고려 명종 23년의 `신라부흥운동` 사료 검토

김호동(Kim, Ho-dong) 신라사학회 2012 新羅史學報 Vol.0 No.26

경주 출신의 이의민이 신라부흥운동과 왕조 교체의 뜻을 갖고 명종 23년의 김사미·효심의 난을 지원하였다는 기록은 《고려사》 이의민 열전과 《고려사절요》 명종 23년 7월의 기사에 실려 있다. 이에 대해 그것을 긍정하는 논자가 있는가 하면, 그것은 이의민 정권의 부당성을 지적해 보려는 반이의민세력의 모략이었다고 하여 그 같은 사실 자체를 부정하는 견해도 있으며, 또 반란군을 지원한 사실은 인정하되 그것은 신라부흥을 목적하여서가 아니라 다만 이의민이 자신의 권력을 확대시키기 위한 수단으로 이용한 것일 뿐이라는 의견도 있다. 이러한 제 견해는 면밀한 사료의 검토를 통해 이루어지지 않았다. 본고는 최충헌 정권이 이의민 정권의 부당성을 드러내기 위해 정치적 모략에 의해 만들어낸 기록이라는 것을 증명하기 위해 김사미·효심의 남적 관련 사료와 최충헌의 이의민 제거와 명종 폐위 사료를 위시하여 《동국이상국집》 관련 사료를 검토하였다. 그 결과 명종 23년에 이의민이 신라부흥운동과 왕조교체를 꾀하기 위해 남적과 공모하지 않았다는 결론에 도달하였다. It was recorded in the part of Uimin Lee`s Biography in 《Koryosa》(History of Koryo Dynasty, 1451) and the July Article of the 23rd year of King Myungjong of 《Koryosajulyo》(Brief History of Koryo Dynasty, 1452) that Uimin Lee from the city of Kyongjoo supported the revolt of Sami Kin and Sim Hyo(23rd year of King Myungjong) on the purpose of Dynasty replacement by the revival movement of Silla Dynasty. About this record, some scholars affirmed, the others denied the fact on the bases that it was a scheme of anti-Uimin Lee group, who was trying to show the illegitimacy of the military regime of Uimin Lee, and another scholars agreed with the fact that Uimin Lee`s support for the rebels was not for the Shilla revival, but for his own purpose of expanding political power. All these viewpoints lacks so enough study of historical materials as to prove their views. In this paper, so as to prove that the record was deliberately fabricated by Choongheon Choi to point out the illegitimacy of the military regime of Uimin Lee, were thoroughly examined the related documents in 《Dongkukyisangkukjib》(1241), including historical documents of the peasant uprising of Koryo Dynasty related to Sami Kim and Sim Hyo, and historical materials concerned with the removal of Uimin Lee and the dethronement of Myungjong by Choongheon Choi. In its final analysis, it was disclosed that at the 23re year of King Myungjong, Uimin Lee did not plot Dynasty replacement by the revival movement of Silla Dynasty along with Sami Kim and Sim Hyo.

원간섭기 영남지역의 유불계의 동향

김호동(Ho Dong Kim) 한국중세사학회 2000 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.9

N/A

신라말 고려초 유교정치이념 확대과정

김호동 ( Ho Dong Kim ) 한국중세사학회 2005 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.18

This study deals with the process of the extension of confucian political idea seen through the eyes of its rivalry relationship with buddhism, and the process of extension of confucian political idea within confucianism itself. In the section the process of the extension of confucian political idea seen through the eyes of its rivalry relationship with buddhism, dealt with is the fact that the way of confucianism was formed with the decline of buddhism from political arena caused by the division of politics and religion around the time of the unification of three kings. It is also shed light on that the suggestion of adopting confucian political idea by such monks as JaJang worked as a momentum, and the way of confucianism was paved around the time of the unification of three kingdoms. In the latter, what is shed light on is the fact that confucianists tried to secure stable position of confucian political idea with the aids of Buddhist arena in which the non-Seon(敎宗) lost its leadership and Zen Buddhism(禪宗) tried to stay away from politics. In that process, Koong-Ye, the founder of Tae-Bong, kept buddhism as political guideline describing himself as Maitreya relying on Maitreya Belief through which lower class people was pursuing original wonder and fortune. Then Koong-Ye started tyrannical ruling which led people to draw their support away from Koong-Ye`s ruling. Confucianists used people`s anti-sentiment against Koong-Ye to overthrow Koong-Ye`s regime and establish Goryeo Kingdom with its king Woang-Gun on the basis of confucianism. All these events strengthened confucian political idea. The section The process of extension of confucian political idea within confucianism itself shows that the application of confucian political idea by such monks as Jajang was getting far more stabilized with the strong will of King Moo-Yul`s regime for stabilizing absolute monarchy. Moreover, It also points out that educational institutions such as Kookhak and Dokseosampoomgwua, and the recruitment system of government officials widened the basis of confucianists. As a result, breaking from the stage in which confucian ethics of loyalty was absolutely emphasized based on the concept of filial piety and loyalty of the Analects of Confucius and the Book of Filial Duty, they tried to look for theory to justify revolutionary upheaval for subjects to overthrow their monarchs.

한국 중세 풍수도참사상의 재조명 성리학의 보급에 따른 풍수도참사상의 변용

김호동 ( Ho Dong Kim ) 한국중세사학회 2006 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.21

몽골제국과 『대원일통지(大元一統志)』의 편찬

김호동 ( Ho Dong Kim ) 중앙아시아학회 2010 中央아시아硏究 Vol.15 No.-

The world map of Honilgangriyeokdaegukdo jido (混一疆理歷代國都之圖) made in 1402 has drawn a lot of scholarly attention during the last several decades, and recent researches made significant contribution to the widening of our understanding. Especially Miya Noriko in her newly published book persuasively argued that the world map compiled and inserted in the work entitled DaYuanYitongzhi(元一統志) became the basis of Hongilgangrido. This article is an attempt to supplement her argument by clarifying and revising a couple of facts related with the relationship between those two maps. (1) During the reign of Qubilai, the Board of War was in charge of collecting gazetteers of provincial areas and the Hanlin Academy was also commissioned to gathering various provincial gazetteers in order to compile a botanical work called Zhiyuanbenchao(至元本草). However, when the collection of geographical materials did not progress as planned, Jamal al-Din who was at that time the chief of Mishujian (Imperial Library Directorate) proposed to collect them systematically under the initiative of his bureau and to compile a comprehensive geography based on that collection. This suggests that the geographical book Jamal al-Din proposed was not about the entire Mongol empire, neither the whole area of Qubilai`s realm. Rather it was meant to cover basically the two areas of Handi and Jiangnan, i.e., China proper. Incidentally, at that time, a person named Yu Yinglong(虞應龍) had just finished a draft of geographical work which he named Tongtongzhi(統同志). Since it was considered to accord well with Jamal al-Din`s proposal, the office of Mishujian, based on the work of Yu, succeeded in compiling a geographical work. It was named DaYitongzhi, which is apparently inspired by the title of Yu`s work Tongtongzhi. (2)It has been generally considered that DaYitongzhi was compiled in 1294 at first and revised in 1303. In fact, however, it was first compiled in 1291 and, when they obtained additional information on `far and border regions` such as Yunnan and Liaoyang, supplementary volume(s) were made. At the same time, having checked the changes and mistakes, they drew up a table of addenda and corrigenda. However, when these changes became increased, in 1301 they decided to compile a revised edition and thus a new version was completed in 1303. Therefore, we can assume that in the library of Mishujian three different versions of DaYitongzhi were stored: (a)the first edition, 755 volumes(juan), completed in 1291, (b)the edition of 1294, 787 volumes in 483 book(ce), and (c) the final edition of 1303, 1,300 volumes in 600 books. The first version was printed later during the reign of Zhizheng but it was lost and now only a small portion survives. (3) As the collection of various provincial maps of China was proceeding, in 1286 Jamal al-Din who had already possessed a number of "Muslim maps" proposed Qubilai to compile a world map covering the entire Mongol empire "from where the sun rises to where the sun goes down." His request was approved and he further ordered to collect rah-nama, i.e., portolan map, from the Muslim merchants of the Indian Ocean. We are not sure whether he succeeded in compiling this map, but, considering the fact that it was an imperially commissioned project, it is reasonable to assume that it was completed if not some special circumstances. The world map he drew up must have been quite different from Honilgangrido which depicts China and Korea disproportionately bigger than the reality. We know that on a woodcut globe(kurah-iard) he presented to Qubilai the ratio of the land and the sea was 3:7. And there is no surviving Muslim maps that shows the composition as we see in Honilgangrido. This is the reason why I consider the world map of Jamal al-Din could not be a base map of Li Zemin(李澤民)`s Shengjiaoguangbeitu (聖敎廣被圖) which became the model of Honilgangrido. (4)Therefore, I think it is necessary to turn our attention to a map named Tianxiadirizongtu(天下地理總圖) that was appended to the 1303 edition of DaYitongzhi. This edition contains a `small map(xiaotu) after the description of each circuit(lu), but it was necessary to provide a comprehensive map showing the entire region depicted in that work. Thus Tianxia diri zongtu was made and appended at the end of the book. It was drawn by a man named Fang Ping (方平), but soon later he worked in collaboration with Yu Yong (兪庸). Since this map was designed to show the areas that were described in DaYitongzhi, it is not surprising for us to see China depicted very much in detail. Although it seems that they made use of some geographical information in Jamal al-Din`s world map, the areas to the west of China was shrunken and distorted. Probably it is this Tianxia diri zongtu that was disseminated among the people and became the basis of Zhou Siben`s Guangyutu and Li Zemin`s Shengjiaoguangbeitu. If we draw a diagram based on the preceding discussions, it should be as follows. ① Jamal al-Din`s world map→ ② Tianxia diri zongtu appended to DaYitongzhi→ ③The maps of Zhou Siben and Li Zemin→ ④Honilgangrido in Korea

근년의 ‘프로젝트’ 중심 동양사 연구동향에 대한 평가와 반성

김호동(Kim, Ho-dong) 역사학회 2012 역사학보 Vol.0 No.215

When we consider Asian studies in Korea in recent years, especially during the last two years (2010 to 2011), we can find two conspicuous trends, namely: (1) collective studies and (2) an increasing focus on international relations. These new trends certainly reflect positive change in a sense that mutual communication and collaboration among scholars have radically increased and that scholars have begun to pay more attention to international relations, a topic that has been neglected for some time. This trend is however troubling, as it does not seem to be the result of authochthonos development within academic circles but rather by many projects promoted by institutions associated with government such as the Northeast Asian History Foundation and the National Research Foundation. A recent public announcement stated that the Registration System of Academic Journals shall be abolished and a new system of so-called ‘Distinguished Academic Journals’ is about to be introduced. This is one of the most typical examples of government- initiated administration. It is deplorable that the science of history, which requires a high level of individual creativity has come to depend so much upon outside organizations. It is true that Asian studies in Korea have continued to improve over the last several decades, but the external environment and support system did not match this development, and have not been able to overcome their backwardness. We sincerely hope that these obstacles are quickly removed and the quality of Asian studies in Korea reaches international standards.

前期 모굴汗國의 繼承紛爭을 통해 본 遊牧的 部族政治의 特徵

金浩東(Ho-dong KIM) 동양사학회 1990 東洋史學硏究 Vol.33 No.-

동남해연안 지역사회 연구현황과 과제

김호동 ( Ho Dong Kim ) 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 2010 石堂論叢 Vol.0 No.46

21세기 국가간의 경계를 넘어 교류와 교역이 활발하게 이루어지는 상황 속에서 ``동북아경제권``의 구상 논의가 활발하게 거론되고 있다. 한국의 동해안과 일본의 서해안 및 중국의 동북지역 및 러시아와의 경제교역권을 묶자는 논의이다. 그러나 그것을 묶기 위해서는 ``환동해문화권``을 이루는 동남해연안지역에 관한 연구가 필수적으로 이루어져야만 한다. ``환동해문화권``, ``동북아경제권``의 구상을 논하지만 한국을 중심에 두고 동남해연안지역에 관한 체계적인 연구는 거의 없다. 지금까지 주로 고대 신라의 동해안지역 진출에 관한 연구가 그 중심에 있었다. 그리고 그 관점은 지방사의 관점에서 바라본 것이 아니라 중앙집권화의 관점에 서서 바라다보았을 뿐이다. 그런 관점에 서다보니 동남해안지역은 변방에 위치하면서 낙후된 지역이 되었다는 인식이 팽배하였고, 그러한 인식으로 인해 고려와 조선시대의 동남해연안 지역에 대한 연구는 거의 없었다. 최근의 경우 동해 지명과 독도에 관한 연구만이 양산되었을 뿐이다. 2000년 이후 영남권의 대학연구소와 지방사학회를 중심으로 하여 지방사의 관점에 선 동남해안지역사회의 연구가 활성화된 측면이 있지만 동남해안지역의 문헌자료와 구술자료의 수집, 정리가 부족한 편이다. 각 대학 연구소가 연대해 공동으로 이러한 사업에 참여할 필요가 있다. Discussion about the foundation of ``Northeast Economic Zone`` is vivid in the situation of active trade and exchange over the national border in the 21st century. That aims to bind the economic trade zone among Korean East Sea, west Sea of Japan, northeast of China, and Russia. However, we need essentially to study more about southeast coast region which constitute the ``East Sea Rim Culture Area`` to bind them. Japan has exerted to establish ``Great East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere`` taking the policy of maritime sovereignty to expand to Asian continent naming East Sea to Japan Sea from Meiji era. Korea have discussed and raised the topic about ``East Sea Cultural Sphere``, or ``Northeast Economic Zone`` but there have been few practical discussion for the topic of human and nature or regional relationship among peoples of the area in time series of past, present and future locating the Korean peninsular at the center of the discussion. Until, ancient Silla dynasty has been the center of the question about the exploration of east sea coast. And the view point never viewed from the regional history but from the view point of central power of government. So, this view point naturally influenced to the point of activity stage in Korean history as the capital city moved from Gyeongsang-do province centered at Gyeongju to Gaeseong the central region of the peninsular by the ruin of Silla dynasty and reunification by Goryeo dynasty, which induced recognition of peripheral location for the southeast coast and late development lacking academic research activity about the regional study in Goryeo and Choseon dynasty. But this trend only produced many research results about the damages by the attack of native Japanese pirates during late Goryeo and early Choseon dynasty and about the problems of East Sea or sovereignty of Dokdo. After the year of 2000, many research institution showed active research result about the southeast coast regional society but they lack collection in literal materials, oral statement, and classification of the materials about the southeast coast region. Now, we need to pay attention about this region again. I suggest a cooperative research activity among the institutions linking related many universities to get more effective research result and collecting important literal and oral materials which might disappear in near future without any attention.

연구논문 : 컴퓨터 프로그래머의 직무수행 평가를 위한 행동기술척도 ( BARS ) 제작

김명소(Myoung So Kim),김호동(Ho Dong Kim) 한국조사연구학회 2000 조사연구 Vol.1 No.2

논문 : 몽골제국 군주들의 량도순행과 유목적 습속

김호동 ( Ho Dong Kim ) 중앙아시아학회 2002 中央아시아硏究 Vol.7 No.-