수용 모델을 이용한 서울시의 PAHs 주요 배출원 추정

한상희,이지이,김용표,Han, Sang Hee,Lee, Ji Yi,Kim, Yong Pyo 한국입자에어로졸학회 2016 Particle and Aerosol Research Vol.12 No.2

The PMF result was compared with the result from the Chemical Mass Balance (CMB) modelling (Lee and Kim, 2007) to estimate major source of PAHs observed at Seoul from August 2002 to December 2003. Five major sources were estimated from PMF and CMB modellings respectively. Among them three major sources (coal combustion for residential, coke oven and biomass burning) were identified at both models.

초생자돈의 보온효과

한상희,Han, Sang-Hui 대한양돈협회 1984 養豚 Vol.6 No.4

안면도에서의 초미세먼지 유기성분 주요 영향원 평가

한상희,이지이,이종식,허종배,정창훈,김은실,김용표,Han, Sanghee,Lee, Ji Yi,Lee, Jongsik,Heo, Jongbae,Jung, Chang Hoon,Kim, Eun-Sill,Kim, Yong Pyo 한국입자에어로졸학회 2018 Particle and Aerosol Research Vol.14 No.4

PMF 수용모델을 사용하여 안면도 측정소에서 2년간 측정한 초미세먼지의 유기성분의 주요 영향원을 파악하였다. 5개 또는 6개의 요인이 최적으로 나타났으며, 6개의 요인이 결과를 더 잘 해석하는 것으로 판단되었다. 이들 요인의 계절별 특성과 영향도 변화를 고려하여 결정한 주요 오염원은 이차유기성분(10.3%), 연소(12.0%), 자연적 생물성 기원(24.8%) 장거리이동식생소각(7.3%), 국지적 생체소각(26.4%), 장거리이동 오염원(19.2%)이다. 안면도 측정소는 배경지역의 특성인 자연적 생물성 기원, 이차유기성분과 장거리이동 오염원의 영향도가 크게 나타나면서도, 비도심의 특성인 국지적 식생소각과 연소 영향도 나타나고 있다. 이는 안면도 측정소에서는 인위적인 영향에 의한 유기성분 특성은 제한적임을 보여준다. Based on a two-year measurement data, major sources for the ambient carbonaceous aerosols at the Anmyeon Global Atmosphere Watch (GAW) station were identified by using the Positive Matrix Factorization (PMF) model. The particulate matter less than or equal to $2.5{\mu}m$ in aerodynamic diameter (PM2.5) aerosols were sampled between June 2015 to May 2017 and carbonaceous species including ~80 organic compounds were analyzed. When the number of factors was 5 or 6, the performance evaluation parameters showed the best results, With 6 factor case, the characteristics of transported factors were clearer. The 6 factors were identified with various analyses including chemical characteristics and air parcel movement analysis. The 6 factors with their relative contributions were (1) anthropogenic Secondary Organic Aerosols (SOA) (10.3%), (2) biogenic sources (24.8%), (3) local biomass burning (26.4%), (4) transported biomass burning (7.3%), (5) combustion related sources (12.0%), and (6) transported sources (19.2%). The air parcel movement analysis result and seasonal variation of the contribution of these factors also supported the identification of these factors. Thus, the Anmyeon Island GAW station has been affected by both regional and local sources for the carbonaceous aerosols.

「癸丑日記」의 表現 特性論

韓相姬(한상희 / Han Sang Hee) 한남대학교 한남어문학회 1972 한남어문학 Vol.1 No.-

미국에서의 사법심사의 준거 : 헌법의 해석학을 중심으로

韓尙熙(Han Sang-Hee) 미국헌법학회 1998 美國憲法硏究 Vol.- No.9

장애인 인권의 법적 기초에 대한 고찰 - 장애인 인권을 바라보는 한 시각 -

한상희 ( Sang Hie Han ) 국제인권법학회 2004 國際人權法 Vol.7 No.-

의문사진상규명활동에 대한 법적 검토 과거청산을 위한 위원회조직의 기능성 및 한계

한상희(Sang Hie Han) 법과사회이론학회 2001 법과 사회 Vol.21 No.-

N/A

집회 및 시위의 자유 -그 헌법상의 의미-

한상희 ( Sang Hie Han ) 건국대학교 법학연구소 2007 一鑑法學 Vol.11 No.-

The Constitution guarantees not only right to free press but also free assembly and association(§21 ), Human history as well as many constitutional and political theorists have shown that such rights has played essential roles in developing democracy, But korean experience has been somewhat different, Korean government, esp. that of the military regime, has so severely oppressed people`s right to participate in political process and, as result, has punished lots of political rivals and protestants under charge of riots and/or treason. The Assembly and Demonstration Act (hereinafter "the Act") has many poisonous claused that has offered legal grounds for such authoritarian rule. This paper tries to explore constitutionality of that Act in the light of human right and democratization according to the doctrine of time, space, and manner regulation established by the U.S. Supreme Court. The Act, as amended on Jan. 2004, forces any assembly and/or demonstration in public forum to be filed in advance, failure of which shall be punished as a crime. The chief of Police Station has power to prohibit any assembly and/or demonstration when he/she thinks there may be some disturbance to public order. Such provisions can not be constitutional because the Constitution makes any license system in this respect illegal. The other clauses such as prohibition of assembly and/or demonstration in main streets and around schools, limitation of noise level, and power to compulsory breaking up when some physical violences happen, shall not be free from attacks of unconstitutionality. From such analysis of unconstitutionality of the Act, this paper requires the Act shall be abolished as soon as possible and a new act which can provide more open pubilc fora in Korean civil society.

외피 성능 및 공사비를 고려한 기존 공동주택의 에너지 절감 잠재량 분석에 관한 연구

한상희(Han, Sang-Hee),김길태(Kim, Gil-Tae),조건희(Cho, Gun-Hee),김종엽(Kim, Jong-Yeob) 한국건축친환경설비학회 2017 한국건축친환경설비학회 논문집 Vol.11 No.1

This study was conducted to improve the energy performance of the existing apartment house. From the 1980"s, which is the standard of outer wall performance, energy performance test was performed according to strengthen of outer wall performance. Next, we analyze the annual heating Use and costs saved through insulation and window replacement, which represent current insulation performance. Therefore, it is aimed to calculate the energy saving potential for energy policy. As a result, by 2016, performance deviations according to the performance criteria of apartment houses can be divided into 9 sections. The 84m2 type was primary energy of the middle, south, and Jeju regions were 390.8~166.2 kWh/m2·yr. In addition, the 84m2 type was energy saving potential was estimated to be about 8,523/m2 won for the middle region, about 7,052 won/m2 for the south region and about 6,469 won/m2 for the Jeju region. The average payback period for 84m2 type and 59m2 type was 7.07~13.16 years in the middle area, 8.03~12.09 years in the south area, and 4.59~7.46 years in the Jeju area. The potential cost of energy saving for the Jeju area was the highest.

정당정치와 헌법

한상희 ( Han Sang-hie ) 건국대학교 법학연구소 2016 一鑑法學 Vol.0 No.35

이 글은 우리 헌법이 예정하고 있는 정당체제를 통시적인 맥락에서 분석하면서 우리의 정당정치를 그에 적합한 것으로 개선하기 위한 틀을 제시하고자 하였다. 과거 권위주의적 헌법체계가 민주화의 과정을 거치면서 정당의 정치적 기능이 특별히 강제되는 오늘날에 있어 헌법장치로서의 정당체제 혹은 “정당제민주주의”의 체제는 우리의 정치현실에 어떤 의미를 가져야 하는가를 분석하고자 한 것이다. 그동안 우리가 이루었던 절차적 민주주의를 신자유주의의 압박에도 불구하고 보다 활성화시켜 실질적 민주주의를 구현시키기 위한 가장 중요한 전력중의 하나로 시민사회와 국가영역을 매개하는 공식적·제도적 통로서의 정당 본연의 기능을 강화하는 것은 무엇보다 중요한 작업이다. 이 글은 정당정치에 대한 헌법적 규율을 역사적인 맥락 속에서 분석함과 함께 정당의 민주성 혹은 정당의 반응성 이라는 관점에서 우리 정당체계의 문제점들을 짚어보았다. 아울러 이러한 한계를 넘어서기 위한 방편으로서의 정당체제의 개선방안을 원내정당모델과 대중정당모델을 중심으로 모색하면서 공무원·교원에 대한 정치활동제한이나 선거연령, 원내정당에 대한 특권 선거운동을 비롯한 제도적 정치화의 장치들을 살펴보았다. 물론 그 배경요소를 이루는 의회와 선거는 부분적으로 검토되었다. 정당민주주의의 틀은 정당이 민주주의의 핵심적 요소임을 강조하는 것이기도 하지만 그 역으로 민주주의에 대한 사회적 요청들을 정당이 제대로 담아낼 때 그때서야 비로소 정당은 정당으로서 존재할 수 있다는 당위적인 명령으로 이어진다. 현재의 정치환경은 시민사회의 활성화와 다양한 의사소통매체의 발전 등으로 인해 정당정치의 폭을 현저하게 축소시켜 놓았다. 하지만, 정치화의 수준이 아직도 제대로 회복되지 아니한 우리의 경우 시민사회의 이러한 정치적 활성화는 되어 정당의 정당의 기능과 역할을 재강화하는 가장 뚜렷한 요인이 되고 있다. 앞으로의 정당개혁논의들은 이런 변화를 잘 읽어들이며 진행되어야 한다. 녹색당이나 해적당과 같은 새로운 이익연계점을 가지고 새로운 조직논리로써 실천하는 정당들이 등장하고 또 발전하고 있다는 사실을 심도 있게 고려하여야 한다는 것이다. This essay tries to make some practical proposes for reformation of Korean political party system based on historial analysis of the party democracy. Political role of political parties has been unprecedently incereased in democratized Korea, but the reality of party ploitics are not so satisfactory, partly because of rapid development and politicalization of civil society and direct participation of citizens and partly because of serious stagnation of party reformation. Statist orientaion of most politicians and dominant state ideolgy of anti-communism have been sort of constant variables on Korean party politics as we saw from the Constititional Court`s decision of dissolution of the UPP in 2013. Actually, the constitutional provisions on political party of the 1962 Constitution was intended not to establish party democracy but to set up statist party system where a party-the Republican Party- had conducted the role of public mobiliation and manipulation. Even though the Democratic Labor Party was established as the first mass party based on strong party disciplin and ideological well-defined party program on 2000, the dominant major parties are not immune from the critics that they are dominated by a few party leaders and/or the President, and they are mere parts of "art de gouverner" exercised by the ruling groups. The dogmatics of the Party-state(Parteienstaat). which is tactically adopted by the Constitutional Court, is one of the mostly used tools for such party system. From such understandings, the essay makes several suggestions and proposals mainly based on the debated about mass party model and parliamentary party model, which has been a little stange on in the Korean academic society on the Constitution. This essay proposes two track strategy: current debate on reform of election system should take two model into deep consieration altogether. It should not compel every political paties to have primary election procedure for participation to the general or presidential election, which means that let them their own ways to choose their candidates. National party system of the Political Party Act, needs to be abolished, because it can be very significan barrier for the citizens of this modern society to politically mobilized their demands and desires of everyday lives, which constitutes a kind of regional politics. So, what is mostly needed is not the attention to develop the national parties, but the intensive support and participation to regional parties. A new enfranchise should be done without any delay. Present laws prohibite public officers and teachers to play any political roles under the name of “political neutrality”. The statutable voting age is still 19. All these citizens and any person above 18 years old shoule be elligible to vote and participate most activities of politics, and as result they should be entitled to participate any party based on their choice. Any restrictions on electoral campaign as well as most privileges given to the parliamentary parties should be removed.