임시정부의 법통 계승에 관하여

조일문 한국국민윤리학회 1992 倫理硏究 Vol.31 No.1

정당관의 변천

조일문 건국대학교 1969 樂圓誌 Vol.4 No.1

정치적 '리더·십'에 관한 고찰

조일문 건국대학교 1970 樂圓誌 Vol.5 No.1

어떤 사회든, 좀 크고 규모 있는 사회가 존재 유지되려면, 거기에는 반드시 사회 성원의 행동을 규제하고 대립을 조정하는 통제의 기능이 따라야 한다. 그것을 불가피적으로 우리의 사회 생활에 있어서의 계통(階統)의 확립을 요청한다. 계통의 확립은 어느 의미에서는 인간의 평등 사상에 위배되며, 상부에 의한 행동의 통제 및 그에 대한 복종의 강요는 어떤 경우에는 자유의 침해라고도 생각된다. 그러나 계통은 사회 질서의 유지에 있어서 없을 수 없는 것이며, 그 기능을 담당하는 지도자의 지도권의 확보도 또한 불가피한 일이다. '미헬스'가 "어떤 형태의 사회 생활에 있어서나 '리더십'은 필요한 현상이다". 좋건 싫건 그것은 과학상의 시비의 대상이 될 문제는 아니다라고 한 것도 그러한 의미에서 이해되어야 할 것이다.

모방문화에 찌든 우리 문화부터 바로잡자

조일문 북한연구소 1984 北韓 Vol.- No.146

한국인의 정당관에 대한 실험적 고찰

조일문,윤경우 건국대학교 1970 學術誌 Vol.11 No.1

This article is prepared to serve the purpose of experimentally analyzing the nature and changes of Korean attitude toward political party in recent years. It is based on a sample study about political parties in Korea and analyses of relevant literatures and materials. The sample study had been conducted in a most selective way in view of the limited number of personnel, expenses and the pressure of time. In order to eliminate any bias or prejudice on the part of interviewers, however, special efforts had been made in selecting samples adequate enough to represent the sex, occupation, age, educational background and the compositive ratio among the population. The results of sample study on the basis of 1,002 respondents might be summarized as follows : 1. The necessity of political party is particularly emphasized by male population, urban residents, younger generation, intellectuals and propertied classes. Though in small number altogether, those who think political party unnecessary are found in a relatively greater number in urban areas than in rural areas. 2. There are now many political parties registered in Korea. The results of the survey about what group regards political system composed of how many political parties as most desirable are as follows ; two or three parties‥‥‥‥Supported by females, rural dwellers, the aged, the lower-educated. three or four parties‥‥‥‥Supported by males, urban residents and intellectuals. In general, the degree of recognizing the value of political parties is considerably high with regard to the two major parties, especially with regard to the government party. High degree of recognition for government party is attributable to the fact that the ruling party is in a position to penetrate deeply into the masses with the support of the government. Those who are more familiar with political party tend to insist upon the greater necessity of political party. But this has no direct bearing with the ruling that only party nominees can be candidates for the Presidency and the National Assembly membership, and that independents without party affiliation are prohibited from running as candidate. 3. In selecting Presidential candidates and National Assembly candidates, more emphasis is usually placed upon their personality and public pledges than upon their party affiliation. Respondents who synthetically considered the following three elements-political party, public pledges and personality-amounted to 36.7%. Among them, about 70% considered primarily in terms of personality. The degree in which continuous support to the same party is very low and this tendency seems to have something to do with Korean tradition of taking into serious consideration the personality itself rather than political party. 4. Half of the respondents are in favor of the measure that independents without party affiliation and consequently without party recommendation may become candidates for the member of National Assembly, while one-thirds of them are againt it. They think independents should be given opportunities to run as candidates for National Assemblymen. Though they admit the very necessity of political parties, they still seem to be of the opinion that corruptions accompanying party politics have to be dispensed with. 5. Arguments in favor of plural party system are that it is the very foundation of democracy and performs the function of integrating and coordinating the general will of the people. In particular, party members among the respondents favor the existence of political parties and oppose independent candidates running in the National Assembly election. 6. The most important reason why some of the respondents are against the existence of multiple political parties is that their activities accelerate political corruptions and sacrifice national interests through partisan causes. 7. Whether people support any particular political party or oppose it depend more upon the leading figures of the party than the degree of social representation, policy or accomplishments of that party. The dominant tendency to rely upon personality in selecting public candidates reveals the backward attitude of the Korean people towards political party. 8. On the question of adequate number of political party required, half of the interviewers support the bipartisan system and one-thirds the three-party system. Members of the New Democratic Party are overwhelmingly in favor of the two-party system , while members of minor parties are unanimously in support of multi-party system. 9. Most respondents think that only if a man filed an application he is fully qualified to be a party member and that political party is more concerned with formalities than with the exercise of rights or fulfilment of duties on the part of party members. 10. Many respondents consider it to be legitimate to raise political fund through the party members' contribution or from the sources of national treasury so as to use it as a safeguard against political corruptions and injustices. Those respondents who possess high consciousness as party member emphatically argue in favor of the need of party members' contribution. However, it reflects their view only and it is doubtful whether this argument could be realized. 11 Many respondents, more among party members than among nonparty members, expressed opinions in a negative way about intra-party democratic practices. Though many of them favor in principle the democratic order among political parties, they anticipate that it is hardly feasible because it is completely left to the voluntary ruling in each party's constitution. More party members than non-party members, and more intellectuals than illiterates support the possibility of democratizing intra-party order. 12. Looking into the changes in Korean attitude toward political party in the past and present, one can learn that gradual changes have taken place ranging from complete distrust of it in the immediate aftermath of the Liberation to a relatively general trust in it in the later stage. The present tendency suggests us that there will be a possibility of significant transition into a total trust in the political party system among Korean people in the future. Nonetheless, there is also a tendency for many people to discredit party members and policies, event though there are a few who trust political party. The expectation for political party does not seem to be improved. For the future of party politics, many people bear an opinion that supra-party movement is likely to emerge in order to overcome the bad influence of plutocracy. Yet, many people still expect that party-centered vote and peaceful change of regime shall be eventually made possible despite the inactivity of National Assembly.

까르마빠 왕축도르제의 마하무드라 수행 체계

조일문 불교학연구회 2017 불교학연구 Vol.51 No.-

티벳 불교 수행 전통에서 까규파의 마하무드라 수행 체계는 오랜 역사와 전승 계맥을 이어오고 있다. 티벳 불교 전승에서는 까규파의 기원이 석가모니 부처님 시대로 거슬러 올라간다고 한다. 까규파는 명칭에서 알 수 있듯이 구전 가르침(까, bKa)의 수행 전승(규, rGyud) 가풍을 말하며 스승으로부터 제자로 이어지는 구전 전승을 강조한다. 동티벳에서 태어난 제9대 까르마빠 왕축 도르제(1556-1603)는 일생을 마하무드라의 가르침과 전승에 주력하였다. 그는 전 생애를 통해 마하무드라 관련 저술 집필과 가르침의 보급 불사에 힘 쓴 인물로 평가 받는다. 왕축 도르제의 마하무드라 관련 대표적 저술인 ��대수인 요의해��, ��대수인 거제흑암무명��, ��법신직지��는 마하무드라 전법과 전승 활동의 일환으로 저술되어진 것이다. 왕축 도르제는 이러한 마하무드라 관련 일련의 저술들로써 이론적, 개념화를 꺼리는 경향이 있는 마하무드라를 언설로 풀어내고 이해시키는 탁월하면서도 도전적인 까르마빠로서의 위업을 성취하였다. 본 연구의 목적은 크게 두 가지이다. 첫째, 티벳 불교 수행 전통 까규파에 관해 일고해 보고 아울러 까규파의 주된 수행 전승 ‘마하무드라’를 개략적으로 고찰 해 보는 것이다. 둘째, 왕축 도르제의 중본 마하무드라 ��대수인 거제흑암무명��을 중심으로 그것의 수행 체계를 예비수행, 본 수행, 마무리 수행으로 나누어 고찰함으로써 그 의의를 짚어 본다. 논자가 중본 마하무드라 ��대수인 거제흑암무명��을 저본으로 하여 마하무드라 수행 체계의 개요를 고찰하는 이유는 광본의 내용을 보다 적은 글자 수로 내용이 충분히 담겨지도록 서술하고, 약본의 핵심적 내용을 충분히 설명하고 있기 때문이다. 한국의 간화선 수행 전통 속에 익숙한 논자는 티벳 불교가 현대 사회에서 이론과 수행적 측면에서 수용 되어지는 측면에 관심을 두고, 우리에게 익숙하지 않은 수행체계를 접함으로써 우리에게 익숙한 수행 체계를 더 잘 알고자 하는 동기에서 연구를 진행한다. The System of the practice of the Mahamudra of The Kagyu school has a long history. First of all, The Kagyu school of Tibetan Buddhism traces its origin back to Buddha Shakyamuni. The lineage of the Kagyu emphasizes the continuity of oral instructions passed on from master to student, from whence the name “Kagyu” derives. As predicted by the eighth Karmapa, the ninth Karmapa Wangchuk Dorje was born in the Tresho region of eastern Tibet. (1556-1603) Wangchuk Dorje was also a creative author and wrote many condensed commentaries on sutras and tantras, including three mahamudra treatises: The Ocean Of Definitive Meaning, Dispelling The Darkness Of Ignorance, and Pointing Out The Dharmakaya. These treatises have played a major role in Tibet for the teaching and transmission of mahamudra. Here I have Two main purposes on this study. The One is to introduce the Mahamudra, which is one of the part of the practice of the Kagyu tradition among the Tibetan Buddhism. The Other is to know about the life of the ninth Karmapa Wangchuk Dorje and to study about the system of the practice of the Mahamudra which is written by the ninth Karmapa Wangchuk Dorje. In general, we may not be accustomed with the Mahamudra and may have not enough knowledge about the practice of the Mahamudra. In short, I think this is just a small beginning. I hope that from now on, Korean Buddhists would become more familiar to this issue so as to know ours better.

한국 민족주의의 민주주의적 발전

조일문 한국윤리학회 1974 倫理硏究 Vol.2 No.1

N/A

교단을 떠나면서

조일문,Jo, Il-Mun 한국대학교육협의회 1983 大學敎育 Vol.3 No.-

政治思想으로서의 開化思想考

趙一文 건국대학교 1976 學術誌 Vol.20 No.1

"Enlightenment" (Kae-hwa) is a modern thought that was ignited by outside shocks, such as Chinese civilized thought, the Japanese Mei-ji Renovation and the Western enlightened movement which pushed into Korea beginning in the 19th century. These foreign thoughts were not functional in themselves, but operated in the context of Korean traditional thought ; that is, Buddhism and Confucianism. In particular, criticisms of "Practical Science" (Shilhak) were harmonized with Korean traditional thought, and became Koreanized. "Enlightenment" broke down discrimination between the nobility and the lower class, between man and woman, and between urban and rural residents. It inspired in the people the principle of equality, and established a firm belief that freedom is a basic right which is heaven-given and inviolable. The right of property was also believed to be a fundamental human right. But it was believed that it is necessary to prevent exploitation of the people by government officials or the nobilities. Law was believed not only to state the limits of freedom clearly, but also to provide a necessary shield to protect the people from the tyranny of government. The Reformists began to think that the nation's foundation is democracy and government officials are nothing but the servants of the people. They assert the freedoms of speech, meeting and association. They published The Independent(Dok-lip Shin-mun), organized the "Independence Club" (Dok-lip Hyop-hoi) and sponsored the "Whole Nation's Forum"(Man-min Gong-dong-hoi). The request for establishing a National Assembly failed, though they were willing to accept the Jung Chu Won (Privy Council) as a proxy for the National Assembly. They attempted to restructure the traditional concept of "King's Nation" into the idea of a nation by and of the people. But they could not entirely cast off the old loyalities and advocated limited constitutional monarchism. Reformists inspired patriotism and they believed that patriotism would come from the reformation, wealth and power. To fortify the foundation of independence, they eradicated flunkeyism towards Chinese and were going to drive out the conservative and corrupt group who had carried Chinese power on their backs. To sum up, reformists could not escape from the limits of loyalty. They were criticized that they hastened a revolution before introducing civilized thought to the people and organizing their potentialities. As a result of this they delayed the reformation. Nevertheless, we cannot deprecate their efforts twoards modernizing Korea and their loyalty to the nation. Even though the reformists were sale patriots, radical pioneers and lonely liberalists in that time, their thoughts were the first initial explosion of the Korean modernization process.

政黨이 標榜하는 政策에 관한 考察 : 英·美 政黨과 韓國 政黨을 對比하여 A Comparison between Korean and Anglo-American Political Parties

趙一文 건국대학교 1970 學術誌 Vol.11 No.1

I In general the policy of the political party is related with the fundamental characteristics of the specific party, particularly the interests of major social strata on which the party is constituted. The party cannot but take into consideration 'interests absorbed' as well as 'interests represented', substantially by the party in order to go: votes from the various social strata so that it may win the victory in the election. In reality the political party is compelled to present policies palatable to various strata of society to absorb many voters reprsenting various circles of society. Under these circumstances much differances come into existence between 'policies advocated' and 'policies carried out' by the political party. In most cases, under two-party system there can be found little difference between 'policies advocated' and 'policies carried out', even though there exists a marked difference between 'interests represented' and 'interests absorbed'. For the political party is forced to pursue realistic and practicable policies in view of a fair chance to obtain and maintain power under two-party system. But under the plural party system, a remarkable difference exists between 'policies advocated' and 'policies carried out', although 'policies represented' is almost coincident with 'policies absorbed'. The reason is that the minor political party is in no position to assume power independently. Therefore the petty parties are trying to show up more unrealistic and fantastic policies to secure as many political supporters as possible. But in case of political alliance they are obliged to coordinate and adjust their respective different policies within the range of possibility of realization through policy agreements. Under the circumstances as such, a gradual, inevitable approach is to be observed between 'policies advocated' and 'polices carried out.' II Now we are to make a review of policies of the major political parties in England and America. In England there was the intersection of policies between the competing major parties in the early days of political development. Let's take examples. The Tories led by Robert Peel abandoned the previous protective tariff policy and repealed Corn Law, the Whigs introduced the first Electoral Reform, the Tories carried out the second Electoral Reform, and the Liberal Party effected the third Electoral Reform. It was not because these political parties recognized much flexibility in policies but because the parties were not ideological in nature and led by a small group of politicians. In those darts combers of Parliament were able to express freely their opinions and vote, according to their beliefs, though some time their views being contrary to those of their political leaders. It was the Liberals' New Castle Programme of 1891 when the political party issued the formal platforms for the general election in England for the first time. Both Conservative Party and the Labour Party were compelled to advocate certain policies and platforms to the nation in order to draw attention of the voters and secure their political support, as the voters increased in number by enactment of the Electoral Reform Act. Thus in England there was a growing tendency to vote for the Party and its platforms and policies instead of the individual candidate. Under these changing circumstances the political parties could not but take careful consideration into the political policy as the solution to the various problems directly connected with the interests and daily life of the constituency. It was quite natural that the Tory should give much concern mainly over the interests pursued by the nobility, the landlords, and the rich, while the Labour Party should pay much attention to meet the interests of the workers and the masses. But today neither the Tory makes a monopoly of their policies such as royalism and anti-communist policy, nor the Labour Party enjoys a monopoly of their policies such as nationalization and social welfare policy. There is no insurmountable conflict between conservatism and socialism, on the contrary we see an increasing tendency to approach to the other party's policy. Practically there is only little difference over what should be emphasized, and where to put priority in policy planning within the narrow range of policy matters. In America the party platforms are usually adopted at the National Convention ahead of the Presidential election which is held once every four years, but these platforms are expressed in the abstract form and flexible to a considerable extent. As fames Bryce appropriately described Ameriean political parties as 'two vacant bottles of different brand', the difference of the political policy on both sides is so slight as to be almost negligible. It is now out-of-date to provoke any controversy over federalism or regionalism, protective trade or free trade, internationalism or isolationism in view of the fact that both the Republican Party and Democratic Party adopt almost the same policies only expressed insomewhat different language. Because of their common social foundations, both parties declare their policies in ambiguous terms so as to please any regions or social strata (to be more exact, not to offend any region or social strata) for the purpose of absorbing broad social interests. It is the President who is responsible for carring out the particular policy, free of any pressures from election pledges of the political party. During his term of once the President is able to carry out his policies according to his own views and judgements independently of any restraints by the political party. Therefore the American political party is not in a position to make firm policy commitments so as not to infringe on the President's free hand in policy execution. It may be said in general, though ambiguously, as Binkley pointed out that the Republicans lay emphasis on removal of control on private enterprise and promotion of protective tariff, and take a negative attitude on social security. Meanwhile the Democrats are keenly interested in control on big enterprise, protection of censurers, low rate tariff, promotion of social security system. III Although the policies of the major Korean political parties have their own features, the pattern of Korea's political party belongs possibly to English pattern which gives special priority to securing strict connection between election pledges and policy execution. It is a general impression that we are rapidly following the trend of responsible policy execution modelled after English pattern in view of the facts that the problems of the political party are dealt with in our constitution and organization of the political party is based on the masses. Regardless of 'interests represented', Korea's two major parties seek 'interests absorbed' in various circles of society, resulting in growing tendency of materialization of advocated policies. It may be said that this is following the precedent established in English or European political parties. Nevertheless it should be noted that the political party in this country has absorbed the upper classes or the rich all the more when in power, and the masses to a considerable degree when out of power. This is the reason why the function of social representation of Korea's political party is not stabilized but very flexible in its relation with political power. In Korea the policies of the opposition party are expressed in stronger, more violent language than those of government party and a bold social welfare policy is given a high priority. But it may be a hasty conclusion that this is the result of the basic characteristics of the opposition party. The position held by Korean political party in our political system is entirely different from that of English political party. In England the Cabinet formed by the majority party in parliament seizes political power, while in Korea the President takes the role of center in political power independent of National Assembly. Even if candidates for National Assembly make certain pledges in the election campaign or Congressmen pursue certain policies during parliamentary debate, any advocated policies of the political party will not be caries omit unless the President agrees to them. In this respect we are approaching to America's power structure to a considerable extent, although there are many points of difference when it comes to local self-government and organization of Congress. The marked characteristics and contradiction of Konean political party are that it tries to present public policies to the nation modelled after English pattern under the situation prevalent in American political system. The main features of policies advocated by Korean parties are found to be nonpartisan aloofness in policy execution as circumstances demand. In fact the political party has a free, wide choices of policies, maintaining concreteness of policy simultaneously. It is needless to say that this will be a greater impediment to healthy development of the political party system of Karea which should be directed to responsible realization of election pledges. As R. Nickels clarified in his hypothesis that organization of political party directed toward the masses is not compatible with internal democratization of political party, it may be entirely unrealistic to make an attempt of turning 'elite-dominated political party' of today into 'policy-dominated political party' of tomorrow. Furthermore considering that any policy seemingly in alignment with North Korea is 'taboo' in this country which is pitted against communists along the 38th parallel, and that under presidential government the presidential election tends to be a popularity vote toward candidate for presidency rather than popular judgment on the policies of the party to which the candidate belongs, we cannot but draw the conclusion that there is a certain limitation to development of policy-oriented political party in Korea.