鮮初 지식인의 고려 문화 기억과 문학적 재생산 : 秋江 南孝溫의 詩文을 중심으로

김성언 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 2009 석당논총 Vol.0 No.44

현대 역사학에서 기억 이론은 구조주의적 방법론의 한계를 넘는 중요한 이론으로 대두되고 있다. 특히 문학의 역사를 되짚어 보는 일에서 기억 이론은 매우 활용 가치가 높은 것으로 평가된다. 문학은 과거의 삶의 구체적 체험에서 나온 산물이기 때문이다. 조선 초기 문학의 역사를 서술할 때 특정인의 시문에 나타난 고려의 문화적 업적에 관한 기억과 재생산의 과정을 추적하는 일은 매우 중요하다. 본고는 조선 성종대의 산림시인 추강 남효온의 시문에 나타난 고려의 기억을 중심으로 선초의 문인들이 어떤 방식으로 고려의 문학을 계승 혹은 발전시켰는지를 더듬어보았다. 개국 공신의 후손이자 성종대 신진사류를 대표하는 인물인 그는 승국 고려의 정치와 종교에 대해 혐오감을 표출했으나 동시에 고려의 문치주의와 문화적 업적에 대해서는 매우 긍정적인 평가를 내리고 있는데, 이는 이상적인 국가를 향한 선초 지식인들의 집단적 전망과 관련이 있을 것이다. 구체적으로 그는 문집󰡔추강집󰡕에 수록된 시문들을 통해 고려 가요와 한시에 대한 기억들을 피력하며 그것들을 점화하여 재생산하고 있음을 본다. <청산별곡>․<한림별곡>․<북전>․<정과정곡>․<오관산곡>등의 가요를 통해 그는 고려 문화에 대한 평가와 아울러 현재 자신이 처한 상황까지를 우회적으로 드러내고 있다. 또한 그는 당시 주목받았던 한시인답게 이제현의 <산중설야>, 최사립의 <대인>, 유숙의 <벽란도>같은 명시의 의경을 이어받은 차운시를 다수 지었으며, 고려의 풍류를 대표하는 <자하동곡>의 흥취를 변주한 작품을 남기기도 했다. 남효온의 문학적 기억에 대한 논증을 통해 우리는 고려와 조선이라는 두 왕조가 그 주체들의 문화적 기억, 특히 문학적 기억에 의해 매우 밀접히 연관되어 있음을 확인할 수 있을 것이다. 조선의 문인들은 고려 문학의 충실한 계승자였던 셈이다. In the modern history, Theory of Memory emerges from the decline of the Structualism. We recognize the theory as a valuable tool for the literary study, because literature is produced from the past experiences. For example, Nam Hyo-on, a poet who lived in the period of King Sungjong, wrote many excellent proses and poems based upon the memories of cultural achieves in Koryo Dynasty. From an excursion to Gaeseong, the capital of Koryo, he memorized songs of that period and wrote his own poets, which developed original song's intentions with delicacy. And he produced the chinese poems which inherit the famous Koryo poets. Consequently, we know that early Chosun Dynasty intellectuals had duplicity toward previous country, namely affirmative to the nation's literary works and denial of it's policy and religion.

한국법문화(韓國法文化)의 근대화과정(近代化過程)

최종고 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 1984 石堂論叢 Vol.9 No.-

기획논문 : 고려시대의 문화와 사상 ; 선초(鮮初) 지식인의 고려 문화 기억과 문학적 재생산 : 추강(秋江) 남효온(南孝溫)의 시문(詩文)을 중심으로

김성언 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 2009 石堂論叢 Vol.0 No.44

현대 역사학에서 기억 이론은 구조주의적 방법론의 한계를 넘는 중요한 이론으로 대두되고 있다. 특히 문학의 역사를 되짚어 보는 일에서 기억 이론은 매우 활용 가치가 높은 것으로 평가된다. 문학은 과거의 삶의 구체적 체험에서 나온 산물이기 때문이다. 조선 초기 문학의 역사를 서술할 때 특정인의 시문에 나타난 고려의 문화적 업적에 관한 기억과 재생산의 과정을 추적하는 일은 매우 중요하다. 본고는 조선 성종대의 산림시인 추강 남효온의 시문에 나타난 고려의 기억을 중심으로 선초의 문인들이 어떤 방식으로 고려의 문학을 계승 혹은 발전시켰는지를 더듬어보았다. 개국 공신의 후손이자 성종대 신진사류를 대표하는 인물인 그는 승국 고려의 정치와 종교에 대해 혐오감을 표출했으나 동시에 고려의 문치주의와 문화적 업적에 대해서는 매우 긍정적인 평가를 내리고 있는데, 이는 이상적인 국가를 향한 선초 지식인들의 집단적 전망과 관련이 있을 것이다. 구체적으로 그는 문집 『추강집』에 수록된 시문들을 통해 고려 가요와 한시에 대한 기억들을 피력하며 그것들을 점화하여 재생산하고 있음을 본다. <청산별곡>·<한림별곡>·<북전>·<정과정곡>·<오관산곡>등의 가요를 통해 그는 고려 문화에 대한 평가와 아울러 현재 자신이 처한 상황까지를 우회적으로 드러내고 있다. 또한 그는 당시 주목받았던 한시인답게 이제현의 <산중설야>, 최사립의 <대인>, 유숙의 <벽란도>같은 명시의 의경을 이어받은 차운시를 다수 지었으며, 고려의 풍류를 대표하는 <자하동곡>의 흥취를 변주한 작품을 남기기도 했다. 남효온의 문학적 기억에 대한 논증을 통해 우리는 고려와 조선이라는 두 왕조가 그 주체들의 문화적 기억, 특히 문학적 기억에 의해 매우 밀접히 연관되어 있음을 확인할 수 있을 것이다. 조선의 문인들은 고려 문학의 충실한 계승자였던 셈이다. In the modern history, Theory of Memory emerges from the decline of the Structualism. We recognize the theory as a valuable tool for the literary study, because literature is produced from the past experiences. For example, Nam Hyo-on, a poet who lived in the period of King Sungjong, wrote many excellent proses and poems based upon the memories of cultural achieves in Koryo Dynasty. From an excursion to Gaeseong, the capital of Koryo, he memorized songs of that period and wrote his own poets, which developed original song's intentions with delicacy. And he produced the chinese poems which inherit the famous Koryo poets. Consequently, we know that early Chosun Dynasty intellectuals had duplicity toward previous country, namely affirmative to the nation's literary works and denial of it's policy and religion.

전통문화연구(傳統文化硏究)의 의의(意義)와 과제(課題)

이종후 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 1983 石堂論叢 Vol.8 No.-

교회문헌에 근거한 가톨릭 생명윤리

李相穆 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 2003 석당논총 Vol.33 No.-

한국(韓國)과 독일(獨逸)의 통일정책비교연구(統一政策比較硏究)

이영기 ( Yung Kee Lee ) 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 1984 石堂論叢 Vol.9 No.-

Trotz der geographischen Entfernung und der unterschiedlichen historischen besteht das gemeinsames Schicksel von Deutschland und Korea in der seit 40 Jahren andauer-nden unnatuerlichen Teilung, deren Ueberwindung in absehbarer Zeit nicht zu erwarten scheint. Aus der vorliegenden Untersuchung ergeben sich neben weitgehenden Gemeinsamke-iten vor allem im Prozess der Teilung erhebliche Unterschiede in den Wiederver-einigungsbemuehungen der beiden Laender. Gemeinsam duerfte beiden Laendern zunaechst die politische und ideologische Teilung sein, infolge derer die DDR und Nordkorea dem kommunistischen Block, die BRD und Suedkorea der freien Welt angehoeren. Gemeinsam ist beiden Laendern ferner die gesellschaftliche Teilung: Der radikalen Sozialisierung in der DDR und in Nordkorea steht eine weitgehende unveraenderte Gesellschaftsstruktur in der BRD und Suedkorea gegenueber. Gemeinsam ist beiden Laendern schliesslich die militaerische Teilung dadurch vollzogen, dass die DDR und Nordkorea mit der Sowjetunion eine militaerische Allianz abgeschlossen haben, waehrend die BRD und Suedkorea in diesem Bereich mit den Vereinigten Staaten verbunden sind. Damit spielen beide Laender die Rolle von Vorposten in Europa und in Fernostasien, wodurch der Status quo unveraendert bleibt und zugleich die Wiedervereingung verhindert wird. Insbesondere in drei Punkten bestehen jedoch Widersprueche. In Korea wurden zur Wiedervereinigung militaerische Mittel angewandt. Es ist hier nicht notwendig, die Ursachen des Kriegsaubruchs zu eroertern. Sie liegen hauptsaechlich darin, dass die beiden Teile Koreas in ihre Ueberlegungen zur territorialen Vereingung die Gewaltan-wendung miteinbezogen haben. Der Koreakrieg hatte den Aufstieg Rotchinas und den Aufschwung der Wirtschaft Japans zum Ergebnis, so dass das Problem korea heute mehr Partner tangiert als vorher. Anderseits hat der Krieg die innerkoreanischen Beziehungen voellig unterbrochen und die Feindseligkeiten zwischen beiden Staaten erheblich vertieft. Der Dialog zwischen Sued-und Nordkorea von 1971-1973 hat sich als kurzlebiges Intermezzo herausgestellt. Die haeufigen Zwischenfaelle an der Demar-kationslinie, der Bau der Infiltrationstunnels nach Suedkorea und der juengste Bombenschlag in Ranun habdn gezeigt, dass jeder Zeit ein neuer Krieg entfesselt werden koennte. Im Unterschied zu Krea haben sich die Bemuehungen um die deutsche Wiederver-einigung in den50er Jahren in einem kalten, aber friedlichen Atomosphaere vollzogen. In den 60er Jahren ist in Europa in grossen und ganzen an die Stelle der Konfrontation bedingte und erzwungene Entspannung, die "friedliche Koexistenz", als Folge des atomaren Patts getreten. Die neue Ostpolitik unter Willy Brandt, die auf die Friedensnote vom Maerz 1966 zurueckzufuehren ist, enthaelt in ihrem Kernpunkt den Gewaltverzicht. Trotz der Gegensaetze zwischen West und Ost ist man sich in einem Punkt, der Erhaltung des Friedens in Europa einig. Es stellt sich nach wie vor die Frage, ob man diesen wirklich ohne die Ueberwindung der Teilung Deutschlands erreichenkann, was Adenauer ausdruecklich hat. Fuer Brandt ist demgegenueber der Frieden in Europa eine unabdingbare Voraussetzung fuer eine eventuelle spaetere Wiedervereinigung. Ein weiterer Unterschied zwischen Deutschland und Korea ist darin zu sehen, dassman in der BRD einen Platz fuer die Loesung der deutschen Frage in einem europaeischen Rahmen durch die gesamteuropaeische Gmeinschaft zu finden versucht, waehrend Ueberlegungen unber ein Gesamtasien, in dem die Wiedervereinigung Koreas errichtwerden koennte, von vornherein unvorstellbar sind. Daraus ergeben sich unterschiedliche Folgerungen fuer die Alternativen zur Wiedervereinigung der beiden geteilten Laender. Fuer die langwierigen Weg der Errichtung einer europaeischen Friedensordnung bedarf es der Fortsetzung der bisherigen Politik der BRD, der Bemuehung um die westliche Integration, der Versoehnung mit dem Osten, eine Modus vivendi mit der DDR und nichtzuletzt der Zusammenarbeit mit den Entwicklungslaendern. Im Gegensatz zu Deutschland muss die Bildung eines wiedereinigten Nationalstaates Korea als unabdingbar angesehen werden. Die Gruende dafuer liegen darin: erstens waere ein wiedervereinigtes Korea nicht in der Lage, den Nationalionalismus zu missbrauchen wie in Europa;zweitens wuerde ein koreanischer Nationalstaat einer Verbesserung der internationalen Beziehungen dienen. Somit wuerden beide Teile Koreas nur als Mittel oder als Objekt der grossen Maechte ausfenuetzt werden. Allein ein wiedervereinigtes Korea wuerde in der Lage sein, den Wohlstand ohne Abhaengigkeit von aussen zu erreichen. Wenn diese auf Nationalismus basierende Politik der beiden Seiten durch den direkten Dialog zwischen Sueden und Norden im Sog der raschen Aenderung der Weltpolitik zur Milderung und schliesslich zur allmaehlichen Ueberwindung der bisher unversoehnlichen ideologischen Trennung beitragen wuerde, bestuende hier eine echte Chance zur Wiedervereinigung mit friedlichen Mitteln.

고려시대 「사대부(士大夫)」의 용례

김광철 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 1988 石堂論叢 Vol.14 No.-

동양법(東洋法)과 자연법(自然法) -사물(事物)의 본성(本性)과의 관련(關聯)에서-

김병규 ( Pyong Kyu Kim ) 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 1984 石堂論叢 Vol.9 No.-

Hegel, who understood the world history as a sort of course in which, man, whose spirit is by nature free, substantiates this freedom through his own awakening to self, placed the Oriental world as the initial, yet directly-related phase of the course. With this view in mind, he may be said to hold to the belief that the Oriental world is fundamentally an anti-historical one, with no seed of historical development conceived in it, so that, in case of Chinese society, the stagnant nature of the society we can observe throughout its history is merely what characterizes the society. This position of his, however, drew some reviews from those scholars who intended to acknowledge the existence of medieval feudalism in China on their tentative conclusion that the Sung dynasty society, to cite one instance out of many, is a serfdom. This writer, too, would like to regard the Chinese serfdom as a variant of feudalism. He wants to acknowledge the subjectivity of the serf of the Sung dynasty society that much. Scholars differ in opinion about the Oriental law; some adore it, while others do not. Max Weber asserts that pre-modern China`s patrichal bureaucracy and the consequent lack of legal association thereby impeded the development of the formal law. The Chinese law is not a formal law. The ideal of the Chinese law lies at bringing about practical justice. Weber further went on that China never had the natural law, which has something revolutionary in it. To him, the natural law meant the formal quality of the law created by revolution. However, should the natural law be the product of man`s quest for the absolute standard of human justice, then the thoughts of Chu-tzu may be said to be relevant to it. Weber, too, in spite of the academic strictness of his theory, may be said to have viewed the Oriental world in that fixed, European-centered idea of Protestantism and the capitalistic schema constructed upon it. Nowadays, when the study of the nature of things necessarily involves the discussion of the natural law, the question should be raised as to how Confucian idea regards it. The nature of things came as a subject of discussion with the revival of the concern for the natural law after the World War II, with interest mostly in whether or not the essence of the nature of things could directly be comprehended down to the ground out of the study of the real phenomena so as to let it reach into the norm of the law. Radbruch saw the nature of things as that which "means the relation of life to the concept of the law", an idea bridging that two areas of the dualism, Sein being, Sollen, that which should be. Maihofer talks of the natural law based on the nature of things as being something Alssein, that is, something that "being as···", that we see in the state of things in which the seller and the buyer work. Though the theory of the nature of things has had some criticism levelled at it, it should at least be noted that it provides us with the topoi, the ground, of arguments. The theory of the nature of things in modern days should have a structure that will permit us to establish a proper relationship between Sein and Sollen, a structure founded on the dialectical conception. Confucian idea places emphasis on the reason of things, the thorough pursuit of which constitutes the inceptional stage in the course of the Confucianistic practice. Chu-tzu said of the reason of things that at the bottom of Sollen of a thing lies Sein of it and that the natural law eventually is a moral one. The history of the conception of the nature of things is the history of one that is naturellement juste and this logical connection also applies to the physei dikaion of the ancient Greek philosophy and the natura rerum of the Roman law. In Thomas Aquinas, the hightest Sein falls in with the highest Sollen only in God alone. These ideas are analogous to those of Confucianism. The theory of the nature of things, which first appeared as a variant of the theory of the natural law, passed on to the hands of the philosophers, and then on to those of legal philosophers, while the theory of the reason of things remained in the hands of the Confucian philosophers alone. Though the theory of the nature of things founds itself on the tension between Sein and Sollen, the conception of the reason of things has no such foundation from the first. Chu-tzu`s philosophy has something in common with Aquinas`. Jaspers once said, "Asia is our indispensable complement". This, however, may not mean the Asiatic stagnation but that sort of the complement that makes the world philosophy into a complete one.

이중목적어(二重目的語)의 통어론적(統語論的) 기능고(機能考) -서기15세기 국어를 중심(中心)으로-

강성일 ( Sung Il Kang ) 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 1981 石堂論叢 Vol.5 No.-

This paper deals with the functions of two objectives appearing in simple sentences in the 15th century Korean language. The writer of this paper found that sentences with two objectives could be classified into the following four types. The 1st type is a variation of a dative as shown in the example 1-3, or one objective functioning in two ways. From the world-order of the surface structure alone, it was hard to tell whether the object was direct or indirect, for there were cases where an indirect object functioning as a dative came near to the predicative verb. In a sentence with two objectives, the verbs belonging to the "chu-da" ("give") group most clearly determine which one of them is a dative as in English. Therefore, the writer wants to call this sort of verb as the "dative verb" the objective governed by one of these verbs a "dative Objective". The 2nd type is, as shown in the example 5-6, a variation of an adjective and objective. This phenomena is prominently observable in a sentence where the verb belonging to the "nid-da" group. ("forget") governs the objectives. Likewise, the writer wants to term the verb as "genitive verb", the objective governed by such a verb as "genitive objective". The 3rd type is, as shown in the example 7-9, an objective functioning in two ways: instrumental case and objective. Therefore, the writer should like to term the verb as "instrumental verb", the objectives governed by this verb as instrumental objective. The group of verbs belonging to "sam-da"(make) comes under this category. The 4th type is, as shown in the example 10-12, a variation functioning in two ways: locative and objective. The characteristics of this locative is that a certain action is caused either within the limitation of a certain sphere or with the limitation of a certain period, drawn materially or non-materially. Therefore, the writer expects it proper to term this objective as locative objective. And the verbs(the group of verbs belonging to "machi-ta" (hit) verb) that functionalize the objectives in that way, could be termed as "locative verb".

조선초기(朝鮮初期)의 제사상속법제(祭祀相續法制) -조선왕조실록(朝鮮王朝實錄)의 기사(記事)를 중심으로-

신영호 東亞大學校附設 石堂傳統文化硏究院 1987 石堂論叢 Vol.13 No.-