북·중관계와 북한의 개혁·개방 전망

박치정,강석찬 건국대학교 사회정책연구소 2004 사회과학연구 Vol.18 No.-

타일의 尺度調整에 대한 硏究

서치고 건국대학교 부설 산업기술연구소 1982 논문집 Vol.7 No.-

The mass production of buildings demands standardization of material and industrialization of building elements for a quick and accurate construction. In this paper, it is researched the standardization of title, and so following results are obtained. We use the modular sized tiles, we can save many construction time and costs of building. Accordingly, we will save the time in the design affairs and will make the harmony in the wall and opening. These results are caused less time wasted in cutting and placing materials at the construction site.

大筋肉 活動이 血液에 미치는 影響

金知鶴 단국대학교 1968 論文集 Vol.2 No.-

3 차 의료기관을 내원한 서부 경남지역의 표재성 피부 진균증 환자에 대한 임상적 및 균학적 인구학적 특성별 분포

오지원,김갑형,김태홍 대한보건협회 1998 대한보건연구 Vol.24 No.1

저자들은 1994년 6월부터 1995년 5월까지 1년간 본원 피부과에 내원하여 표재성 피부 진균증으로 진단 받은 환자 295명에 대한 임상적 및 균학적 관찰을 시행하였으며, 그들의 인구학적 특성별 분포에 대해서 살펴보았다. 결과는 다음과 같다.: 1. 표재성 피부 진균증의 환자는 총 3356명의 신환자중 295명으로 8.8%를 차지하였다. 남녀별 발생빈도는 1.17 : 1로 남자에서 더 많이 발생하였고, 연령별 분포는 30대가 21.7%로 가장 많았으며, 20대에서 50대가 전체의 72.6%를 차지하였다 계절별 분포는 여름이 44.4%, 가을이 22.7%, 봄이 18.0%, 겨울이 14.9%로 주로 여름철에 발생하였다. 2. 병형별 분포는 조갑진균증이 52.2%로 가장 높았으며, 다음으로 족부백선(20.3%), 체부백선(8.5%), 완선(7.1%) 순이었다. 병형별 계절별 분포는 족부백선, 완선, 조갑진균증의 경우 모두 여름철에서 최고치를 보였다. 병형별 연령 분포에서는 조갑진균증은 30대에서 족부백선은 50대에서 높은 분포를 보였다. 병형별 지역 분포는 조갑진균증의 경우 진양군에서, 족부백선의 경우 진주시에서 다른 질환에 비해 높은 비율로 발생하였으며, 직업분포는 조갑진균증의 경우 농부, 족부백선의 경우 가사를 담당하는 환자에서 높은 비율로 나타났다. 병형별 유병기간 분포는 1년이상 10년 이하의 기간에서 조갑진균증이, 1달 이하의 기간에서는 안면백선과 두부백선이 상대적으로 높은 비율을 보였다. 3. 중복 감염은 100명(33.9%)에서 관찰할 수 있었으며, 이중 조갑진균증과 족부백선의 중복 감염이 가장 많았다. 4. KOH 검사상 양성율은 88.5%였으며, 균주의 배양 양성율은 41.7%였다. 원인 균주의 발생 분포는 Trichophyton rubrum이 45.5%로 가장 많았으며, Yeast가 37.4%(Candida albicans; 7.3%), T. mentagrophytes가 13.0%, Microsporum canis가 4.1%였다. We performed clinical, mycologic and epidemiologic studies on 295 cases of dermatomycosis in Department of Dermatology of Gyeongsang National University Hospital from June 1994 to May 1995. The results are summarized as follows : 1. The incidence of dermatomycosis was 8.8% of total out-patients. The ratio of male to female was 1.17 : 1. The incidence rate was highest in the fourth decade(21.7%). The seasonal prevalence was high in summer(44.4%), and then followed by autumn(22.7%), spring(18.0%), and winter(14.9%) in decreasing frequency. 2. The incidence of dermatomycosis in order of frequency were onychomycosis(52.2%), tinea pedis(20.3%), tinea corporis(8.5%), and tinea cruris(7.1%). Relative high frequency of tinea pedis, tinea cruris, onychomycosis was seen in summer. Onychomycosis was relative frequent in the fourth decade and tinea pedis in the sixth decade. Relative high frequency of onychomycosis was seen in patients from Chin-yang gun and tinea pedis in patients from Chin-ju si. Onychomycosis was relatively frequent in farmers and tinea pedis was relatively frequent in housewives. Most patients with onychomycosis showed long duration, and tinea faciei and tinea capitis showed relatively short duration. 3. Coexisting fungal infections were found in 100 patients(33.9%), and onychomycosis with tinea pedis was most common. 4. The positive rate for KOH mount examination was 88.5%, and the positive rate of culture on the Sabouraud's dextrose agar media was 41.7%. Trichophyton rubrum was the most common causative organism of dermatomycosis(45.5%), and then followed by Yeast(37.4%, Candida albican; 7.3%), T. mentagrophytes(13.0%), and M. conis(4.1%) in decreasing frequency.

孫文의 民主主義 理論에 關한 小考

安致淳 淑明女子大學校 1973 論文集 Vol.13 No.-

The primary purpose of this paper is to expose the ideological backgrounds of Sun Yat-sen's(孫逸仙) theory of democracy, and to discuss the distinctive characteristics of his theory mainly on the basis of his lectures on San Min Chu I (三民主義) (1) Brought up in the Confucian tradition, Sun Yat-sen always took pride in China's intellectual heritage and wanted to use it as a basis to develop a doctrine to meet the demands of modern times. For this reason, his theory of democracy was heavily influenced by the traditional Chinese political thought. First, Sun justified the necessity of practice of democracy in China not only in terms of the world-wide tendency toward democracy, but also in terms of democratic ideals cherished by the old Chinese saints such as Confucius and Mencius. Second, Sun's idea of inherent inequality of men, which is one of the unique aspects of his theory of democracy, in the main coincident with Confucius teaching. Chinese tradition was not, however, the only influence which was brought to bear on Sun's thinking. In terms of studies, contacts and foreign experiences it cannot be denied that he was at the same time profoundly affected by the Western political philosophy. Thus, he did not hesitate to say that China's tide of revolutionary ideas came from Europe and America, and suggested that China learn from the experiences of Western democracies, such as the United States and Great Britain. This does not mean, however, that Sun was uncritical of Western democracies. In fact he found fault with the machinery of Western democratic government as well as some of the ideas of Western political thinkers such as Jean Jacques Rousseau. All in all, his intention was to use Western experiences as materials for study, and to work out a program to make “China into a nation under complete pepular rule, ahead of Europe and America.” (2) The unique aspects of Sun's theory can be treated, roughly speaking, under the headings of individual v. national liberty; inequality of men in ability; Ch an(權) and Neng(能) and political tutelage. (a) Individual v. National Liberty. Far from advocating democracy as a means of securing greater freedom for the individual, he laid his stress upon China's need to secure a collective freedom for the people. Sun had himself defined liberty as follows: "Liverty, to put it simply, means the freedom to move about as one wishes within an organized group." China, disorganized, had no problem of individual liberty, There was, as a matter of fact, too much liberty. In Sun's view, what the chinese had to do was to sacrifice some of their individual liberty for the sake of the organized nation. (b) Inequality of Men in Ability. Sun presented two bases for a class of ideologues: one, theoretical, and derived from the Chinese tradition; the other, applied, which is either of his own invention or derived from Western sources. The class of ideological reformers proposed in what may be called the applied aspect of his theory was to be organized by means of the party dictatorship of the Kuomintang(國民黨). His other basis for finding a class of persons whose influence over the ideology was to be paramount was more theoretical, and deserves consideration among the abstract aspects of his doctrine. He divided men into three classes "the geniuses," "the followers," and "the unthinking" according to their innate ability. The harmony of this conception with the views of Confucius is evident. Sun, although bitterly opposed to the mandarinate, could not rid himself of the ago-old Chinese idea of class organization on a basis of intellect. The aristocracy of intellect is not to be judged, however, by the old criteria. Unlike the serene, conservative scholar-rulers of China in the past, the genius leader in the theory of Sun Yat sen was the discover or social engineer akin to the romantic Western pioneers and inventors. To those accusomed to the Western concept of democracy, Sun's division of men into three classes would seem to invalidate any future advocacy of democracy. But Sun displayed a sort of creativeness in his effort to reconcile the leadership of the intellectual class with democracy on the basis of his theory of Chu"an(權)and Neng(能). (c) Chuan(權)and Neng(能). Applied to the individual, contrast between Ch an and Neng is between the ability to have political rights in a democracy and the ability to administer public affairs. Applied to the nation, the contrast is between sovereignty and administration. According to Sun, Chuan would be given to the people, while Neng should be put entively in the government organs which comprise men of ability. But how should the unthinking, who would possess Chuan, be granted that right without attempting to usurp Neng? This was to be accomplished by two means. First, the Four powers-election, recall, initiative, referendum were to be given to the people, in order to assure their possession of Chuan Second, the Five Rights-legislative, executive, judicial, examining, and controlling are to be given to the government so that the government might be protected in its right to Neng. In Sun's view, such governmental system would make it possible that the people who rule will not necessarily govern, and the benefits of aristocracy will be obtained without its cost. (d) Political Tutelage. As the means of bringing the Chinese people to the point where they could exercise sovereignty effectively, Sun prescribed a period of political tutelage by the Kuomintang. According to his practical programs of democracy, tutelage was to lead, hsien by hsien into democracy. When more than one half of the provinces in the country reached the stage of local self-government, constituional government was to be inaugurated and the expedient of party dictatorship dispensed with. In conclusion, the democracy which Sun Yat-sen advocated is, roughly, a modernization of the old Imperial system with the Emperor removed, and the majority placed in his stead. In other words, the rule of the son of Heaven (sofar as it was government at all) was to be replaced by the rule of the whole people. To Sun Yat-sen, therefore, the essential continuity of Chinese civilization was not to be broken; democracy in China had to be not only democracy, but Chinese as well. It is not, therefore, strange to find the ancient institutions of the Empire surviving by the side of the most extreme methods of popular government. Sun's theory of democracy as such sunk into obscurity without having a chance for a full trial due, among other things, to the power-blind struggle among the warlords from 1916 to 1925 and the lack of democratic zeal on the part of the Chinese leadership in the ensuing period.

도재용착주조관용 비귀금속 합금의 사전 열처리가 도재-금속의 결합 강도에 미치는 효과(Ⅰ)

김치영 지산간호보건전문대학 1997 지산간호보건전문대학논문집 Vol.15 No.-

國際貿易과 經濟發展

金址郁 건국대학교 1976 樂圓誌 Vol.11 No.1

企業公開論 : 5·29措置를 中心으로 relative to the 5·29 executive measures in particular

金址郁 건국대학교 1974 敎授論壇 Vol.3 No.1

In view of the fact that the corporations of our country are .now being compeled to disclose themselves to the public, the writer tried to define the meaning of disclosure of corporations as being disclosure of accounts along with dispersing or disclosing their stocks to the public. I emphasized that the disclosure of accounts would contribute to protecting the interested parties around the corporations and simultaneously expediting the rationalization of management through the introduction of external audit system. On the other hand, I suggested that through dispersing the stocks of close corporations to the general inventors and also financing themselves directly from the stock investors instead of private money lenders, they could not only attain their object of rationalizing their management but also enlarge themselves. I urged, however, that this problem should be solves by the disclosure of accounts prior to the dispersing of stocks and that the disclosure of accounts must be done step by step and not in a hurry from the view point of Korean economic stage. As for the dispersing off stocks, I foresee that it would be achieved by the development of the stock market where stocks will be transacted smoothly under the adequate appraisals of the general investors for the stocks. Thus, I appreciate very highly the current 5.29 executive measures as being a most reasonable policy which will expedite a long stride development of Korean enterprise. However, I consider that it would he more advisable to adopt· the method of step-by-step rather than that of a hurry. By C. W. Kim

誤想防衛

申致宰 중앙대학교 법학대학 1982 法政論叢 Vol.22 No.-

毛澤東思想과 中國의 傳統思想

朴治正 건국대학교 1977 論文集 Vol.5 No.1

The aim of this article is to deal with Maoism in the context of the Chinese continuity. It is interesting to see how the Chinese traditional culture has influenced Maoism. It is true that the foundation of Maoism is Marx-Leninism. But it is also true that national characteristics and the idea of middle kingdom have a substantial impact upon Mao's political thought Therefore, it may be said that it is impossible to understand Maoism only from the viewpoint. of Marx-Leninism. Taking this position as the point of departure, the paper examines the impact of the major traditional Chinese thought such as Confucianism, Taoism, and Legalism upon Maoist thought and strategy. One of the findings in this paper is that Mao Tse-tung, though he is a manifest communist, could not be free from the traditional political culture of China and a second one is that he was a Chinese before he was a communist in terms of the patterns of thinking, feeling, and behaving. And finally, there should be more serious researches on the relationship between Maoism and the traditional thoughts of China in the coming years.