임시정부의 법통 계승에 관하여

조일문 한국국민윤리학회 1992 倫理硏究 Vol.31 No.1

實學의 政治思想史的 考察

趙一文 건국대학교 1973 學術誌 Vol.16 No.2

Sil Hak has made considerable progress owing to the cultural policy of King Yung Cho and Chung Cho in the mid-Yi Dynasty. First of all, The Practical Science criticized that too inclined toward conventional idealism. The Practical Science then exerted all possible efforts to remedy ill-natured reality of Korea from the viewpoint of pragmatism. The most important proposals of the science are that: 1.Improvement and stabilization of rural areas by land reform. 2.Innovation in political affairs and personnel administration by the reform of the Higher Examination of Public Service and Government Organization. 3.Stability of finance by limiting the national budget. 4.Research in ways to improve public welfare and to apply imported scientific techniques. 5.Reconsideration of the social strata by criticism of ideas by both high and low and by both legitimate children and illegitimate children. 6.Liberation from old thought and antiquated styles by the popularization of new native writing styles. Sung Ri Hak decisively denounced old and decadent Confucian thinking in Korea, and tried to arouse the Korean people from ignorance. Yet, the insistence of the Scientists was a desk theory, and their efforts were in vain, because their assertion retrained too general and traditional. They also had no ideas concerning such fundamental problems as the irrationality of the monarchy and the contradictions of the class system. Though Practical Science had an aspect of economical democracy which relieved the poor farmers, the science did not have the modern democratic conception that sovereignty resides in the people.

辛亥革命 前後의 中國政治史 : 中國共産黨의 發生背景을 中心으로 with special reference to the evolutional background oof the CCP

趙一文 단국대학교부설 중국연구소 1978 中國硏究 Vol.1 No.-

近代 政黨의 成立

趙一文 건국대학교 1971 學術誌 Vol.12 No.1

政黨이 標榜하는 政策에 관한 考察 : 英·美 政黨과 韓國 政黨을 對比하여 A Comparison between Korean and Anglo-American Political Parties

趙一文 건국대학교 1970 學術誌 Vol.11 No.1

I In general the policy of the political party is related with the fundamental characteristics of the specific party, particularly the interests of major social strata on which the party is constituted. The party cannot but take into consideration 'interests absorbed' as well as 'interests represented', substantially by the party in order to go: votes from the various social strata so that it may win the victory in the election. In reality the political party is compelled to present policies palatable to various strata of society to absorb many voters reprsenting various circles of society. Under these circumstances much differances come into existence between 'policies advocated' and 'policies carried out' by the political party. In most cases, under two-party system there can be found little difference between 'policies advocated' and 'policies carried out', even though there exists a marked difference between 'interests represented' and 'interests absorbed'. For the political party is forced to pursue realistic and practicable policies in view of a fair chance to obtain and maintain power under two-party system. But under the plural party system, a remarkable difference exists between 'policies advocated' and 'policies carried out', although 'policies represented' is almost coincident with 'policies absorbed'. The reason is that the minor political party is in no position to assume power independently. Therefore the petty parties are trying to show up more unrealistic and fantastic policies to secure as many political supporters as possible. But in case of political alliance they are obliged to coordinate and adjust their respective different policies within the range of possibility of realization through policy agreements. Under the circumstances as such, a gradual, inevitable approach is to be observed between 'policies advocated' and 'polices carried out.' II Now we are to make a review of policies of the major political parties in England and America. In England there was the intersection of policies between the competing major parties in the early days of political development. Let's take examples. The Tories led by Robert Peel abandoned the previous protective tariff policy and repealed Corn Law, the Whigs introduced the first Electoral Reform, the Tories carried out the second Electoral Reform, and the Liberal Party effected the third Electoral Reform. It was not because these political parties recognized much flexibility in policies but because the parties were not ideological in nature and led by a small group of politicians. In those darts combers of Parliament were able to express freely their opinions and vote, according to their beliefs, though some time their views being contrary to those of their political leaders. It was the Liberals' New Castle Programme of 1891 when the political party issued the formal platforms for the general election in England for the first time. Both Conservative Party and the Labour Party were compelled to advocate certain policies and platforms to the nation in order to draw attention of the voters and secure their political support, as the voters increased in number by enactment of the Electoral Reform Act. Thus in England there was a growing tendency to vote for the Party and its platforms and policies instead of the individual candidate. Under these changing circumstances the political parties could not but take careful consideration into the political policy as the solution to the various problems directly connected with the interests and daily life of the constituency. It was quite natural that the Tory should give much concern mainly over the interests pursued by the nobility, the landlords, and the rich, while the Labour Party should pay much attention to meet the interests of the workers and the masses. But today neither the Tory makes a monopoly of their policies such as royalism and anti-communist policy, nor the Labour Party enjoys a monopoly of their policies such as nationalization and social welfare policy. There is no insurmountable conflict between conservatism and socialism, on the contrary we see an increasing tendency to approach to the other party's policy. Practically there is only little difference over what should be emphasized, and where to put priority in policy planning within the narrow range of policy matters. In America the party platforms are usually adopted at the National Convention ahead of the Presidential election which is held once every four years, but these platforms are expressed in the abstract form and flexible to a considerable extent. As fames Bryce appropriately described Ameriean political parties as 'two vacant bottles of different brand', the difference of the political policy on both sides is so slight as to be almost negligible. It is now out-of-date to provoke any controversy over federalism or regionalism, protective trade or free trade, internationalism or isolationism in view of the fact that both the Republican Party and Democratic Party adopt almost the same policies only expressed insomewhat different language. Because of their common social foundations, both parties declare their policies in ambiguous terms so as to please any regions or social strata (to be more exact, not to offend any region or social strata) for the purpose of absorbing broad social interests. It is the President who is responsible for carring out the particular policy, free of any pressures from election pledges of the political party. During his term of once the President is able to carry out his policies according to his own views and judgements independently of any restraints by the political party. Therefore the American political party is not in a position to make firm policy commitments so as not to infringe on the President's free hand in policy execution. It may be said in general, though ambiguously, as Binkley pointed out that the Republicans lay emphasis on removal of control on private enterprise and promotion of protective tariff, and take a negative attitude on social security. Meanwhile the Democrats are keenly interested in control on big enterprise, protection of censurers, low rate tariff, promotion of social security system. III Although the policies of the major Korean political parties have their own features, the pattern of Korea's political party belongs possibly to English pattern which gives special priority to securing strict connection between election pledges and policy execution. It is a general impression that we are rapidly following the trend of responsible policy execution modelled after English pattern in view of the facts that the problems of the political party are dealt with in our constitution and organization of the political party is based on the masses. Regardless of 'interests represented', Korea's two major parties seek 'interests absorbed' in various circles of society, resulting in growing tendency of materialization of advocated policies. It may be said that this is following the precedent established in English or European political parties. Nevertheless it should be noted that the political party in this country has absorbed the upper classes or the rich all the more when in power, and the masses to a considerable degree when out of power. This is the reason why the function of social representation of Korea's political party is not stabilized but very flexible in its relation with political power. In Korea the policies of the opposition party are expressed in stronger, more violent language than those of government party and a bold social welfare policy is given a high priority. But it may be a hasty conclusion that this is the result of the basic characteristics of the opposition party. The position held by Korean political party in our political system is entirely different from that of English political party. In England the Cabinet formed by the majority party in parliament seizes political power, while in Korea the President takes the role of center in political power independent of National Assembly. Even if candidates for National Assembly make certain pledges in the election campaign or Congressmen pursue certain policies during parliamentary debate, any advocated policies of the political party will not be caries omit unless the President agrees to them. In this respect we are approaching to America's power structure to a considerable extent, although there are many points of difference when it comes to local self-government and organization of Congress. The marked characteristics and contradiction of Konean political party are that it tries to present public policies to the nation modelled after English pattern under the situation prevalent in American political system. The main features of policies advocated by Korean parties are found to be nonpartisan aloofness in policy execution as circumstances demand. In fact the political party has a free, wide choices of policies, maintaining concreteness of policy simultaneously. It is needless to say that this will be a greater impediment to healthy development of the political party system of Karea which should be directed to responsible realization of election pledges. As R. Nickels clarified in his hypothesis that organization of political party directed toward the masses is not compatible with internal democratization of political party, it may be entirely unrealistic to make an attempt of turning 'elite-dominated political party' of today into 'policy-dominated political party' of tomorrow. Furthermore considering that any policy seemingly in alignment with North Korea is 'taboo' in this country which is pitted against communists along the 38th parallel, and that under presidential government the presidential election tends to be a popularity vote toward candidate for presidency rather than popular judgment on the policies of the party to which the candidate belongs, we cannot but draw the conclusion that there is a certain limitation to development of policy-oriented political party in Korea.

政治思想으로서의 開化思想考

趙一文 건국대학교 1976 學術誌 Vol.20 No.1

"Enlightenment" (Kae-hwa) is a modern thought that was ignited by outside shocks, such as Chinese civilized thought, the Japanese Mei-ji Renovation and the Western enlightened movement which pushed into Korea beginning in the 19th century. These foreign thoughts were not functional in themselves, but operated in the context of Korean traditional thought ; that is, Buddhism and Confucianism. In particular, criticisms of "Practical Science" (Shilhak) were harmonized with Korean traditional thought, and became Koreanized. "Enlightenment" broke down discrimination between the nobility and the lower class, between man and woman, and between urban and rural residents. It inspired in the people the principle of equality, and established a firm belief that freedom is a basic right which is heaven-given and inviolable. The right of property was also believed to be a fundamental human right. But it was believed that it is necessary to prevent exploitation of the people by government officials or the nobilities. Law was believed not only to state the limits of freedom clearly, but also to provide a necessary shield to protect the people from the tyranny of government. The Reformists began to think that the nation's foundation is democracy and government officials are nothing but the servants of the people. They assert the freedoms of speech, meeting and association. They published The Independent(Dok-lip Shin-mun), organized the "Independence Club" (Dok-lip Hyop-hoi) and sponsored the "Whole Nation's Forum"(Man-min Gong-dong-hoi). The request for establishing a National Assembly failed, though they were willing to accept the Jung Chu Won (Privy Council) as a proxy for the National Assembly. They attempted to restructure the traditional concept of "King's Nation" into the idea of a nation by and of the people. But they could not entirely cast off the old loyalities and advocated limited constitutional monarchism. Reformists inspired patriotism and they believed that patriotism would come from the reformation, wealth and power. To fortify the foundation of independence, they eradicated flunkeyism towards Chinese and were going to drive out the conservative and corrupt group who had carried Chinese power on their backs. To sum up, reformists could not escape from the limits of loyalty. They were criticized that they hastened a revolution before introducing civilized thought to the people and organizing their potentialities. As a result of this they delayed the reformation. Nevertheless, we cannot deprecate their efforts twoards modernizing Korea and their loyalty to the nation. Even though the reformists were sale patriots, radical pioneers and lonely liberalists in that time, their thoughts were the first initial explosion of the Korean modernization process.

獨立運動의 核心體로서의 大韓民國 臨時政府

趙一文 건국대학교 1983 學術誌 Vol.27 No.1

정당관의 변천

조일문 건국대학교 1969 樂圓誌 Vol.4 No.1

政黨 '이데올로기'로서의 保守主義

趙一文 건국대학교 1971 法經論叢 Vol.1971 No.6

정치적 ‘이데올로기’란 어떤 관념 체계가 정치 권력의 정당화, 안정화 및 그 발전에 기여하는 이론을 말한다. ‘베이컨’은 ‘이데올로기’를 한낱 허구적 의식에 지나지 않는 것이라고 조소하였다. ‘마르크스’, ‘엥겔스’ 일파도 ‘이데올로기’를 가리켜 어떤 생산 양식 위에서 그 반영으로 구축된 관념 형태에 지나지 않는다고 하였으며, 이것은 한낱 환상 위의 허상이라고 단정하였다.

鄒容의 '革命軍'의 吟味

趙一文 건국대학교 1972 學術誌 Vol.13 No.1

This article is written on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of Sinhei Revolution (辛亥革命) in China. Choujung was barn at Chungking of China in 1885 when the Trety of Tientsin was concluded. The defeat of China at the war between China and Japan in 1895 resulted in showing a inability of the Great Old Nation to the great powers. Since then, the great powers made a desperate effort not only to establish influences, but also to acquire rights and interests. Choujung having regarded such a attitude of the great powers to China as a result of a inability of Chin government rather than a imperialistic invasion, he was convinced that the overthrow of the Ghin Government ruled by the Manchus autocracy would be the only way to be saved from the cumulative dangers of China. He studied in Japan for a year and published "The Revolutionary Army" at the Shanghai in 1903 after returning to China from Japan. He was only 19 years old at that time. His book "The Revolutionary Army" had a tremendous sale and mobilized a great number of the Chinese young people for driving out the Manchus nation and defeating the Chin dynasty toward the battle front of the revolution. The Sinhei Revolution, so called Revolution in 1911, broke out in 1911. The posterity highly appreciated "The Revolutionary Army" in the Shinhei Revolution as much as Declaratien of the Human light in French Revolution. Gho￣ujung's "The Revolutionary Army" consists of seven chapters as follows ; A foreward, chapter I An Introduction, chapter II The Reason of the Revolution, Chapter III The Education of the Revolution, Chapter IV The Racial Discrimination in the Revolution, chapter V The Removal of A Servile Spirit in the Revolution, Chapter VI The Great Duty of the Revolutionary Independence, Chapter VII Conclusion. The denunciation on the Manchus autocracy, a consciousness and impetus of Chinese people, a demand on freedom and equality, on which Cho￣ujung gave a stress through his book, were constantly not only the principles of "The Revolution in 1911 " thought the while course of the revolution, ,but also in immovable belief of the Republic of China at the present time. In particular, after his separation from Bowhang (保皇) Reformist led by Kang, Yong-wei and Lyang, Chi-chao, etc., who insisted on the democratic policy and the enactment of constitution without abolishing the emperor, his declaration of the great duty of the revolution aiming at overthrowing Chin dynasty has been an epoch-making extent on the revolutionary history of the republic of China. ''The Revolutionary Army", however, had to be criticized on the points such as follows : A. Cho￣ujung regarded a revolution as net only a reform of the structure of state but also meaning of the rapture of the Chinese traditional political thoughts. However, the direct importation of alien ideas ignoring the history and tradition of own country seemed to be difficult to be digested everywhere, especially it should be more truly in China having the long-run cultural tradition. Sun Yat-sen and Mao Tse-tung were carefully concerned about the point of view such mentioned above. B. The main ideas exerting influence on Choujung's political thoughts were from the thinkers of enlightenment such as John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Jean Jacques Rousseau, ect. The idea that the rights of freedom and equality are believed to be the inherent right and a new government should be established by way of revolution when even the government elected by the people infringe upon people's right, came from the theory of enlightenment. The other important influence on him was the H. Huxley's Evolution and Ethics (1893) which introduced the theory of evolution. Choujung was convinced that it would be natural as a general rule of social evolution, after reading Huxley's book for Chinese people of the cultural, superior ability, the majority to repulse the Manchus people of the primitive, inferiority, the minority. However, if the Chinese people's rule would be rationalized in obedience to the principle of the survival of the fittest, his theory could fall into the contradiction that the encroachment of the great powers against China would have to be rationalized. C. Chojung's nationalism has leaned toward the extremely intolerant theory of tribe. His theory of revolution assemed to be a kind of agitation rather than a theory, and it was enough to give on impetus to Chinese People's emotion, but was not nearly endowed with the theoretic system and persuasion such as showing in his theory of revolution. D. Choujung's ''The Revolutionary Army" just advocated with revolution, but nearly did not present any methodology how to perform revolution. Especially, he did not refer to solving the problem of national life. His insistence, therefore, could be nothing but the thro principles of the people at the best. However, the defects above mentioned in his theory seem to have been destined to the historical restriction that the revolution in 1911 could not help falling under the catagory of civil revolution. It should be the important matters that Cho￣ujung of young age burned his whole passionate sincerity of emotion and decisively raised a signal-fire of the revolution by mobilizing his knowledge, and grasped the minds of the Chinese people.