한국 고문헌 정보시스템의 구축 및 전망

강순애,Kang Soon-Ae 한국문헌정보학회 1997 한국문헌정보학회지 Vol.31 No.4

본 논문은 고문헌에 적합한 최선의 정보시스템을 구축하기 위해, 고문헌의 개념, 특성과 정리현황, 전산화의 범위와 제도적인 장치, 정보시스템의 구축, 시스템의 사례, 평가와 전망 등을 중심으로 고찰하였다. 고문헌시스템의 구축에 있어서는 국립중앙도서관을 중심으로 하여 정보전산망을 형성하고, 그에 따라 목록정보, 해제, 원은, 검색정보시스템의 통합시스템을 구축하는 방향으로 전개하였다. 사례분석에서는 현재 디지털시스템으로 구축하고 있는 국립중앙도서관고문헌시스템과 자체적으로 DB를 개발하여 공용정보로 활용하고 있는 성균관대학교 고문헌정보시스템을 비교 평가하였으며. 고문헌시스템을 구축하려는 도서관에는 전체적인 지침을 제시하였다. The purpose of this paper Is to describe the matters to plan the best information systems in Korean old books. It analyzes: i) a range of definition of old books, ii) its characteristics and current state of processing the old documents, iii) the scope of automation and building up the library institution, iv) the construction of Korean old books Information systems, v) its case study, and vi) the evaluation and vision of system. The old document information system have been organized on the basis of library networks systems with the National Central Library as leader, its implemented system has the subsystem such as cataloging system, annotation system, full-text or image-based system, and retrieval system. In case study, it is suggested two examples which has been built in the National Central Library and Sung Kyun Kwan university. finally, it provides the evaluation criteria and vision for the library which designs the old document information systems.

初鑄甲寅字本 『近思錄』과 관련 板本 硏究

강순애 한국서지학회 2002 서지학연구 Vol.24 No.-

李彦瑱의 「海覽篇」에 나타난 癸未使行 路程

강순애 한성대학교 인문과학연구원 2010 소통과 인문학 Vol.11 No.-

This study aims to define the course of the diplomatic mission described in Lee Eonjin’s Haerampyeon(海覽篇) by studying the following in order: the diplomatic mission of the Gyemisahaeng and Lee Eonjin; the writing of Haerampyeon; the composition of Haerampyeon and the itinerary of the mission. The conclusions are presented in the following paragraphs. 1) Gyemisahaeng(癸未使行) was a 382-day journey that took place between July 24 of the 39th year of King Yeongjo's reign(1763) and July 8 of the 40th year of his reign(1764). It was undertaken by around 500 people including Jeongsa(正使) Jo Eom(趙曮), departing Hanseong(漢城) for Edo(江戶) in Japan. Lee Eonjin(李彦瑱) participated in the Gyemisahaeng as Hanhakapmultongsa(漢學押物通使) and, through the two written communication in which he took part in Japan, was acknowledged as the one person who revered the Wangsejeong(王世貞) in Joseon. 2) The draft for Lee Eonjin’s Haerampyeon as ready on November 25 on the 39th year of Yeongjo’s reign(1763) and was shown to several people who participated together in the sahaeng to be evaluated by them on December 1 of that year. After returning from the sahaeng, Lee Eonjin revised the draft by integrating the comments given to him and then had it evaluated again by Lee Yong Hyu and Nam Ok. The later revision is thought to have taken place between July 9 of the 40th year of Yeongjo’s reign(1764) and Lee Eonjin's death in the 42nd year of Yeongjo’s reign. Afterwards, Haerampyeon was included in Songmokkwansinyeogo(松穆館燼餘稿) and Songmokkwanjip(松穆館集) which were published in the 11th year of Cheoljong’s reign(1860), but These texts slightly different from the critical comments text(批點本, 1764-1766) of Haerampyeon. Aside from being published in Lee Eonjin’s collection of works, Haerampyeon is also included in Usangjeon(虞裳傳) which was compiled by Park Jiwon(朴趾源) and Eemokkusimseo(耳目口心書), compiled by Lee Deokmu(李德懋). Haerampyeon also became known in China through Kim Seokjun(金奭準), but no related publications have yet been found in Japan. 3) Haerampyeon is a travel poem divided into four parts, each part containing concrete descriptions of the diplomatic mission. In the first part, it mentions Japan in detail: its geographic position; local products such as oranges, tangerines, cycads, and octopus; and Mount Fuji. In part 2, it describes the developed city of Osaka through comparisons to the world's produce gathered there through civilization and enlightenment. Part 3 speaks of the biased national characteristics and religion of the Japanese, and includes vivid observations centered around Ikinoshima(壹岐島) of the lives of the Japanese common people. The latter part says that Japan is missing from the botanical writing by Naham(羅含) of the Qin Dynasty and from writings such as Sugyeongju(水經注), Doseol(圖說), Gogeumdogeomrok(古今刀劍錄), Gonyeomangukyeodo(坤與萬國輿圖) which should therefore be revised. Part 4 is the conclusion of Haerampyeon which acknowledges a changing Japan and emphasizes continuing friendly relations with it.

송광사 사천왕상 발굴의 丹本章疏「法華經玄贊古通今新抄」권1.2에 관한 서지적 연구

강순애 한국서지학회 2005 서지학연구 Vol.30 No.-

이 글은 순천 송광사 사천왕상 발굴의 단본장소 법화경현찬회고통금신초 권12의 서지적 성격을 밝히기 위해 송광사 사천왕문 사천왕상의 연혁, 사천왕상 발굴의 복장전적, 단본장소 법화경현찬회고통금신초 권12와 불궁사소장본 권26의 비교의 순으로 살펴보았다. 송광사 천왕문 사천왕상에 나온 복장은 정장인 대위덕다라니 권4를 제외하고는 모두 교장이다. 이들 교장 11종 중 법화경현찬회고통금신초 권12는 거란장소의 성격을 밝힐 수 있는 자료로서는 국내에서 처음 발굴된 자료이다. 같은 책의 권56은 1974년 중국 불궁사 목탑 석가탑에서 발굴되었다. 이들 자료를 대상으로 권12와 권56의 주석자 및 서지적인 특징을 비교하였고, 같은 권차 권2를 대상으로 교감 및 판각을 비교하여 이 책은 요본을 저본으로 하여 교장도감에서 필사 보각한 것이며 이를 다시 조선조 간경도감에서 번각한 것임을 밝혔다. 이 책은 교장이지만, 거란본을 저본으로 한 연구서로서 국가 보물급으로 지정될만한 문화재의 가치를 지니고 있는 것으로 밝혀졌다. 이 연구결과는 서지학, 한국학, 불교학 등의 분야에서 거란본을 연구하고 중요한 자원으로 활용하는데 기여하게 될 것이다. This study is to investigate the bibliographical characteristics of Pophwakyong- hyunchan-hegotongkum-sincho vol. 12 found in the chests of four-guardian statutes at the Songgwang-sa, Sooncheon. In particular, the study analyzes in the four aspects such as: 1) the history of four-guardian gates and statutes of the Songgwang-sa ; 2) the physical and bibliographical characteristics of the Buddhist scriptures ; 3) the comparison of Pophwakyong-hyunchan-hegotongkum-sincho vol. 12 and the Bulgung-sa Edition vol. 56: annotator, the bibliographical characteristics, proofing and engraving.These Buddhist scriptures, except Taewidok-darani vol.1 can be called a kyojang. Among these kyojang, Pophwakyong-hyunchan-hegotongkum-sincho vol. 12 belongs to the Liao Edition which were newly found at the Songgwang-sa, and vol. 56 were found at the Bulgung-sa, China. The annotator and bibliographical characteristics of these books were studied, the proofing and engraving of Songgwang-sa Edition vol. 2 and the Bulgung-sa Edition vol. 2 were compared. these books were carved at the Kyojangdokam by using the Liao Edition and reprinted in the Kankyongdokam. It is approved that Pophwakyong-hyunchan-hegotongkum-sincho vol. 12 are at once the Koryo kyojang and belongs to the Liao Edition and have the value of cultural properties as a national treasure. The results of this study will be contributed for research the kyojang and utilized as important resources in the fields of bibliographical science, Korean studies, and Buddhist sciences, and others.

극소 저체중 출생아의 발생빈도 및 근 치료 성적

강순애,오연균 圓光大學校 醫科學硏究所 2008 圓光醫科學 Vol.23 No.2

목적: 신생아 집중치료의 발달로 국내 3 차 대형병원에서는 극소 저체중 출생아 뿐만 아니라 초극소 저체중 출생아에서도 괄목 할만한 생존율의 향상을 보이고 있다. 따라서 본원에서의 극소 저체중 출생아의 빈도, 생존율, 이환율 등 집중치료 결과를 비교 분석 해보고 더욱 향상된 치료가 될 수 있도록 도움을 얻고자 본 연구를 시행하였다. 방법: 2000년 1월부터 2006년 12월까지 만 7년까지 원광대학교 병원 신생아 집중치료실에 입원한 1,500g 미만의 극소 저출생 체중아 205명을 대상으로 의무기록을 조사하여 후향적으로 결과를 분석하였다. 결과: 극소 저출생 체중아의 발생빈도는 4.2%였다. 생존율은 75.0%로 타병원의 80% 이상의 높은 생존율에 비해 다소 낮았다. 1,250g 이상은 92.6%로 타병원과 비슷한 높은 생존율을 보였으나 750g 미만은 18.2%로 낮은 생존율을 보였다. 29주 이상은 80% 이상의 높은 생존율을 보였으나 25-26주는 38.9%로 낮았으며 24주 이하는 한명도 생존하지 못하였다. 주요 합병증은 호흡곤란 증후군이 75.0%로 가장 많았으며, 뇌출혈 31.7%, 동맥관 개존증 29.3%, 미숙아 망막증 28.8%, 패혈증 27.3%, 만성폐질환 23.4%의 순이었다. 사망 시기는 3일 이내가 47.1%로 가장 많았고 7일 이내에 2/3 이상인 70.6%가 사망하였다. 주 사망 원인은 생후 3일 이내에는 호흡곤란 증후군(23.5%), 생후 4-7일에는 폐출혈(9.8%), 생후 8-27일에는 패혈증(16.7%) 이었다. 평균 입원 기간은 57.7±26.0일 이었다. 결론: 최근 극소 저체중 출생아 특히 초극소 저체중 출생아의 증가를 보이고 있는 시점에서 시행된 본 연구를 통해 신생아 집중치료로 향상을 보이던 생존율이 최근 감소를 보이고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 향후 저체중 출생아의 향상을 위해서는 전문적 치료와 간호, 그리고 폐출혈, 패혈증 등의 합병증 저하를 위한 노력이 적극적으로 요구된다. Purpose: The survival rate of very low birth weight infants(VLBWI) has improved by advanced neonatal intensive care in level III hospital. We performed this study to evaluate the outcome including incidence, survival rate, mortality and morbidity of VLBWI and to get a help on more advanced care in neonatal intensive care unit(NICU). Methods: The retrospective review of medical records was analysed for 205 VLBWI(<1,500g) who were admitted to the NICU of Wonkwang University Hospital from January 2000 to December 2006. Results: The incidence of VLBWI was 4.2%. Overall survival rate was 75.0% and which was lower than other hospital. By birth weight, survival rate was 92.6% in over 1,250g which was higher same as other large hospital, however it was 18.2% in below 750g which was lower than others. By gestational age, survival rate was higher over 80% in over 29 weeks, however which was lower 38.9% in 25-26 weeks and there is no lived in below 24 weeks. Common morbidities were respiratory distress syndrome(RDS) 75%, intraventricular hemorrhage 31.7%, patent ductus arteriosus 29.3%, retinopathy of prematurity 28.8% in the order of frequency. Most common time of death was within 3days 47.1%, and 70.6% died within 7 days. Major cause of death was RDS 23.5% within 3 days, pulmonary hemorrhage 9.8% in 4-7 days, and sepsis 16.7% in 8-27 days. Mean admission duration was 57.7±26.0 days. Conclusion: Survival rate of VLBWI was much improved, but recently decreased a little. So, much efforts must be made with a skillful therapy and nursing care and to reduce a complications for increasing their survival rates.

修德寺 大雄殿 三世佛의 腹藏 典籍에 관한 硏究

강순애 한성대학교 인문과학연구원 2004 소통과 인문학 Vol.2 No.-

[초록없음]

石北 申光洙의 송별기록 「鶴歌贈法正東歸」에 관한 연구

강순애 한국서지학회 2017 서지학연구 Vol.70 No.-

This paper studies Hakgajeungbobjeongdongui, the newly discovered parting record by Seokbuk Sin Gwang-su, by examining Sin Gwang-su’s life and poetry as well as Hakgajeungbobjeongdongui’s bibliography and content. Sin Gwang-su (1712-1775)’s family clan was Goryeong, his courtesy name Seongyeon, and his pen name Seokbuk or O-ahksanin. He passed the jinsa in the 26th year of King Yeongjo’s reign (1750). In the 48th year of King Yeongjo’s reign (1772) he received the highest score in the girojeongsi and subsequently became donnyeongbudojeong and Yeongwol busa. In the 51st year of King Yeongjo’s reign (1775), he was given the responsibility of ubuseungji. He died the same year at the age of 64. Sin Gwang-su was a representative poet of the Southern faction in late Joseon, with Yi Heon-gyeong naming him “Siho.” He was especially skilled at gwasi and akbu, writing Gwansanyungma and Gwanseoakbu, with 16 volumes and 8 books of Seokbukjib and 1 book of Seokbukgwasijib remaining. Sin Gwang-su wrote the parting record Hakgajeungbobjeongdongui in the 40th year of King Yeongjo’s reign (1764) to express the sadness of parting when Beobjeong Jeong Beom-jo returned east. The handwritten version is neatly written., and the writing in Book 8 of Seokbukjib is thought to have been partly revised at the time the anthology was made. The specimens of handwriting measure 26 cm vertically and 37.5 cm horizontally. The handwritten version has 14 lines, with 2 lines for the subtitle, 11 lines for the body, and the word “Seokbuksaeng” at the end which show that Sin Gwang-su is the author and the penman. Seokbuk adeptly wrote the small script semi-cursive style and the cursive style, both of which are characteristics of “sohaengbancho.” His semi-cursive and cursive style closely resembles that of Wang Xizhi among the chunhuagetie method, yet retains Seokbuk’s own individuality. A comparison of Seokbuk’s handwritten original record and his work in the anthology reveal firstly, that the original record has no title while the latter was given the title of “Hakgajeungbobjeongdongui.” Second, there are revisions to the subtitle and the content. Third, the poem is a 12-stanza 23-line heptasyllabic poem but Line 17 has six syllables. Line 1 to Line 6 has the character “yak” as the rhyming character in the entering tone, while Line 7 to Line 23 has the character “ji” as the rhyming character in the neutral tone. The heptasyllabic poem is divided into three paragraphs content-wise. This study will be used hereafter in the most basic studies of private records as well as in those of bibliography, record management, history and Korean language. 이 글은 새로 발견된 석북(石北) 신광수(申光洙)의 송별기록 「학가증법정동귀(鶴歌贈法正東歸)」를 대상으로 신광수의 생애와 시 및 「학가증법정동귀」의 서지적․내용적 측면을 연구한 것이다. 신광수(1712-1775)의 본관은 고령이고 자는 성연, 호는 석북, 오악산인이다. 영조 26년(1750)에 진사 급제를 하였다. 영조 48년(1772)에 기로정시에 장원하여 승지를 제수 받았고, 이어 돈녕부도정, 영월부사가 되었다. 영조 51년(1775)에 우부승지를 제수 받았다. 그해 64세로 사망하였다. 신광수는 조선조 후기의 남인시단의 대표적인 시인이었고, 이헌경은 신광수를 ‘시호(詩豪)’라 하였다. 그는 특히 과시(科詩)와 악부(樂府)에 능하여「관산융마(關山戎馬)」와 「관서악부(關西樂府)」를 지었고, 『석북집(石北集)』 16권 8책과 『석북과시집(石北科詩集)』 1책이 남아 있다. 이 「학가증법정동귀」는 신광수가 영조 40년(1764)경에 법정(法正) 정범조가 동쪽으로 돌아갈 때 이별의 슬픔을 담아 서술한 것이다. 자필본은 깨끗이 정서된 것이고, 『석북집』권8에 실린 글은 문집이 작성될 당시 일부 수정된 것으로 여겨진다. 필첩의 원래 크기는 26cm(세로) × 37.5cm(가로)이다. 필사본 전체는 14줄인데 부제목 2줄, 본문 11줄, 끝에 ‘石北生’이라고 씌여 있어 신광수가 저작자 겸 필서자임을 알 수 있다. 석북은 이 송별기록에서 ‘소행반초(小行半草)’의 특징인 작은 행서체와 초서체를 잘 썼고, 행초서는 위에서 지적한 순화각첩의 고법 중 왕희지의 필법에 가까우면서도 일부 글자에서는 자신의 개성을 살리고 있다. 석북이 자필로 쓴 원문의 기록과 문집의 내용을 비교하면, 첫째, 원문의 기록에는 제목이 없고, 문집에는 ‘鶴歌贈法正東歸’라고 제목을 붙였다. 둘째, 부제목과 내용에는 교정된 부분이 있다. 셋째, 이 시는 칠언시 12운 23행이고 17행은 육언이다. 제1행부터 제6행까지는 약(藥)자 운통의 입성운자이고 제7행부터 제23행까지는 지(支)자 운통의 평성운자이다. 이 칠언시는 의미상 세 단락으로 나뉜다. 이 연구는 향후 민간기록의 연구는 물론 서지학, 기록관리학, 역사학, 국어학계에 가장 기본적인 연구성과로 활용될 것이다.

月沙 李廷龜의 戊戌辨誣 陳奏副使와 관련된 送別 기록 연구

강순애 한국서지학회 2016 서지학연구 Vol.68 No.-

This paper is a study of the five parting records related to Wolsa Yi Jung-gui’s Musulbyunmu Jinju Busa (1598) and will look into the following topics of Ding Yingtai’s false charges against Joseon, Wolsa Yi Jung-gueui‘s diplomatic endeavors to clear Joseon from Ding’s charge, and an analysis of the parting records related to Musulbyunmu Jinju busa. Ming Dynasty’s zanhuazhushi Ding Yingtai brought false charges against Joseon three times as Imjinwaeran was ending and ceasefire negotiations between the Ming Dynasty and Japan were beginning. The first charge arose from differing points of view surrounding the defeat of Joseon-Ming allied forces in the Battle of Dosan Fortress which took place between December 22 of the 30th year of Seonjo’s reign (1597) January 4 of the 31st year of Seonjo’s reign (1598), but was resolved thanks to the endeavors of diplomatic envoys from both countries. Ding made his second false charge in June of the 31st year of Seonjo’s reign (1598), saying Yang Hao was trying to stop Japanese forces by building a fortress, but Joseon prevented conflict by reacting strongly to the charge. The third false charge made against Joseon on September 21 on the 31st year of Seonjo’s reign (1598) was resolved with the dispatch of investigators from Ming, King Seonjo’s strong reaction, and the selection of Wolsa Yi Jung-gui’s written documents defending Joseon’s name by envoys sent to China. Wolsa Yi Jung-gui’s diplomatic work to defend Joseon involved composing a document clearing Joseon from false charges by refuting the claims one by one in four arguments. Jeongsa Yi Hangbok, Busa Yi Jung-gueui, Seojangwan Hwang Yeoil left Hanyang in November in the 31st year of Seonjo’s reign and arrived in Peking on January 24 in the 32nd year of Seonjo’s reign (1599). Wolsa accompanied Jeongsa Yi Hangbok and participated actively in clearing Joseon’s name, contributing to settling the problem of Ding Yingtai’s false charge. He returned to Hanyang on April 13 in the 32nd year of King Seonjo’s reign (1599). Keunmuk, edited by Wichang Oh Sae-chang and containing parting records relating to the Musulbyunmu Jinju Busa, contains five farewell records by writers and time periods that are clearly known and that are not in the collections with their handwriting. The writers are Kim Deok-gyeom, Kim Soon-myung, Yoon Geun Soo, Yi Dal and Hwang Jin. Of the poems, one is a quatrain with five characters, two are pentasyllabic regulated verses and two are heptasyllabic regulated verses. Of the rhyming characters which are in the neutral tone, ji is used twice, han once, gyeong once, and won once. The greater part of the poems express sadness over Wolsa Yi Jung-gui’s lonely and difficult task in taking care of Ding Yingtai’s false charge which so humiliated Seonjo, all in spite of Wolsa Yi’s poor health. Nevertheless, the poems also wish that Wolsa, with his well-turned verse and diverse diplomatic language, will induce the Emperor into resolving the conflict wisely. On parting with Wolsa, they record at length for Yi to be careful in the snow, that the moon will grow full and wane several times before he returns from the ten million ri journey, and that they shed tears over their hat strings thinking of Yi’s long journey and the difficulty of the task. This study will be used in the basic future studies of private records as well as in those of bibliography, record management, history and Korean language. 이 글은 현재 남아있는 월사(月沙) 이정귀(李廷龜, 1564∼1635)의 무술변무(戊戌辨誣) 진주부사(陳奏副使)(1598)와 관련된 5편의 송별 기록을 대상으로, 정응태의 조선무고사건, 월사 이정귀의 무술변무를 위한 외교활동, 무술변무 진주부사와 관련된 송별 기록의 내용분석 연구이다. 명의 찬획주사(贊畫主事) 정응태(丁應泰)는 임진왜란이 끝나가고 명․일 간에 정전협상이 시작되던 무렵에 조선에 대해서 세 차례에 걸쳐 참소하였다. 제 1차 참소는 선조 30년(1597) 12월 22일부터 이듬해 1월 4일까지 있었던 도산성 전투에서 조․명연합군의 패배로 인한 입장 차이에서 비롯되었지만 양국 간 외교 사절들의 노력으로 해결되었다. 제 2차 참소는 선조 31년(1598) 6월 정응태는 양호(楊鎬)가 성을 쌓아서 일본군을 막으려고 한 것에 대해 무고하였지만 조선의 강력한 대응으로 해결되었다. 제 3차 참소는 선조 31년(1598)의 9월 21일 조선을 대상으로 무고한 것인데 명의 조사자 파견, 선조의 강력한 대응, 월사 이정귀가 작성한 변무주문을 채택하여 중국에 파견된 사신들의 노력으로 잘 처리되었다. 월사 이정귀의 무술변무를 위한 외교활동에 있어서, 선조 31년(1598) 10월 21일 변무주문을 작성하여 조선을 무고한 각 사항에 내해 네 가지로 조목조목 논박하였다. 정사 이항복, 부사 이정귀, 서장관 황여일 일행은 선조 31년(1598) 11월에 한양을 떠나 선조 32년(1599) 정월 24일에 북경에 도착하였다. 월사는 정사 이항복을 따라다니며 변무활동에도 적극적으로 참여하여 정응태의 무고를 해결하는데 일조하였고, 선조 32년(1599) 윤 4월 13일에 한양으로 돌아왔다. 무술변무 진주부사와 관련된 송별기록은 위창 오세창이 편집한 『근묵』에는 인물과 연대가 분명하면서 문집에 수록되지 않은 김덕겸(金德謙), 김순명(金順命), 윤근수(尹根壽), 이달(李達), 황진(黃璡) 5명 송별 기록이 필자의 필적과 함께 남아 있다. 시의 형식은 오언배율 10구 20행 1편, 오언율시 2편, 칠언율시 2편이다. 운자는 지(支)자 운통의 평성운자 2회, 한(寒)자 운통의 평성운자 1회, 경(庚)자 운통의 평성운자 1회, 원(元)자 운통의 평성운자 1회가 사용되었다. 시의 내용은 대부분 선조가 정응태의 무고로 심한 치욕을 당하여 깊은 원한을 품게 되었고 외로운 신하인 월사 이정귀가 이를 해결하는 임무를 맡았으니 이 여정이 얼마나 힘들 것인지를 가슴 아파하고, 월사의 문장과 외교사령의 문채가 다채로워 정성을 다하여 외교를 펼쳐 황제가 현명하게 해결해 줄 것이라고 기원하고 있다. 또한 그를 떠나보내는 마음들의 표현은 요동의 매서운 눈에 조심하기를 바라고, 서로 그리워하는 길이 천만리여서 달이 몇 번이나 차고 이지러질 것이며, 떠나는 먼 길과 일의 어려움을 생각하니 눈물이 흘러 갓끈을 적신다고 절절하게 기록하였다. 이 연구는 향후 민간기록의 연구는 물론 서지학, 기록관리학, 역사학, 국어학계에 가장 기본적인 연구 성과로 활용될 것이다.

일상식탁에서 흔히 먹는 음식의 1人 분량 결정에 관한 연구

강순애,김경아 이화여자대학교 1973 식품영양연구 Vol.- No.3

우리 가정에서 일상 먹는 식품들을 가장 일반적인 방법으로 조리하여서 조리전과 조리후의 무게를 산출했으며 또 그에 따라서 우리 일상 식탁에서 상용될 수 있는 1人분의 양을 결정해 보았다. 1人분의 양을 결정하는데는 2가지 면을 고려하였다. ① 보통 상용되는 그릇에 보기좋게 담았을 때의 무게와 ② 한 끼로써 식단을 作成하여 열량소간의 균형을 맞추었을때의 1人분의 양을 고려하였다. 물론 그 끼에 포함시키는 반찬의 가지수가 많아짐에 따라서 개개의 1人분량은 줄어들 것을 고려하여서 대개 1끼에 5~6가지 음식 (밥. 국포함)으로 제한해서 1人분을 결정하였다.

존 로스 목사의 한글복음서 간행과 보급 여정

강순애 한성대학교 인문과학연구원 2011 소통과 인문학 Vol.12 No.-

This paper studies the publication and distribution process of Reverend John Ross’s Korean Bible by examining the life and mission work of Reverend John Ross, the translation and publication of the Korean Bible, and its distribution. The results of the study are as follows. 1) Reverend John Ross came to Manchuria in 1872 where he began his missionary work with the Chinese and Joseon people centering around the cities of Yingkou(營口) and Mukden(奉天), from where he expanded his work to Tonghua(通化). He served as a missionary in China and Joseon for 38 years until he retired in 1910. He baptized the people he met in the mission field and had Koreans such as Eung Chan Lee, Sang Ryun Soh, Hong Jun Baek, Cheong Song Kim, Jin Ki Kim, Seong Kyun Choi, Ik Sae Lee, Seong Ha Lee participate in the translation of the Korean Bible. Although he stayed in Manchuria, he devoted half his life to spreading the gospel to the Joseon people with a passion like that of the Apostle Paul. 2) The translation of the Korean Bible began in March 1882 and was finished in 1887 under the name of Yesuseongkyo Jeonseo. This Bible is called the ‘Ross Version’ or the ‘Yesuseongkyo-bon.’ The translation of the ‘Yesuseongkyo-bon’ was mostly done in Dongguan Church in the Fengtian province(奉天). A distinct characteristic of the Ross Version is that it used the Chinese Bible as a foundation and therefore has many Chinese expressions and archaisms remaining in the Northwestern dialect. Moreover, although the translated Bible has no word spacing, words such as God, Jesus and Lord have a space before and after each word, a feature of simplified characters (間字). He uses Hangeul rather than Chinese characters for the general public. 3) The publication of the Korean Bible took place in Mungwangseowon in Fengtian between June 1881, when Ross entered the country, and the fall of 1886. The printing of the Bible was fully funded by Great Britain’s National Bible Society of Scotland and done with wooden type. Starting with the printing of 3,000 copies each of Yesuseongkyo Nugabokeumjeonseo and Yesuseongkyo Yoannaebokeumjeonseo in March and May of 1882, separate gospels began to be printed steadily. In 1887, 5000 copies of the first Korean New Testament, the Yesuseongkyo Jeonseo, was published. 4) The distribution of the Korean Gospel began in the Korean town. With the distribution of the Bibles, faith communities were set up naturally. First, Cheong Song Kim formed a community of believers as a result of selling the Korean Bible and evangelizing in and around Jilin, which became the basis for the Yiyangja Church. Second, Hong Jun Baek and Seong Ha Lee evangelized in and around Uiju in the North Pyongan Province in counties such as Wiwon, Kangye, Kuseong, Sakju. As a result the first self-built church in the country, Uiju Faith Community, was formed in the Uiju county. Thirdly, Chun Chon Ryu was the central figure for the Bible distribution in Pyongyang, creating the foundation for the Pyongyang Church. Fourth, Sang Ryun Soh and Gyeong Jo Soh settled in their hometown of Sorae(松川) and went back and forth from Seoul distributing a large number of Bibles. With this basis, Sorae Church began in 1886 and led the establishment of 12 churches in the neighboring Hwanghae region until 1990, while 1887 saw the establishment of Chung Dong Church (now Saemoonan Church) in Seoul. The results of this study will be used in the most fundamental studies of bibliography and Christian literary history as well as Korean literature.