서는총 약 33만개의 데이터를 수집하였고 SINA Weibo에서는 총 약 11만개의 데이터를 수집하여 화장품의 기본 속성도 고려하여 분석하였다. 본 연구의 의의는 온라인 매출은 K-Beauty화장품에 대해서도 구전에 영향을 받는다는 것을 기본적으로 입증함과 동시에 특히 정보 유형에 대한 구분을 시도 했다는 것이다. 두가지 매체 모두 기존 연구와 같이 양이 매출에 영향을 미치고 있으나 매체풍부성으로 인해 텍스트보다 동영상이 정보를 더 주고영향이 크다는 것을 입증하였다. 또한, 정보 방향성 측면에서는 색조화장품의 경우 부정 댓글의 영향이 크게 나타났다. 실무적으로는 화장품 판매 전략 및 광고 전략에 기초 및 색조 화장품을 구분하여 중국 K-Beauty화장품매출증대를 위한 마케팅전략을 구사하는데 도움이 될 것으로 기대된다.

일본의 문화재 ‘반환’으로 본 식민지 지배의 ‘잔상’, 그리고 ‘청산’의 허상 -1958년 일본의 제1차 문화재반환까지의 교섭과정을 사례로-

류미나 일본사학회 2010 일본역사연구 Vol.32 No.-

This paper examines the beginning of negotiation for returning cultural assets between Korea and Japan and so reveals the characteristics of the early-time Korean-Japanese relationships after the Japanese colonial rule. Although returning cultural assets has been considered the most significant symbol of clearing colonial legacy, the detailed negotiation process between Korea and Japan for returning cultural assets, which has started with a talk for normalizing diplomatic relations since October 1951, has not been well examined. This paper tries to examine this detailed negotiation process through diplomatic documents publicly disclosed by Korean and Japanese governments in 2005 and 2008. In the negotiation process, there was strong resistance to returning cultural assets in the Japanese from Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, which has the responsibility of maintaining cultural assets. It is because many Japanese leaders concerned understood returning cultural assets as a recognition of unreasonable colonial rule. However, the Korean government considered returning cultural assets as one of the most important concerns in Korea's claims against the Japanese colonial rule, and so aggressively pressed the Japanese government. The interesting thing is that the Korean government tried to 'politically' settle this negotiation, and so took an ambiguous position on specific category of returning. The Korean government worried that Korea was not eligible to be benefit from a provision, in which Japan should instant return cultural assets acquired during the Pacific War, in the postwar peace treaty between the Allied Forces and Japan. Therefore, the Korean government tried to solve returning cultural assets politically but not by legal process. Since the Japanese government did not have a strong intention for making a list of cultural assets before a talk between Korea and Japan, the Japanese government passively responded the demand from the Korean government. The negotiation for returning cultural assets finished when the Korean government presented a list of the must-be-returned cultural assets. However, the Korea government did not have accurate information on the must-be-returned cultural assets. A list prepared by the Korean government was a sum of 'Korean cultural assets located in Japan' revealed by the Japanese scholars, summarized in the Japanese National Museum, or introduced in exhibitions during the Japanese colonial rule. This shows that returning cultural assets, originally targeted to clear colonial legacy, was working under a framework of the Japanese colonial legacy. Since the Chosen government-general had examined and controlled the Korean cultural assets during colonial rule without the Korean participation, the Korean government could not catch what kind of cultural assets had been overflowed to Japan during the Japanese colonial rule. Therefore, the Korea government had significant limitations on the negotiation for returning cultural assets after the Japanese colonial rule. The Korean-Japanese negotiation for returning cultural assets was not a case of clearing colonial legacy but rather a case of strong legacy of the Japanese colonial rule.