중국 정치개혁의 한계

윤경우 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 2013 성균차이나브리프 Vol.1 No.1

英國의 黨首와 政治的 指導性問題

尹慶宇 건국대학교 정치외교학회 1961 정치학회지 Vol.1 No.-

韓國 엘리뜨의 硏究 : with special references to their recruitment, characteristics, roles, and substitute 그 充員·性格·役割·代役을 中心으로

尹慶宇,申福龍 건국대학교 1978 學術誌 Vol.22 No.1

[1] This article is written to bring light on the problems of Korean elites with special references to their recruitment, characteristics, roles and substitute. The weight of elites which is a product of modern political ideology is heavier than any other sects in developing countries. Whether a new state can maintain both stability and development hinges, to a large extent, on the integration of its political elites. Especially during the transition from traditional polities to a more modern political system, elites play a crucial role. Elite activities determine the speed and effectness with which the polity can move toward national integration and political modernity. [2] The recruitment of elites in developing countries can not be considered apart from the mass. Whatever their fear of the masses, the governmental elites in new nations can not do anything without them. While the elite may be unsymphathetic to mass effort to excercise influence, they do want to mobilize the mass for its goals. In Korean case, history of formation of elites can not be deemed as a long one. It did not date back to before the liberation from Japanese rule, because it was after the liberation that the Korean intellectuals approached to the political problems with ideology. In this respect, early elites were recruited from the returning groups from the foreign refuge. But they had many difficult problems, because that they had not any political foundation in their native country; that they were lack of political training : that it was inevitable for them to divide themselves unwillingly on account of territorial difference for their independent fight ; and that their Western political thought was unfamiliar to masses. Those "heroes of renunciation" ex-pected in vain the closeness between mass and themselves in a minute, therefore they felt another alienation. They also have a desperate fight with weakness of economic foundation. [3] The roles what Korean elites should play can be explained as following : First, they should complete the political integration by solving the conflicts around democracy. From the political view, in Korea where is lack of civilian political tradition, our democratic constitution seems to he a superficial graft. But we have had some deomocratic heritages in our history. The thirst task of the Korean elites is to systematize those heritages as a real ideology. Especially, the fact that we have faced to the communist challenge makers it inevitable. And our democratic education must be accomplished with critique on the Communism. Secondly, it is another task of Korean elites to solve the convicts and to integrate politically through educational activities. National patriotism would he in direct proportion to the ratio of literacy. Therefore it is impossible to impose the educational activities to the educators only, as it were, elites should take a part in educational problems. And it musts be remembered that all intellectual activities should be shaded within context of tradition. Thirdly, Korean elites must have regard to the nationalism. Political, economic and ideological unit of today is nation. The nature of nation is not the objective elements as territory or blood but the subjective one as a "state of mind." Therefore in nationalist movement, the leading elites are indispensible more than in any other gorups. Because national sentiment has high suggestibility. [4] In discussing the problems of elites, we can hardly turn our faces from the military as their substitute. As recently as 1930's military government was identified as the ultimate type of totalitarianism. But military industrialism during and after the WW II promoted their states. As Amos Perlmutter suggested, the army's presence in civilian affairs indicates that the existence of corruption is not expected to disappear in the near future ; that material improvements and ideological perspectives do not match; that traditional institutions are unable to bring about material improvement ; that modernized elites are incapable of establishing political institutions and structures which will sustain the momentum of social mobilization and modernization. The roles which military must play in Korea can be classified to four points : First, technical improvement and constructive business, secondly, application of personnel management and staff function, which they obtained in army services, to civilian affairs after the discharging, thirdly, getting training in citizenship, and lastly, the fact that the military has been the traditional bulwark of anti-communist crusades. But military intervention into the civilian affairs may encounter with dilemmas because that religious groups to not often agree on the military activities : that immoderate investment to the military affairs may make national economy lose its equiliibrium: that military intervention in one country encourages intervention by the armed forces of other countries in their own political systems; and the propensity for a military intervention is likely to decrease with increased social mobilization. [5] The main task of elites in Korea is, in conclusion, to accomplish the political integrity and political development by solving the conflicts remaining under the mass consciousness. For these aims, first, elites should stress the importance of consensus and maximize uniformity, secondly, they should emphasize the interplay of individual and group interests by maximizing the integrative values, which are main coals of elites' role.

政治資金의 腐敗性과 그 合理性 問題

尹慶宇 건국대학교 1968 學術誌 Vol.9 No.1

The problem of corruption in political affairs represents one of the dilemmas modern states alike harbor, and accordingly to prevent political corruption constitutes one of the important tasks which modem states, whether they like or not, cannot but tackle. Though political fund is often ornamentally expressed to be "the cost of democracy", it has, in the case of our country, been utilized in a wrung way as medium whereby to seek for reflexive benefits in wicked collaboration with forces of political privileges, thus always causing injustice and arousing suspicion. In a hope to wipe out such an unpleasant atmosphere of Korean politics so that we may see politics being conducted fairly under the open surveillance of the populace, I intend in this article to look into the relationship between the political fund and phenomena of corruption and to examine the problem of how political fund can be rationally managed. The matters I handle are as follows : a. Open system of party finance. b. Adjustment of party organization. c. The problem of revising election districts. d. Ethicization of big business. e. The educational-sociological tack of politics.

아프리카 軍隊와 政治(基一)

尹慶宇 건국대학교 1973 樂圓誌 Vol.8 No.1

아프리카 社會主義思想의 潮流와 問題點

尹慶宇 건국대학교 1976 法經論叢 Vol.1976 No.11

코로나19로 촉진된 글로벌 대변혁과 중국의 디지털 전환 가속화

윤경우 국민대학교 중국인문사회연구소 2020 중국지식네트워크 Vol.- No.-

COVID-19’s global pandemic is a product of globalization, but it is also an important driver and accelerator that deepen deglobalization. The 2008 global financial crisis and the recent COVID-19 crisis have revealed the vulnerability of the global value chain, which has linked various economic activities through division of labor and cooperation between production and consumer actors across borders. Even under such circumstances, it may be practically impossible for the global production network to collapse or for a global or regional production network to exclude or marginalize China. Starting with these two assumptions, I predict various scenarios to be developed in the future by analyzing the current global revolution and China’s response to it. The digital transformation, which has functioned as a driving force to accelerate globalization due to its hyper-connectivity, is now an important means to promote deglobalization. Digital technology has become a key tool to strengthen the physical distance between countries. The global pandemic of COVID-19 functions as a booster that explosively accelerates digital transformation, with globalization as an action and deglobalization as a reaction force in terms of physics. I analyze how the global transformation is being facilitated by the COVID-19 and how China's digital transformation is unfolding in response. The huge global change caused by COVID-19 poses a threat to every country on the planet, but it is also proving to be a strategic opportunity depending on how one responds to it. I analyze and forecast the future direction with a focus on the process of China’s reset of global production network and acceleration of digital transformation to which the Chinese government is actively responding at the national level, recognizing the current crisis as a strategic opportunity. Based on such analysis and predictions, furthermore, I suggest South Korea's practical response strategy and measures to promote the cooperation between South Korea and China for new changes, In conclusion, I also emphasize that it is important for South Korea to subjectively interpret the ongoing global change and set up the direction of change. 코로나19의 전 세계적 범유행은 글로벌화의 산물이지만, 탈글로벌화를심화시키는 중요한 동인이며 촉진제이기도 하다. 2008년 글로벌 금융위기와 최근 코로나19 사태로 인해 국경을 넘어 생산·소비 주체 간 분업과 협력을 통해 다양한 경제활동을 연결해오던 글로벌 가치사슬의 취약성이 드러났다. 이러한 상황에서도 글로벌 생산망이 붕괴하거나 중국을배제·주변화하는 글로벌 또는 지역 생산망 구축은 현실적으로 불가능하다는 전제에서 출발하여, 현재 진행되고 있는 글로벌 대변혁과 그에 대응하는 중국의 반응을 분석하여 향후 전개될 다양한 시나리오를 예측한다. 초연결성을 특징으로 글로벌화를 가속하는 동력으로 기능했던 디지털전환은 현재 탈글로벌화를 촉진하는 중요한 수단이 되고 있다. 디지털 기술은 국가 간 물리적 거리 두기를 강화하는 핵심 도구로 변화했다. 물리학의 원리로 보면 글로벌화가 작용, 탈글로벌화가 반작용 동력으로 작용하는 가운데 코로나19의 전 세계적 범유행이 디지털 전환을 폭발적으로가속하는 증폭기 역할을 하고 있다. 코로나19 사태로 인해 촉진되고 있는 글로벌 차원의 대변혁과 이에 대한 반응으로써 중국의 디지털 전환이어떻게 전개되고 있는지를 분석한다. 코로나19가 초래한 거대한 글로벌 변화는 지구상의 모든 국가에 위협이 되고 있지만, 어떻게 대응하느냐에 따라 전략적인 기회가 되기도 한다. 중국 정부가 현재의 위기를 전략적 기회로 인식하고 국가적 차원에서적극적으로 대응하고 있는 중국발 글로벌 생산망의 재조정과 디지털 전환의 가속화에 초점을 두고 분석하고 향후 방향을 예측한다. 더 나아가그러한 분석과 예측을 바탕으로 새로운 변화에 알맞은 한국의 실천적 대응 전략 및 한·중 협력 증진 방안을 제시하면서, 현재 진행 중인 거대한글로벌 변화에 대한 주체적 해석과 변화의 방향 설정도 매우 중요함을결론적으로 강조한다.

중국 사이버민족주의의 성격과 특징

윤경우 한국중국문화학회 2011 中國學論叢 Vol.34 No.-

中国共产党政府为了使体制和政权不受到威胁,同时策划着互联网的政治性统治和互联网事业的发展和促进。在两者之间保持均衡,追求着高水平的政治策略。 政府对于网上流通的大量情报,通过ICP和ISP审查施加压力,或者通过提升网络氛围,形成中国特殊的互联网环境。对于政治变化不关心,追求商业利益的ICP和ISP经营者被动的接受政府的自我审查,处于妥协的状态。另外,认识到共产党政府强大统治能力的网民们,或者保持着沉默,采取慎重批判的态度,或者在其他领域获得自由利用的保障。 在这样的构造条件和环境下,受到制约的中国互联网空间中,正在扩大的民族主义果然是共产党政府,ICP(互联网内容提供商)和ISP(互联网服务提供商),以及公众之间沉默妥协的“产物”。其结果是,中国的互联网空间并不是发挥着公共领域的作用,促进民族主义的空间,而是为排他性民族主义情绪的扩散和强化,提供了机会。

중국몽(中國夢)실현을 위한 디딤돌, "한류(韓流)"

윤경우 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 2016 성균차이나브리프 Vol.4 No.3

Heat Pump의 실용성과 설계 응용상의 문제점

윤경우 대한설비공학회 1978 설비저널 Vol.7 No.1