고려 현종대 제2차 대거란 전쟁의 배경과 과정 : 양규, 김숙흥 등의 활약에 주목하여

고대웅 창원대학교 2020 국내석사

The background of Kitan's second invasion against Koryo at the beginning of the 10th century regarded the excuse as the coup d’état of Gang Jo. It was the coup d'état of Gang-jo about Kim Chi-yang's political despotism under the background of Cheon-chu Empress, resulting in the replacement of King Hyunjong from King Mokjong, but also included Kitan's strategic calculations to check the relationship between Koryo and Song and to gain an advantage over the east region of the Yalu River, occupying 6 regions of Gangdong that had been allocated in the first war. In addition, in terms of diplomacy between Koryo and Kitan, the initiation of the second war would also have been a major cause for Kitan's intention to clarify its status in the relationship with Koryo as it raised the question of the replacement of King Hyunjong from King Mokjong. Other factors included the East Yeojin's Hwajugwan Incident and the dependency of the neighboring country that King Seongjong of Kitan , who actually ruled after the death of his mother Seungcheon Empress, tried to find authority as emperor and to check the secret communication between Koryo and Song. Kitan's military system was based on military-nomad unity, and the daily life itself was a nomadic people, and the nomadic life of the military tendency was ordinary. Therefore, they could maintain a high level of combat power without fatigue or exhaustion even during long marching or expedition. Moreover, in military supply, unlike agricultural settlement countries, dried beef jerky added their mobility. The state system was the military system, and this basic principle is well represented in Byeongwiji (military book) of “Ryo History” Koryo's military system have two difficulties to identify Koryo's military power and tactics in the Koryo-Kitan War. The historical records of tactics and combat methods is absolutely lacking, and the records of two armys six corps(2軍 6衛), Jujin-army and Juhyun-army and the army types are almost after the Kitan War or later Koryo. Moreover, the general view is that there were major changes in the tactics and army types of early Chosun, which recorded early Koryo and “Koryo History” Heunghwajin combat took place for 7 days from November 17 to November 23, 1010. On November 17, King Seongjong of Kitan, who had marched for about 3 months, crossed the Yalu River and sieged Heunghwajin, leading 400,000 of infantry and cavalry and calling them Uiguncheonbyeong. However, Dosungeomsa Yang-kyu, Jinsa Jeong-sung, and Busa Lee Su-hwa, etc, who stationed in Heunghwajin, defended the fortress. Kitan's army failed to take the fortress despite several attacks with excellent power. Tongjuseong combat, where Kitan army and Gang Jo army met, instead of using the traditional defence tactics, went to the field and tried to block the Kitan's offense. However, the unwary Koryo army was defeated and the Gang Jo was captured and executed. In the attack on 6 December, when Kitan reached Gwakju, Kwakju defender Hobu wonoelang Cho Seong-yu, who fled at night and they did not overcome inferiority in military power and was defeated, they were occupied by the Kitan army, and the Kitan army stationed about 6,000 soldiers to protect the fortress. Kitan army captured Guiju on 10 December and headed southward towards Seogyeong. Busa of Seogyeong fortress Won Jong-seok tried to surrender, but by the time Ji Chae-moon and Tak Sa-jeong held to fortress, Jungrangjang Jichaemun, who was sent to defend Northeast region, arrived to save Seogyeong. King Hyunjong of Koryo was reported to be hard to defend North Gye, and asked for an inquiry by his writing and King Seongjong of Kitan accepted it. On the other hand, Kitan's failure to attack Seogyeong means that they had already entered deep into the territory of Koryo, consuming combat power, and the result of Kitan's Seogyeong combat in Seogyeong caused excessive damage during the withdrawal after entering Gaegyeong forcibly. Koryo's victory in the Seogyeong combat could be regarded as the biggest turning point in the second war against the Katin war. Kitan suffered a great loss of troops due to its subsequent failure to attack, and was forced to respond to peace negotiations, knowing that it was isolated without rear control point. When King Hyunjong, who was evacuating, reached Yangju on December 30, Sangseo jwasa nangjung Ha Gong-jin suggested to ask for the peace relations because Gang Jo, Kitan's invasion goal, had already been removed. In the end, Ha Gong-jin's suggestion was adopted, and he became an ambassador himself, visiting Kitan army camp to begin negotiations for the end of a war. King Seogyeong of Kitan took Ha Gong-jin and Ko Young-gi hostages and accepted King Hyunjong's suggestion. In the Second War between Koryo and Kitan, Kitan's original war goal was already fulfilled by the removal of Gang Jo. In addition, Kitan decided to retreat after being promised Koryo King’s friendship by Koryo's suggestion, but after several defeats during the retreat, as a result, the war was not completed by Kitan's victory. Activities such as Yang Gyu, Kim Sook-heung, monk soldier captain Beop Eon, and inhabitants of each fortress made great strides in keeping Koryo alive without losing the war. After the war was completed, King Hyunjong greatly complimented contributions of Yang Gyu and Kim Sook-heung, took care of his bereaved family, treated them as Samhanhubyeogsang Meritorious retainers and during Koryo's existence, and all the kings honored their military contributions to younger generations as examples of generals who defended the nation.

고려시대 여자의 지위 : 여자의 법제적 지위와 실제

김은파 전북대학교 대학원 1977 국내석사

Although society in the Koryo Dynasty was one for the father's side, women were not treated with discrimination and humility at in the Lee Dynasty. There was no discrimination between men and women in one family. Sons and daughters were put on census registration in birth order. We can find that a daughter lived with her parents even after she got married. The son-in-law, in Koryo, Was to stay long in his wife is home. As a result, he and his wife's family kept a close relationship. In fact, the son-in-law was treated like a son. This relationship was also firmed by intermarriage. In spite of the society for the father's side in Koryo, a daughter often became the heir of a family, and religious services for ancestors were permitted to the children of daughters. An inheritance in Koryo was based on an equal division between the son and daughter. In this case, parents had a strong power. Male and female servants, a kind of slave as in the old western countries, were distributed to each son and daughter on equal terms. In the Koryo Dynasty, the government was the owner of the Land and so the inheritance system was dlfferent from the distribution of male and female servants. The so-called inheritance of primogeniture was adopted. But such a system was not suitable to the society of Koryo and was transformed into collective land ownership. In the later part of Koryo, with the rapid advancement of private ownership of land, inheritance turned from primogeniture to an equal distrtbution to the son and daughter. It was evidence that an equal distribution of property between the son and daughter had been kept in Koryo. The social system in Koryo was modelled on that of Tang Dynasty, but the inheritance of the daughter in the Koryo Dynasty which had not been permitted in Tang Dynasty proved that the position of the son and daughter in a family was equal each other. In social life, a woman's position was considerable high, compared with that of Lee Dynasty. Avoiding contact with the opposite sex was not through and chances to have contact were comparatively many because of the influence of Buddhism. In the Koryo period, though concubinage could often be found, such action was not popular among people and it was, I think, not allowed generally. It was in the reign of Kongyang-wang that prohibition of remarriage was for the first time forced. In the society of Koryo, remarriage of women was not considered inmoral, but afterwards it was considered immoral on account of Jujaism.

高麗 處容舞의 形成과 展開

임청화 建國大學校 2003 국내박사

This dissertation aims at analyzing the form and essential thoughts of the Koryo Cheoyong-moo dance. Cheoyong-moo is based on exorcist ceremony. This study also ties to identify the developmental process the Cheoyong-moo dance of the Koryo Dynasty originating from the Cheoyong-moo of the Shila Dynasty to Hakyeonhwadae-cheoyongmoohapsul(鶴蓮花臺處容舞合設) described in Akhakkyebum(樂學軌範). The results of are as follows. First, it has confirmed that Cheoyong-moo coexisted with Narye(儺禮) and developed into the present form through various transitional process. Cheoyong-moo has artistry and entertainment value as literature. Because of the essential nature of Narye(儺禮) exorcist has been strengthened in Hee and Japhee(雜戱) function and become Nahee(儺戱). This transformation has been due to Narye(儺禮) and Nahee(儺戱) of the Han (漢) Dynasty and the Dang(唐) Dynasty is accepted to Cheoyong-moo of Koryo which is changed a play. The performance of Cheoyong is related to exorcist ceremonies. Performance and exorcism co-existed as a co-acting form. Also, Koryo-sa (Kojong 23rd year (A.D.1236), as the first record (related to Cheoyoung-hee), is analyzed to differ from the original Cheoyong in exorcist function. It analyzes that Cheoyong exists to have various plays and religious services popularized. In formal aspect, the formality of Cheoyong to show poems of Sung Hyun, Lee Gok, Lee Chom, Cheong Poe, Lee Jeoi-hyun is just assumed. That is, it is possible to assume that a different form of Cheoyong-moo was performed for the pleasure of the people as a Nahee form. Obang cheoyong-moo, which has been developed into more historical, wide repertoire action with a special form. This was done by scanning the original history and developing procedures of Hak-moo, YeonHwaDae-moo, Cheoyong-moo, respectively, and by scanning ideological background and philosophy which constitute the dance. Hap Sul survived for a long time by the conformity to various ideological backgrounds. Second, Koryo Cheoyong-moo was studied Cheoyong-Hee Cheoyong-moo of yeogi(女妓) and Cheoyong-Shin-moo. Koryo Cheoyong-moo was identified as a Cheoyong -moo, Cheoyong-Shin-moo of the Cheoyong drama and geisha. The Cheoyong-moo described in Koryo-sa entails only Cheoyong-hee. But accoriding to this study based on vol. 23 of Koryo-sa published in 23rd year of King Ko, vol. 36 in 4th year of King Chung-Hyoue, and vol. 36, the traditional studies that defines Cheoyong-hee as something different from exorcist ceremony(僻邪儀禮) are wrong. The Cheoyong-hee that were performed during different Kings are not identical. The analysis of the legend of Cheoyong and Cheoyong-ga recorded in Samgukyusa is the point at issue. The myth of cheoyong is composed of five episodes including cheoyong-ga. Cheoyong-ga and cheoyong-moo is a poem performing a magic function and the cheoyong tale is the kind of incantation myth and sacredness legend. At that time, Choyonggamoo was performed with a detailed procedure at formal events. I searched Gunahaeng, Sandaeguk, of Lee Saek, Cheoyong of Sung Hyun and Cheoyong-moo of Choi Young-nyun to infer Cheoyongga-moo' s formality of performance after the exorcism ceremony. Third, According to our study of Cheoyong-geehee(處容之戱) and Cheoyong-ga(處容歌), Cheoyong-geehee is a very valuable source showing the development of Gunahaeng of the Koryo Dynasty in to the Hapsul of the Hee Dynasty. Even before the Hakyeonhwadae-cheoyongmoohapsul was formally recorded in Akhakkyebum(樂學軌範) and was performed, the Gunahaeng had been performed during the Koryo Dynasty. Later it is able to assume to develop as a Hakyeonhwadae-cheoyongmoohapsul. Fourth, Cheoyong-moo of Yeonsanfun(燕山君) is similar to Cheoyong-moo of Koryo yeogi(女妓). The Koryo Cheoyong-moo since the record in the Akhakkyebum(樂學軌範) has been studied in depth. The succession of Cheoyong-moo into civilian religions has also been analyzed. The Cheoyong-moo during the Yeonsangun(燕山君> was found similar to Cheoyong-moo performed by geisha during the Koryo Dynasty.

고려속요의 음악적 구성원리

김진희 연세대학교 대학원 2000 국내석사

본고는 악학궤범(樂學軌範), 악장가사(樂章歌詞), 시용향악보(時用鄕樂譜), 그리고 대악후보(大樂後譜) 등의 조선전기 악서(樂書)에 남아 전하는 <동동(動動)>, <정읍(井邑)>, <정과정(鄭瓜亭)>, <처용가(處容歌)>, <청산별곡(靑山別曲)>, <가시리>, <서경별곡(西京別曲)>, <정석가(鄭石歌)>, <쌍화점(雙花店)>, <만전춘별사(滿殿春別詞)>, <사모곡(思母曲)>, <이상곡(履霜曲)> 등 열 두 편의 고려속요 작품의 형식에 관한 논의이다. 고려속요는 새로 생긴 악곡에 얹혀 불려질 목적으로 생성된 장르라는 점이 본고의 전제이다. 이때 악곡은 고려속요의 형식을 결정짓는 가장 중요한 요소 중의 하나가 된다. 이러한 관점에서 본고는 위 열 두 편의 고려속요의 형식을 악곡을 통하여 살펴보았다. Ⅱ장에서는 그 동안 악곡과는 상관없이 민요나 향가와 관련하여 진행된 고려속요 형식에 관한 제논의를 정리하고 문제가 되는 것이 무엇인지 살펴보았다. Ⅲ장에서는 본격적인 논의를 위한 예비 단계로서 고려속요의 악곡 형식을 분석하였다. 본고는 고려속요의 악곡 형식을 1장형, 확장형, 확대3부형의 셋으로 나누었다. 이렇게 분류된 각 양식에 따라 고려속요의 악곡들을 검토하고, 그 안에 내재되어 있는 전대절(前大節)·후소절(後小節) 구성의 다양한 면모들과 특징적인 악구(樂句) 구성 방식들을 추출하였다. Ⅳ장에서는 Ⅲ장에서 파악된 악곡 구성방식이 고려속요의 구성방식에 미친 영향을 고찰하였다. 고려속요의 시편(詩篇), 연(聯), 행(行) 구성은 각각 악곡의 전곡(全曲), 장(章), 악구(樂句) 구성과 관련되어 있다. 본고에서는 그간 시편 단위에서만 진행되었던 고려속요 구성과 악곡 구성간의 상관성에 대한 논의를 연, 행 단위에까지 확장하고자 하였다. 그리하여 고려속요의 행 구성, 즉 율격 양상은 악구 구성과 밀접하게 관련되며, 연 구성은 장의 전대절·후소절 구성에 근거하여 형성되는 것임을 밝히었다. 악구 구성은 크게 여섯 가지로 분류되었는데, 각 구성에 따라 고려속요의 행들은 3보격, 층량 2보격, 2보격, 4보격 등 각기 상이한 음보율을 지향하고 있었다. 그리고 고려속요의 연들은 후렴, 상투어, 반복구 등을 사용함으로써 장의 전대절·후소절 구성에 상응하는 구성을 갖추고 있었는데, 이러한 고려속요의 연 구성을 음악적 전대절·후소절 구성이라고 명명하였다. 고려속요의 다양한 율격 양상과 음악적 전대절·후소절 구성은 악곡의 추이와 더불어 일정한 변모를 겪는다. 즉, 행 구성에서는 2보격이나 4보격이 많아졌고, 연 구성에서는 음악적전대절·후소절 구성이 점차 쇠퇴하는 모습을 보였다. 고려속요 형태의 이와 같은 변모는 이후 조선조의 시가 형태로 이어진다. Ⅴ장에서는 Ⅳ장에서 살펴본 고려속요의 형태가 조선조 시가의 형태로 이행되어 가는 모습을 악곡적 영향관계 아래에서 고찰하였다. 이미 진행되고 있었던 고려속요의 형태적 변모는 조선시대 시가로 이어져 계속된다. 그리하여 마침내 악장(樂章)이나 가사(歌辭)와 같은 조선조 시가형의 생성을 보게 된다. 한편 사라졌던 음악적 전대절·후소절 구성은 새로운 시가장르의 출현과 함께 거듭난다. <만대엽(慢大葉)>이나 단가 <북전(北殿)> 등의 새로운 악곡의 출현과 더불어 단가(短歌)라는 새로운 시가 양식이 생성되면서, 삼단구성을 갖춘 전대절·후소절의 구성이 나타나게 된 것이다. 단가의 전대절·후소절 구성은 악곡 구성과 관련된 것일 뿐만 아니라 시가의 의미구조와도 잘 조화를 이룬다. 그리하여 이러한 전대절·후소절 구성을 문학적 전대절·후소절 구성이라고 명명하였다. 사라졌던 향가의 문학적 전대절·후소절 구성의 전통은 고려속요의 음악적 전대절·후소절 구성으로 변질되어 명맥을 잇다가 단가의 출현과 더불어 거듭난다. 이러한 시가 형태의 일련의 변화는 악곡과 관련지어 살필 때만 구체적으로 파악될 수 있는 것이었다. 이로써 본고는 고려속요의 구성은 시편과 연, 행 단위 모두에서 악곡의 구성과 깊이 관련되어 있으며, 이러한 구성방식의 변모 과정 또한 악곡적 영향관계 아래에서만 구체적으로 고찰될 수 있다는 점을 보여줄 수 있었다. This thesis discusses the structure of twelve Korean ancient ballads during the Koryo dynasty which lasted from the 10th through 14th century. The literature remains as excerpts in some archives dating back to the early Chosun dynasty which are mainly musical literati pieces. These are reference to the following: Dongdong<동동(動動)>, Cheong-up<정읍(井邑)>, Cheong -gwa-jung<정과정(鄭瓜亭)>, Cheo-Yong-ga<처용가(處容歌)>, Cheong-san-byol-gok<청산별곡(靑山別曲)>, Kasiri<가시리>, Seo-kyong-byol-gok<서경별곡(西京別曲)>, Cheong-seok-ka<정석가(鄭石歌)>, Ssang-Wha-jeom<쌍화점(雙花店)>, Man-Cheon-chun-byolsa<만전춘별사(滿殿春別詞)>, Samogok<사모곡(思母曲)>, Lee-sang-gok< 이상곡(履霜曲)> in Ak-hak-ke-beom『악학궤범(樂學軌範)』, Ak-chang-gasa『악장가사(樂章歌詞)』, Si-yong-Hyang-ak-po『시용향악보(時用鄕樂譜)』, and Tae-ak-hoo-bo『대악후보(大樂後譜)』 of the early Chosun dynasty. The Koryo musical ballads were developed as lyrics to be sung over some newly emerging musical forms. What featured a certain type of musical form defined the very structure of the corresponding Koryo musical ballad. Putting this into perspective, the aforementioned twelve Koryo musical ballads were looked at as to the features of corresponding musical forms. In chapter two, the existing canon on the structure of Koryo musical ballads is briefly mentioned which were in part developed along the development of previous folk songs or relatively more aristocratic songs, Hyangka, during the Shilla dynasty which preceded Koryo. This thesis will further look at the most controversial debate going on as to the structure of Koryo musical ballads. In chapter three, as preliminary discussion prior to a more in-depth scrutiny on their structure, Koryo musical ballads are divided into three in terms of their musical forms; single-leaf type, expanded type and three-part expanded type. Based on this categorization, structures of Koryo musical ballads were examined and the various representation of its sub-structures and typography of 'getting smaller down the line' in paragraphing was analyzed. Also, repetitive presence of unique phrases was not missed in line with the analysis. In chapter four, the ramifications of the aforementioned development of musical forms influencing the structure of Koryo musical ballads were looked at. The poetic components, paragraphs and lines of Koryo musical ballads are analogous to the tunes, movements and passages of corresponding musical pieces. This thesis attempts to further expand the existing discussion on the correlation between the structure of Koryo musical ballads and the then musical forms, which focuses on poetic components of each, to a more detailed level. In other words, the rhythmic configuration of Koryo musical ballads is closely related to the structure of their corresponding musical forms and the way of paragraphing coincides with the geese-flying typography of the then musical forms. Phrases were classified into six categories upon which three feet, stratified two feet, two feet and four feet rhythms of Koryo musical ballads were based. In addition to that, lines of Koryo musical ballads were composed of refrains, cliches and repetitive conundrum, which coincides with the geese-flying typography of the then corresponding musical forms. This type of paragraphing of Koryo musical ballads is hereafter referred to as 'musical geese-flying structure'. The various rhythmic configuration and geese-flying structure of Koryo musical ballads went through a lot of changes following the development of musical forms themselves. In other words, two feet and four feet types increased and the musical geese-flying structure gradually declined. This shift in the structure of Koryo musical ballads continued into the poetic forms of the Chosun dynasty. In chapter five, the continuation of the structure of Koryo musical ballads as that of poetic forms of the Chosun dynasty was explored as to the influence of the development of musical forms. The metamorphosis of poetic forms continued through generations and thus musical chapters and Kasa of the Chosun dynasty were given a birth to. Meanwhile, the perishing musical geese-flying structure revived with the advent of these new types of poetic art forms. With the emergence of Man-dae-yop<만대엽(慢大葉)> and Puk-cheon<북전(北殿)>, a new poetic art form called Tanka picked up and the three-part geese-flying structure was created as a consequence. The geese-flying structure of Tanka is in line with the structure of the then musical pieces and in harmony with the interpretative attributes of them. The tradition of the geese-flying structure of poems during the Shilla dynasty lapsed but continued as the musical geese-flying structure of the Koryo dynasty and flourished in the Chosun dynasty with the advent of Tanka. This ups and downs were to be drawn into a picture through this cross border analysis of Koryo musical ballads with regard to musical forms of that time. The structure of Koryo musical ballads are closely related to that of the then musical forms both at the macro and micro level and the shift in this structure over time is also to be analyzed in relation to the influence of the unfurling development of musical forms over them.

忠烈王代 初의 麗元關係와 政局運營

권영미 延世大學校 敎育大學院 2002 국내석사

1259년 태자의 入朝와 개경환도의 조건으로 몽고와의 화의가 이루어져 약 30년간의 전쟁이 종식되고 원의 고려지배는 시작되었다. 원의 고려지배는 정치체제와 독립국을 인정한 가운데 達魯花赤을 통해 지배하는 방식이었는데, 이러한 지배체제는 고려가 최초였다. 이러한 麗元關係는 漢地派의 승리로 '不改土風'의 원칙이 종속국에 적용되었기 때문이며, 남송과 일본정벌에 고려를 이용하려는 원의 야심도 작용하였다. 고려로서는 30년간의 전쟁으로 인해 황폐화된 국토와 일본원정으로 인한 공물징수, 그리고 江都정부의 과도한 수탈로 인하여 농민의 생활이 피폐해진 상황 속에서 몽고와의 항전을 더 이상 지속하기 어려웠다. 그리고 무인정권에 의해 약화된 왕권을 회복하기 위해서는 몽고와의 강화가 불가피 했다. 원종 즉위 후 원은 고려국왕을 지원하면서 무신정권을 압박하면서 고려와의 대외관계를 유지했으나, 원종 5년을 시점으로 內政이 안정되면서 대제국건설에 적극성을 띠게 되었다. 이에 대해 무인정권은 元과 원종의 對元政策에 불만을 갖게 되어, 1268년 金俊이 원종폐위를 시도하였고 1269년에는 林衍이 원종을 폐위하게 되는 지경에 이르게 되었다. 이를 해결하기 위해 세자 諶의 요청에 따라 元의 軍事力이 파병되었고, 결국 무신정권이 무너지고 왕권이 회복이 되었다. 이러한 이유로 원종 10년 이후의 고려는 원에 종속되어져 '不改土風'의 원칙만이 간신히 지켜지는 상황 속에서 원의 간섭과 요구가 증대되어 갔다. 이러한 麗元關係가 지속되어지는 가운데 원종이 죽고 충렬왕이 즉위하게 되었다. 이때부터는 고려는 원의 부마국이라는 점을 활용하여 국왕권을 높이고 충렬왕의 정치력도 향상되고 있다. 고려 국왕권의 위상이 격상되고 원의 간섭이 줄어들고 있는 상황 속에서 '金方慶誣告事件'은 고려의 정치적 상황과 원과의 관계를 변화시키고 있다. 이의 해결을 위해 충렬왕 4년 친조가 이루어졌다. 그리고 여기에서 達魯花赤를 폐지시키고 조세권을 고려가 가져오는 등, 이전의 事大關係로 회복되어 국왕을 정점으로 하는 고려의 독자적인 정치제도가 제 기능을 하게 되었다. 그러나 충렬왕 이후의 麗元關係는 왕을 중심으로 고려체제가 유지되는 가운데 국왕이 원에 의지함으로써 외세의 간섭이 심화되는, 이중적이고 모순적인 관계가 형성되었다. 그리고 이러한 관계에서 나타나는 한계를 극복하기 위한 조처로 충렬왕은 側近勢力을 통하여 왕권을 강화할 수밖에 없었다. 오랜 기간 원에서 생활했던 충렬왕은 국내의 정치적 기반이 미약했기 때문에 太子時從行者들을 중심으로 측근세력을 형성하였다. 특히 원종 10년 從行者들을 譯官, 內僚, 應坊, 怯怜口등에 임명하여 정국을 운영해 나갔으며 충렬왕 4년 친조 이후에는 필도적, 政房, 征東行省, 萬戶府등에 측근세력을 임명하여 국왕중심의 정치를 해나갔다. 충렬왕은 초기에 측근세력 이외에도 강화파와 신진관료 그리고 무신들까지도 세력기반으로 흡수하여 정치력을 신장시키고자 하였다. 이들은 측근세력에 대해 인정하는 가운데 충렬왕의 정치세력으로 자리를 잡아나갔다. 하지만 점차 충렬왕이 측근세력을 중심으로 정국을 운영함에 따라 이들은 정계에서 소외되어져 갔다. 한편 측근세력 중심의 정국운영에 대하여 강하게 반발하는 관료들의 모습도 많이 보인다. 하지만 측근세력에게 제재를 가하는 것은 곧 왕권의 기반을 축소시키는 것에 해당되었기 때문에 충렬왕은 오히려 반대하는 관료들을 유배하고 파직하는 등 강하게 대응하였다. 이와 같이 측근세력들은 국왕의 비호 아래 정치적·경제적으로 세력을 확대해 나갔다. 그 결과 이들은 토지겸병을 통하여 부를 축적해 나갔고 막대한 토지들을 탈세하기 시작하여 국가재정을 고갈시키고 民의 유망을 야기시켜 고려 후기 사회적 혼란을 가중시켰다. 측근세력을 통한 정국 운영은 왕권강화의 의도와는 달리 오히려 정치적 기반을 축소시켜 고려정치가 원에 더욱 종속되는 결과를 낳았다. 이러한 현상은 국왕 책봉권이 원에 의하여 결정되는 충렬왕 24년의 퇴위와 복위를 통해 확인할 수 있으며 앞으로의 고려정치가 원의 내정에 의하여 좌우됨에 따라 원의 집권자의 변동에 따라 고려내의 권력이 변동되는 것을 통해 재차 확인할 수 있다. In 1259, Koryo made peace with Yuan after about 30 years of war in condition that the crown prince entered Yuan and the capital was moved back to Gae-kyung again. But the Yuan government started intervening in Koryo's political affairs. Yuan intervened Koryo by Ta-lu-hua-chih(達魯花赤), acquiring independent state system of it. Such a Koryo-Yuan relation was unique in terms of Korea's traditional relation with China as well as in Chinese World Order centering around Yuan. This relations between Koryo and Yuan were caused from the rule of Koryo's To-Pung(土風: native custom), from the Chinese's intention to conquer south of song(宋) and Japanese and from financial difficulties of Koryo because of ruined land and plundering by Yuan and Gang-wha government. And Koryo cannot help making peace with Yuan for the restoration of royal authority. After King Won-jong ascended the throne, Yuan had supported the King of Koryo and pressed down the military men. But after 5 years, Yuan restarted broadening its territory for making the Chinese World Order centering around Yuan. The military government was dissatisfied with this change of rule and attempted to drive away King Won-jong from the throne two times, 1268 and 1269. After all, Yuan's troops made the military government fall and King Won-jong regained his authority. So Yuan's intervention and financial need of Koryo was increasing more and more, except for Koryo's To-Pung(土風). King Chung-ryol(忠烈王) accessed the throne in this situation. From that time, royal authority had been high and the political power of king expanded because of marriage policy. Defamation of kim, Bang-kyung brought about the change of the relation between Koryo and Yuan and of the political situation of Koryo. For this reason, King Chung-ryol went to the Yuan, removed Ta-lu-hua-chih(達魯花赤) and got back the right of taxation. That is to say, Sa-Dae(事大)-relation was reformed and its independant political system was existed. But many of Koryo kings including of King Chung-ryol relying on the support of Yuan, attempted to maintain and strengthen their kingship. So 'the rule by royal cronies' caused a great deal of trouble since the small number of officials abused their power, and the government failed to effectively regulate the cronies' unlawful possession of land, leading into various social and economic conflicts. This kind of 'rule by royal cronies' first took place around the end of King Won-jong, and was put to use in full scale during the reign of King Chung-ryol. Since, when a crown prince stayed in Yuan before he succeeded to the throne, his attendants had formed royal cronies and taken over political power such as the right of personnel management and military power. At last the government intervened in Koryo crown succession, making use of its cheak-bong(冊封:appointment) right for Koryo monarchs. Political affairs of Koryo became to be determined by the political change of Yuan.

高麗後期 寺院의 實狀과 動向에 관한 硏究

윤기엽 연세대학교 대학원 2003 국내박사

본 연구는 高麗後期에 부각된 사원의 實狀과 그 動向을 파악고자 한 것이며, 이것을 元干涉期의 사원에 보다 역점을 두었다. 또한 이 연구가 사원 자체의 내용 파악에 머무르지 않고 사원을 주체로 하여 고려후기 불교사의 전개과정을 규명하고자 하였다. 이를 위해 武人政權期의 寺院動向을 개관하고, 원간섭기와 고려말기의 사원은 개별적인 분석을 하였다. 연구의 대상이 된 주요사원은 크게 두 부류로 나누어진다. 첫 번째 부류는 원간섭기의 시대상황을 반영한 사원으로서 元皇室과 관련된 高麗寺院, 그리고 高麗人과 관련된 元 大都寺院이다. 여기서 원황실과 관련된 고려사원은 元皇室의 願堂이 된 高麗寺院과 元皇室의 布施를 통해 中興된 高麗寺院으로 나누어볼 수 있다. 그리고 나머지 한 부류는 전통적인 고려 宗派佛敎의 특성을 나타낸 사원으로서 諸宗派의 주요사원이다. 元皇室의 願堂이 된 高麗寺院은 원황실을 위해 祈福佛事와 喪禮·祭禮 등을 거행한 사원으로서 賢聖寺, 普濟寺, 神孝寺, 興天寺, 妙蓮寺, 旻天寺 등을 들 수 있다. 이들 사원은 대개 忠烈王과 忠宣王代에 출현하였고, 사원의 주된 기능과 전반적인 운영이 원황실의 몇몇 인사들에게 집중되었다. 그리고 麗元 양국의 王權과 皇權의 영향 아래에 있었기 때문에 정치권의 변동에 따라 사원의 浮沈현상이 심했다. 따라서 원황실의 원당으로 기능한 기간도 그다지 길지 않아 忠肅王代부터 고려왕실의 眞殿寺院으로 변모되었다. 이들 사원이 사회에 미친 직접적인 폐단은 그다지 언급되고 있지 않지만 고려왕실의 권위가 실추되는 것을 가속화시키고, 원나라의 지배를 정당화하는 사회분위기를 조성한 점은 비판되어야할 것이다. 이에 반해, 이들은 빈민들을 위한 구휼기관으로 기능하고, 제한된 범위에서 양국 관계를 개선해 나아가는데 일정 부분 기여하기도 했다. 元皇室의 布施를 통해 中興된 高麗寺院은 원황실로부터 보시를 받아 발전한 사원으로서 表訓寺, 文殊寺, 長安寺, 敬天寺, 地藏寺 등을 들 수 있다. 이들 사원은 대개 忠肅王代부터 출현하였고, 원황실과 그 측근 인사들로부터 넉넉한 재물을 보시받았기 때문에 세속적인 성격이 강했다. 원황실의 보시를 기반으로 하여 상당한 富를 축적하고, 권력의 보호를 받은 이들 사원은 당시 사회의 여러 가지 폐단을 양산하는 불교타락의 온상으로 지목되었고, 원간섭기 후에도 탄탄한 寺勢를 그대로 유지하면서 여러 가지 폐단을 그대로 이어갔다. 그런가하면 이들 사원은 티베트불교 양식의 塔과 梵鐘 등을 수용하는 창구 역할을 하였다. 원간섭기 중 麗元 양국의 교류과정에서 출현한 高麗人과 관련된 元 大都寺院은 대도에 거주한 고려인에 의해 창건, 중창, 운영된 사원으로서 고려불교의 영향력과 대도의 寺院佛事에 관여한 고려인의 활약상을 엿보게 해준다. 원간섭기 중 고려 국내에서 강성한 교세를 펴고 있던 天台宗과 法相宗의 영향을 받은 대도 사원으로는 천태승 義旋이 주지한 光敎寺, 유가승 海圓이 주지한 福元寺였다. 또한 의선이 주지한 티베트불교 사원인 延聖寺는 고려 천태종과 티베트불교의 교류를 암시하고 있다. 그리고 龍泉寺와 法王寺는 고려인 환관들에 의해서 완공 운영되었는데 이것은 원황실 내의 고려인 환관들을 결속시켜주었고 나아가 그곳에 거주하는 고려인까지 결집시키는 구실을 하였다. 또 興福寺와 法源寺는 고려인 貢女들의 힘에 의지하여 건립된 사원이었다. 흥복사는 異國 땅에서 곤궁한 삶을 영위해가는 그곳 高麗民들에게 신앙의 안식처가 되었고, 법원사는 指空이 만년을 보낸 사원으로서 고려의 선승들에게 指空禪이 전수되는 본거지가 되었다. 원간섭기와 고려말기에 유력한 宗派로는 天台宗, 禪宗, 法相宗 등을 들 수 있다. 이 중 妙蓮寺를 위시한 천태종 소속 사원 대부분은 소수의 절대 권력층과 高僧에 의지하여 발전하였다. 妙蓮寺는 충렬왕과 제국공주에 의해서 國淸寺, 萬義寺, 金藏寺, 龍巖寺, 瑩源寺 등은 無畏國師 丁午, 義旋 등에 의해서 성장하였다. 특히 충렬왕대의 묘련사는 천태종의 중심사원이었을 뿐 아니라, 元皇室의 중심원당이기도 하여 천태종이 親元的 성향을 띠는데 중요한 역할을 하였다. 친원적 성향이 강한 천태종은 원간섭기에는 극성기를 맞았지만 공민왕대 이후부터는 종단의 세력이 크게 약화되었다. 다만 만의사를 중심으로 하여 그 교세를 유지해갔다. 한편 法相宗 사원은 정치세력과 밀착되어 寺勢를 신장시킨 것과 함께 敎學상의 연구도 활발히 전개하였다. 특히 桐華寺가 충렬왕과 충숙왕대에 宗室과 附元勢力에 의지하여 사세를 신장시켜 갔다. 이에 반해 法住寺는 彌授에 의해서 唯識學 연구의 本山이 되었고, 金山寺는 충숙왕 때 福元寺의 海圓을 초빙함으로써 그곳 유식학 연구의 영향을 받게 되었다. 원간섭기 중 禪宗의 중심사원은 一然의 下山所인 麟角寺였다. 인각사는 충렬왕 때 2회에 걸친 九山門都會를 개최함으로써 禪門을 결집시키는 기능을 하였다. 그러나 천태종의 강성한 교세에 의해 忠宣王代 이후부터 선종이 크게 위축됨에 따라 선종사원의 활동은 거의 눈에 띄지 않았다. 선종의 교세가 확장된 시기는 원간섭이 종식된 고려말기였다. 먼저 공민왕 때 인각사에서 叢林法會가 열리고 주지승 서公이 九山의 영수가 됨으로써 인각사가 다시 禪門의 중심사원이 되었다. 그리고 檜巖寺와 演福寺는 禑王代 이후에 선종의 중심사원이 되었고, 또 고려말 불교계를 대표하는 사원으로서 선종의 강성한 교세를 대변하였다. 고려말기에 선종사원이 발전한 데에는 원의 지배가 종식되었다는 급격한 정치적 변화가 반영되었다. 그러나 선종사원은 불교계 전체를 개혁할만한 새로운 세력을 결집하지 못했고, 또 革新的인 사상을 창출하지 못했다. 원간섭기의 시대적 한계성은 元皇室의 願堂이 된 高麗寺院과 元皇室의 布施를 통해 中興된 高麗寺院의 출현을 가져왔고, 또 親元 성향이 강한 天台寺院을 기반으로 한 天台宗의 復興을 불러왔다. 고려말기에 禪宗이 불교계의 주도권을 잡는 큰 변화가 일어났지만 오랫동안 누적되어 온 불교계의 모순은 청산되지 않았다. 다만 원간섭기에 등장한 高麗人과 관련된 元 大都寺院은 제한된 범위에서나마 고려 불교계의 능동적인 활약상을 보여주었다. This study is an investigation to grasp the actual status and trend of main temples which were embossed in late Koryo˘ period, focusing on temples of Yuan intervention period. Moreover, this study does not only find out the contents of the temple itself but sets up the temples as the main subject and examines closely the unfolding process of Buddhist history at the time. Major temples which become the subject of study can be divided into two large categories. One is the Koryo˘ temples connected with the Yuan imperial house and the Yuan Daedo(大都) temples connected with Koryo˘ people as temples which reflected circumstances of Yuan intervention period. It is possible that the Koryo˘ temples connected with the Yuan imperial house are divided into the Koryo˘ temples which became the memorial halls of the Yuan imperial house and the Koryo˘ temples which were revived from Yuan imperial house's temple offering. And the other category is temples of several Buddhist sects which shows traditional distinction of Koryo˘ Buddhism well. The Koryo˘ temples which became the memorial halls of the Yuan imperial house held Buddhist services of prayer for blessing, funeral and memorial services, example of these temples are Hyunsungsa(賢聖寺), Bojaesa(普濟寺), Shinhyosa(神孝寺), Heungcheonsa(興天寺), Myoryonsa(妙蓮寺), Mincheonsa(旻天寺) etc.. These temples appeared mostly in the reign of King Ch'ungryo˘l(忠烈) and King Ch'ungso˘n(忠宣). The main function and general operation of temples were focused on few personnel of Yuan imperial house. Even though direct evil practices of these temples which influenced society was seldom discovered, the point that they accelerated the loss of Koryo˘ dynasty's prestige and that they formed social atmosphere to justify the control of Yuan dynasty have to be criticized. However, on the other hand, they have operated as an organization that gave relief to the poor and improved two countries' relationship to certain extent. The Koryo˘ temples which revived through Yuan imperial house's temple offering were Pyohunsa(表訓寺), Munsusa(文殊寺), Jangansa(長安寺), Gyeongcheonsa(敬天寺), Jijangsa(地藏寺) etc. and these temples grew receiving a lot of temple offering from the Yuan imperial house. Most of these temples appeared from the reign of King Ch'ungsuk(忠肅). And these temples, rich from Yuan imperial house's temple offering, and protected by political forces were spotted as a hotbed of Buddhist depravity which mass-produced various kinds of social vices at the time. On the other hand, these temples acted as a gateway in receiving the Tibet Buddhist style such as the tower, bell etc.. There were Yuan Daedo temples connected with Koryo˘ people. They were founded, reconditioned, and operated by Koryo˘ people that inhabited in Daedo, these temples appeared in the process of two countries' exchanges during Yuan intervention period. During Yuan intervention period, the Daedo temples which were affected by the two strong sects, Cheontaejong(天台宗) and Beopsangjong(法相宗) were the Bokwonsa(福元寺) led by Uga monk Haewon(海圓) and the Gwanggyosa(光敎寺) led by Chentae monk Uiseon(義旋). Also, Tibet Buddhist temple Yeonseongsa(延聖寺) which the Uga monk Uiseon led suggests the relationship with Koryo˘ Cheontaejong and Tibet Buddhism. And the Yongcheonsa(龍泉寺) and Beopwangsa(法王寺) which were completed, and operated by Koryo˘ eunuchs played a role of binding themselves and the Koryo˘ people who lived there as well. Also there are Heungboksa(興福寺) and Beopwonsa(法源寺) which were founded with help from tribute of women from Koryo˘. The former became the religious place of peace to Koryo˘ people there who lived a very poor life in the foreign country and the later, which the So˘n monk Jigong(指空) spent his later years at, became the stronghold that Jigongso˘n(指空禪) was handed down to the So˘n monks in Koryo˘. In the period of Yuan intervention and late Koryo˘ dynasty, as the influential Buddhist sects we could name Cheontaejong, So˘njong(禪宗), and Beopsangjong. Cheontaejong temple Myoryonsa was developed by King Ch'ungryo˘l and Yuan princess Jaeguk(齊國), and Gukcheongsa(國淸寺), Manuisa(萬義寺), Geumjangsa(金藏寺), Yongamsa(龍巖寺), Yeongwonsa(瑩源寺) etc. were developed by Kuksa(國師) MuoeJungo(無畏丁午), and Uiseon. Specially, because Myoryonsa was the major memorial hall of the Yuan imperial house as well as the central temple of Cheontaejong, it played a key role in wearing Pro-Yuan inclination of Cheontaejong. And Manuisa became the central temple of Cheontaejong from King Kongmin(恭愍)'s reign. Meanwhile, Beopsangjong temple Donghwasa(桐華寺) extended its influence, depending on the royal family and Puwon(附元) power in the reign of King Ch'ungryo˘l and King Ch'ungsuk. However, Beopjusa(法住寺) became the head temple of Usikhak(唯識學) study by the Uga monk Misu(彌授), and Geumsansa(金山寺) was affected by Uusikhak study at king Chungsuk period. A Central temple of So˘njong was Ingaksa(麟角寺), the So˘n monk Iryon(一然)'s Hasanso(下山所), during Yuan intervention period. So˘njong became powerful from late Koryo˘ dynasty as Yuan intervention in Ko˘ryo ceased. First of all, Ingaksa became the central temple of So˘njong again during the reign of King Kongmin. And Hoeamsa(檜巖寺) and Yunbogsa(演福寺) became central temples of So˘njong since the reign of King U(禑), and spoke for powerful influence of So˘njong as representative of late Koryo˘ Buddhism. However, So˘n temples could not gather new powers together to reform the whole Koryo˘ Buddhism and create innovative ideas. The periodical limitation of the Yuan intervention period in Koryo˘ brought the appearance of Koryo˘ temples which became memorial halls of the Yuan imperial house and were revived through Yuan imperial house's temple offering, also the revival of Cheontaejong that was based on Cheontae temples which were very much Pro-Yuan. It was the Yuan Daedo temples connected with Koryo˘ people that merely showed active operations of Koryo˘ Buddhism within a limited extent.

공민왕대 초반 반원적 개혁정치 연구

김지영 연세대학교 교육대학원 2019 국내석사

The period of King Gongmin's reign internally provided the foundation for the transition of the dynasty Koryo to Choseon, and externally set up a major turning point in the structure of Koryo-Yuan relations, which had been maintained for about 100 years. The term ‘Yuan’s Intervention Period’ which means relationship between Koryo and Yuan in this period, has been used instead of the term ‘Controlling’ in that the Koryo dynasty has been maintained. This paper is concerned with exploring the character of ‘Anti-Yuan Reforms’ early in King Gongmin’s reign, while highlighting the autonomy of Koryo dynasty during Yuan’s Intervention Period. The Sadae which means Korea’s traditional relation with China, served as a universal East Asian international order at the time. A new principle was completed around 1278 as to establish a model relation between Koryo and Yuan. This is called ‘Se-jo-ku-je(世祖舊制)’ meaning the system which King Sejo of Yuan had set up. The Koryo-Yuan relations under ‘Se-jo-ku-je’ might be regarded as dual in ‘Koryo kept its own independent state system’ and ‘it allowed for Yuan’s strong and infrequent intervention’. For example, Yuan intervened in Koryo crown succession, making use of its cheak-bong(冊封 : appointment) right for Koryo monarchs. Nevertheless, ‘Se-jo-ku-je’ brought stability from chaotic relationship between Koryo-Yuan. The political system of Koryo in the later 13th century, which was combination of ‘Se-jo-ku-je’ and ‘rule of royal cronies’ began to deteriorate in the 14th century. It was because Yuan was thrown into political confusion, and some pro-Yuans began to attack and deny the ‘Se-jo-ku-je’. At that time, people who gained official post by civil service examination was making ’Anti-Yuan’ atmosphere and claimed reform of pro-Yuans and disordered rules after violent dethronement of King Chunghye. However, Yuan and pro-Yuans’ existence were large wall to reform, and a series of maladministration cases caused enthroning King Gongmin by reform group. The reform in 1352 was for recovering the ‘Se-jo-ku-je’ and renaissance the dynasty. However, the reform of the first year of King Gongmin's reign is limited in that it was only aimed at reforming social and economic abolition and restoring the ‘Se-jo-ku-je’ by inheriting the political capital, but there was no sweeping reform of pro-Yuans or Yuan. Therefore, it ended in failure, not overcoming the interruption of pro-Yuans. However, it is meaningful that it formed the basis for the "Anti-Yuan reforms" of the reform in 1356 through the strengthening of the royal power and the stable growth of political forces. The reform in 1356 was a surprise ‘Anti-Yuan reforms’ beyond the ‘Se-jo-ku-je’. King Gongmin removed pro-Yuans, such as Gi Cheol. Further, the king expanded the territory of Koryo above Yalu River by recovering Ssangseongchonggwanbu and abolished Jungdong Haengsung Imunso. King Gongmin demanded correction for unfair interference during Yuan’s Intervention Period. In the end, Koryo had ruled out actual political interference from Yuan, resulting in a return to conventional relations called Sadae which mean that it has regained sovereignty. 공민왕 집권 시기는 고려 내적으로는 조선으로의 왕조 변천의 단초를 제공하고, 대외적으로는 약 100년간 유지되어 오던 麗·元관계에 큰 전환점을 마련하였다. 약 100년간의 여원관계를 지칭하는 ‘원간섭기’라는 용어는 고려 국가가 유지되었다는 점에서 ‘지배’라는 용어 대신 ‘간섭’이라는 용어를 사용해온 것이다. 본 논문은 원간섭기 고려의 자주성에 주목하여 여원관계에 있어 공민왕대 초반 ‘반원개혁’이 갖는 성격을 고찰한 것이다. 이를 위해 원간섭기 여원관계의 기틀이 된 ‘세조구제’와 전통적인 중국과의 ‘사대관계’의 기준에서 공민왕의 개혁을 어떻게 볼 수 있을 것인지에 초점을 맞추었다. 원간섭기 이전 중국과의 전통적인 사대관계는 ‘조공-책봉’의 질서를 맺고 있었지만, 이는 당시 보편적인 동아시아 국제질서로 기능하였다. 때문에 고려는 요·금 등과 사대관계를 맺으면서도 직접적인 지배나 간섭 없이 독자적인 고려왕조의 자주권을 유지할 수 있었다. 그러나 충렬왕대 성립된 ‘세조구제’는 실질적인 원의 정치적 간섭이 강하게 이루어졌다는 점에서 종래의 사대관계와 차이가 있었다. 그 예로, 고려 국왕의 책봉권이 원에게 있었고, 원은 사신을 파견하여 자신의 이익을 관철시켰으며, 고려의 관제 및 왕실용어도 격하되었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 ‘세조구제’는 혼란스러운 여원관계에 안정을 가져왔고, 독자적인 고려 왕조체제를 유지시켰다는 점에서 의의가 있다. 그러나 점차 부원세력의 득세와 원 내부의 정치적 혼란에 따라 ‘세조구제’ 마저 위협을 받으며 고려 왕조의 존립 자체가 흔들리게 되었다. 당시 과거를 통해 관직에 진출한 개혁적인 문신관리들은 충혜왕의 폭력적인 폐위이후 반원적인 분위기를 형성하며 원에 권력기반을 둔 부원세력과 통치 질서의 문란에 대한 개혁을 주장하였다. 그러나 원과 부원세력의 존재는 개혁의 큰 벽으로 존재했고, 연이은 실정과 폐단은 고려내 개혁세력의 공민왕 옹립운동으로 이어졌다. 고려내 개혁적 관리들 사이의 반원적 분위기와 개혁요구를 기반으로 즉위한 공민왕은 국왕을 중심으로 한 정치질서를 회복하고자 했다. 이는 원간섭기 이전의 통치질서를 회복하는 것을 의미했다. 이는 공민왕대 초반 두 차례에 걸친 개혁시도로 이루어졌다. 공민왕 원년의 개혁은 손상된 ‘세조구제’를 바로잡고 부원세력 및 권세가의 폐단을 시정하여 왕조를 중흥하는 것을 목표로 하였다. 그러나 공민왕 원년의 개혁은 정치도감을 계승하여 사회·경제적 폐단을 개혁하고 ‘세조구제’를 회복하려는데 그쳤을 뿐, 원의 간섭이나 부원세력에 대한 전면적인 개혁내용은 없었다는 점에서 한계가 있다. 그러나 왕권을 강화하고 안정적인 정치세력의 성장을 통해 공민왕 5년의 ‘반원개혁’의 기틀을 형성했다는 데 의의가 있다. 공민왕 5년의 개혁은 ‘세조구제’를 넘어서는 전격적인 반원개혁이라고 볼 수 있다. 그 내용으로는 기철을 비롯한 부원세력의 제거, 정동행성이문소 혁파, 쌍성총관부를 비롯한 영토 수복, 원간섭기 격하된 관제 회복 등이 있다. 공민왕은 이후 수습과정에서도 원간섭기의 부당한 간섭에 대한 시정을 요구하였다. 이로 인해, 고려는 원의 실제적인 정치적 간섭을 배제하여 종래의 형식적이고 의례적인 사대관계로 돌아가게 되었다. 때문에 공민왕 5년의 반원개혁을 통해 고려는 여원관계에 있어 ‘세조구제’를 뛰어넘어 이른바 ‘형식적인 외교관계’로 복귀함으로써 원의 간섭에서 완전히 벗어나 자주성을 회복했다고 할 수 있다.

고려시대 수월관음보살도 연구

안정자 동아대학교 대학원 1996 국내석사

Koryoˇ(高麗) dynasty Water-moon Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva Icon(水月觀音菩薩圖) takes the largest specific gravity among the existing Buddhist paintings of the Koryoˇ dynasty. Although it was influenced by Donwhang(敦煌) and China Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva Icon(水月觀音菩薩圖), It is described aesthetic sence with original expression. It is very valuable research material in the study of history of Koryoˇ dynasty paintings owing to the harmorny of Bodhisattva. The purpose of this thesis is a study on the profound explanation and era regarding to Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva Icon's scripture and a style of painting. Therefore, for this study, I considered the origin and designation, character of Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva faith which is the matrix for this painting in chapter I. Inspite of many heresy, it seems that the outset appearance of Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva is foremer times of the 2nd century. Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva, an object of worship, has mercy on Sattva(衆生) and shows up many different forms according to the Sattva's hope. For example. prosperity of children, easy birth and travel, especially, safeguard when One sails sea, and protector. In chapter Ⅱ, I tried to grasp a general view of the formation of Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva Icon. Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Icon was originated Donwhang pattern(敦煌本). Although Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva Icon is one of 33Avalokites´vara(33觀音), base on the 「Bomoonpoom」(普門品) of 『Bubwha-sutra』(法華經), it is more like Potalaka(補陀落山) Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva of 「Ipbubgyepoom」(入法界品) of 『Whaeum-sutra』(華嚴經). There are many heresy about the original name of Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva Icon. It was started by Chou Fang(周昉). Though there are no existing examples of the late Tang(唐) and Oh(五)dynasty, we can analogize the style of paintings by Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva Icon disinterred in Donwhang. There is a record about the manufacture by Bum Keng(范瓊) and Joa Jun(左全) in 9th century of Song(宋)dynasty. In company with prosperity of Song dynasty's the Zen sect of Buddism(禪宗), Manufacture of India ink Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva Icon by Lee Gong Rin(李公麟) in the late North Song(北宋) dynasty was notified us of add the element of Avalokites´vara dressed in White clothe(白衣觀音) Acording to the record, the manufacture of Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva Icon in Korea was started around the late of 11th century in literature. There is a possibility, however, that it was created much more early. In chapter Ⅲ, I considered the division of Age through the study on Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva Icon was influenced by so many designs that is called many names such as Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva dressed in White clothe, Avalokites´vara carry on awillow twig(楊柳觀音) etc‥‥ Koryoˇ Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva Icon is depicted as Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva and Sudhana(善財童子) based on 「Ipbubgyepoom」(入法界品) 『Whaeum- sutra』(華嚴經). Although the design was Influenced by Donwhang(敦煌) and China, it developed with its own character. Posture of Koryoˇ Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva Icon was classified a sitting posture and a standing posture. Once more, A sitting posture was classified posture in sitting with one leg crossed, and posture in sitting with two legs crossed and posture in sitting with care-free attitude. In chapter Ⅳ, I considered the study on a composition, posture, line, design, texture, color, unity of Koryoˇ Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Icon. Thorugh this consideration, The special features of Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Icon in 14th century are Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva and a nimbus which are depicted in full sight, relatively small Sudhana, a crystal beads in Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva's hand, transparent veil, a large bundle of flower and a large lotus near Avalokites´vara's feet and coral, etc‥‥ As time goes on, direction of face changes many things change for example, from side view to front view and the shape of face and coronet comes to short square. In addition, spectator can see more part of Sudhand's face, but Avalokites´vara avoid his eye. That means the change as an Icon. According to style of painting, there is a balance and space ? with the harmony of the opposite angle line, an oblique line, a screw-shape, the vertical, the horizon composition. And that is a noble painting with dim brown tone, white transparent veil and gold line design and red skirt, fine and gorgeous design and transparent veil are the most strong feature of Koryoˇ. Generally the thickness of line used id fixed because of iron line, however, it is used according to each part. And the depoct of background (mountains and streams) is Influenced by the Blue Green Landscape(靑綠山水) and the group of Lee Guak(李郭派) in China. That's why it's a work with harmony and beauty. But in the last half year , A style of painting is seen sturdy expression, that is, turbidity of color, simplicity of munutia expression, deviating of design pattern, and deterioration of a stroke of the pen. Although Koryoˇ Water-Moon Avalokites´vara Bodhisattva Icon was in fluenced Donwhang and China, it expresses not only an excellent workpiece with imagination and originality of Koryoˇ but also the feature and change of general buddhist painting of Koryoˇ.

高麗歌謠의 硏究 : 修辭技巧를 中心으로

김성숙 檀國大學校 敎育大學院 1988 국내석사

Those researches of Koryo¨ Kayo up to now are, for the most part, the interpretation of words, the study about form, subjective criticism, and the study about an individual work, while the research about rhetorical divices of Koryo¨ Kayo seems to have occurred sporadically. But it also becomes a good means for discovering inherent literary characteristics of former age's works, interpreting and appreciating them in the contemporary viewpoint. Therefore it may be necessary to understand and arrange the rhetorical devices showed in Koryo¨ Kayo for a better appreciation of it. From this standpoint, this thesis aims at analizing the rhetorical devices used in Koryo¨ Kayo and illuminating how those devices contributed to expresing the Korean's emotion of the age. Ⅰ. The Structure of Symmetry - Contrast And a Paradox The speaker's recognition of reality, who longs for an ideal world, appears to respond to unceasing challenges of the objects such as reality, situation, personal relations etc. In this case, a symmetry - contrast structure is frequen tly used, and the conflict between the actual and the ideal is overcome through a paradox. In other words, the discouraging condition (the actual) is filtered in the self, who then seeks harmony with the objects (having caused discouragement). Reality (disharmony) is avoided, while ideal (harmony) is pursued. Ⅱ. Situation and Rhetoric 1. Poetry and Gradation Lyric poetry of our literature started with a theme of parting. In Koryo¨ Kayo, parting becomes a subject governing even a whole work and it appears much more emphatically and deeply by a rhetorical device, gradation. Koryo¨ Kayo of this kind are <Se Kyung Byel Kok>, <Cheng Sek Ka>, <KaSiRi>, etc‥ 2. Figures and The Development of Poetic Symbols It is reasonable that the poetic language should be considered to be a system of symbols, because emotion is expressed in figurative language through rearranging realities in imagition. Figurative language is the essence of imaginative language in the linguistic view. It implies the comparison of two different worlds, the reality and the ideal. Such a characteristic of figurative language is remarkable in poetic language of Koryo¨ Kayo. Ⅲ. Repetition and Refrain 1. Strengthening by Repetition Lines in Koryo¨ Kayo are often composed systemetically and show, in developing a poetical idea, meaning-reinforcement by repetition. In the former lines, a speaker's will is strenthened in meaning by repetition and in the latter lines, the will is realized. The refrains, which repeat same rhymes, are much used in order to increase the influence on sensitivity in the psychological process of man's heart and highten the effect of the song. 2. Strengthening by Parallel Same words or same word-forms, in junction, deeper and strengthen the poetic mood, and prepare the basis for the development and expantion of a poetic idea. 3. Function of Refrain Koryo¨ Kayo created newly a variety of refrain as well as inherited from the traditional refrain of Shin Ra's Hyang Ka. This process shows that refrain was improved not only in a simple development of poetry but also in a interaction with music included in it. Here the significance of refrain seems to be elevated. Koryo¨ Kayo has onomatopoetic refrain, exclamatory refrain. Later, these refrains are believed to influence greatly on that of the Korean folk songs.

삼국 속악가사의 고려조 수용 연구 : 수용 원인과 배경을 중심으로

노지영 부산대학교 대학원 1998 국내석사

Sam-Guk Sok-Ak-Ka-Sa(삼국 속악가사)was originally folk song, which was recepted as royal court mucis in early of Koryo dynasty. This thesis aimed to clarify the cause and background which could recept Sam-Guk Sok-Ak-Ka-Sa into the Koryoˇ dynasty. This thesis is composed with five chapters, and the results of each chapter are summarized as follows : In Chpter Ⅱ, the concept of Sok-Ak is adjusted, the reorganizing process of Koryoˇ Sok-Ak and the time when Sam-Guk Sok-Ak-Ks-Sa was recepted into Korryoˇ dynasty are discussed. In chapter Ⅲ, the cause and background of reception of Sam-Guk Sok-Ak-Ks-Sa are examined, and 1) They can be found from the character of folk songs of Sam-Guk Sok-Ak-Ks-Sa They have character of local folk songs in such points that the titles of songs are the names of places and that the name of authors are unspecific. These points haves a thread of connecting with the character of songs and music performed in royal court during the three Kingdoms. 2) They can be found from the connection with powerful families in each local district. King Taejo tried to comfort and sooth the populate by going the round of each district, and he took his second wives born in those districts in order to rally powerfulies, and then Sok-Ak based on the folk songs in these districts could be performed enough. 3) They can be found from the effective aspect appearing from the content of Sam-Guk Sok-Ak-Ks-Sa in connection with the then ceremonial music system. In Chapter Ⅳ, the relation of geographical and content between Sam-Guk Sok-Ak and Koryoˇ Sok-Ak isn examined. 1) The core powermight district for foundation of country of Koryo was different from the condition to gain the powers of old three Kingdoms over to his side. Therefore, Sok-Ak-Ks-Sa was necessary as a part to provide establishment of these districts and image of reyal family of Koryo, and foundation of these districts and image of reyal family of Koryoˇ, and foundation of centralization of power. 2) Since Sam-Guk Sok-Ak was enjoyed with Koryo Sok-Ak during the era of Koryoˇ dynasty, there are common points in considerably many portinons. This shows the aspect of time transcending existence of poems and songs of ancient.