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- 저자 : 朴治正 (검색결과 27 건)
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朴治正 건국대학교 1991 學術誌 Vol.35 No.1
The characters of the left and the right wings in the contemporary society of Korea are as follows: First, as for the subject of an social development, the left wing asserts the powers who have been leading the whole chance and the social development in a Korean society have been the people. Whereas the right wing refutes they have been the elites who were far more superior than the people in ability. Secondly, as for the frame of reference recognizing a social structure, the left wing makes a dependency theory, a neo-imperialism and colony feudalism society theory of the principal frame of reference. And it concludes the substantial masters of a Korean society to be foreign powers, and recognizes the whole social structure of Korea to have been distorted by them. Whereas the right wing makes a diffusion theory of it, accepts the duplicity or the limping of a social structure as the unbalances among the strata, the regions, and the field, which have been derived from the pursuing process of a social development, as an established fact. Thirdly, as for the viewpoint of an inequality, the left wing asserts a class theory, and emphasizes that as a social inequality have arisen from the existence of possession of a production measure, the people having no a production measure must struggle for the realization of an equal society directly. Whereas the right wing asserts a stratum theory, and recognizes that a social inequality is inevitable for the social normal maintenance and necessary to same degree. Fourthly, as for the division of the Korean peninsula, the Korean war, and the unification of it, the left wing holds the United States mainly responsible for the division of the Korean peninsula. It recognizes the Korean war broke out because of the conspiracies of the South Korea and the United States, and a series of political actions in both countries, emphasizes the people as the subject of an unification. Whereas the right wing regards the division of the Korean peninsula as an inevitable step of the United States to hold back the expansionism of the Soviet Union. It asserts the Korean war was derived from the aggressive imperialism of Joseph V. Stalin and the inspiration of the Soviet Union, and accentuates that an unification will be accomplished as the North Korea would give up an will of war. The complications between the left and the right wings caused by these differences of recognitions can be overcome through the construction of a consensual culture and the realization of a social democratization. Generally in the society of a consensual culture the conversations and the negotiations are made an attempt continuously to find the junction of recognition to be comprehensible mutually, and the consensual second best rather than the dogmatic absolute good is of more importance. Moreover a social democratization respects a democratic thought method and procedure, while rejects an undemocratic measure and an violent method flatly. Justly as a consensual culture based upon this social democratization would take root in our society, the conscious complications between the left and the right wings will be solved fairly and a sympathetic zone of consciousness among them also formed. It is rightly to apprehend an existence to live together in the same society.
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朴治正 건국대학교 1977 論文集 Vol.5 No.1
The aim of this article is to deal with Maoism in the context of the Chinese continuity. It is interesting to see how the Chinese traditional culture has influenced Maoism. It is true that the foundation of Maoism is Marx-Leninism. But it is also true that national characteristics and the idea of middle kingdom have a substantial impact upon Mao's political thought Therefore, it may be said that it is impossible to understand Maoism only from the viewpoint. of Marx-Leninism. Taking this position as the point of departure, the paper examines the impact of the major traditional Chinese thought such as Confucianism, Taoism, and Legalism upon Maoist thought and strategy. One of the findings in this paper is that Mao Tse-tung, though he is a manifest communist, could not be free from the traditional political culture of China and a second one is that he was a Chinese before he was a communist in terms of the patterns of thinking, feeling, and behaving. And finally, there should be more serious researches on the relationship between Maoism and the traditional thoughts of China in the coming years.
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朴治正 건국대학교 1981 論文集 Vol.13 No.1
The Communist countries have maintained the most powerful forces without exception, and the leadership of those makes use of the military to perform the policy of the Communist Party. In Communist China, Mao Tse-tung tried to continuously educate the People's Liberation Army in the content historical situation. The People's Liberation Army was linked with mass of people in order to correspond with specific conditions of mobilization known as the Mass Mine. But People's Liberation Army never excelled the range of military principles planned by Mao. Mao's principles are the absolute control by party, identity of the military with people, and democracy within the military. These had adopted in the "Red Camp" the superiority of human and politics to weapon. Accordingly Mao hold principles of establishing forces and had regarded People's Liberation Army as not only a huge labour power but also power mathods to ensure leadership of Communist Party. But by the development of modern scientific technology, pragmatisticts, who taken attitude of "Experts" turned those concern into the technical and scientific training and material motivation rather than ideological and political factors, because they had felt necessity of the precise and modern arms. Mao had considered that these confrontations and conflict of "Red and Experts" had been caused by the relaxation of the revolutionary ideology. In order to overcome those difficulties he held again the superiority of Communist Party by the assistance of the arms though red flags on three aspects and the Culture Revolution under principles of Mass Line and the class consciousness. But the task of four modernizations in acting after Mao's death adopted a line of pragmatism, and it seems that these would strengthened more or less professionalism of military than the superiority of revolutionary ideology directed by Mao Tse-tung.
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