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        개인생애사를 통한 도시민속학의 접근 방법의 모색

        정형호(Chung Hyung-Ho) 실천민속학회 2007 실천민속학연구 Vol.9 No.-

        기존에 민속학은 전통을 가장 잘 보존하고 있는 농촌 지역을 주요 대상으로 삼았다. 농촌은 지역민들에게 전통이 균등하게 전승되고 있기 때문에, 제보자에 따른 편차가 크게 드러나지 않는다. 따라서 어느 누구를 조사 대상자로 선택해도 무방하다는 장점이 있으나, 상대적으로 전승 주체인 사람을 소홀히 하는 경향이 있다. 그러나 도시에 오면 양상은 크게 달라진다. 공간의 급격한 변화, 생업의 다양화오 잦은 이동으로, 개인에 따른 민속의 편차가 심하게 드러난다. 도시의 급격한 팽창으로 본격적인 도시민속에 대한 조사는 시급한 시점에 와 있다. 그러나 쉽게 접근 가능한 단편적인 민속분야 이외에 체계적인 민속조사는 이루어지지 않고 있다. 현재 도시는 민속의 심한 변화와 개인에 따라 민속에 대한 인식의 차이가 크다. 이런 점을 고려해서 이 논문에서는 서울 용산 지역에 연고가 있는 6인의 개인생애사를 통해 도시민속학의 접근 가능성을 모색했다. 도시민속학은 조사 대상자에 따라 내용이 크게 달라지기 때문에, 개인적 삶을 고려하지 않고는 조사의 의미가 없다. 따라서 개인적 경험과 기억을 면밀히 검토해야 하며, 주거 지역의 공간과 생업의 변화 양상도 고려해야 한다. 이를 통해 다양한 조사 대상자를 유형화시켜 접근할 필요가 있다. 이런 점에서 도시민속은 개인생애사에 대하 조사가 병행되어야 그 실상이 제대로 파악될 수 있다. The existing folklore of Korea focuses on farm villages which have effectively handed down traditions. This is because they have has not changed quickly and there is no difference in thought no matter which any resident of the village we interview. Therefore, the existing folklore has had a tendency to ignore the people who are the center of the transmission. Korea is fast becoming urbanized, so a new study of the civil folklore is needed. However, it has not been studied properly. In contrast to the farm village, the folklore of any given town is changing every minute, and there is a great deal of difference in recognition of the folklore according to the individuals in the farm. Considering this, this paper has tried to point out the possible approaches to civil folklore through the individual life stories of six people who are living in the Yongsan area. To understand the civil folklore, we have considered the space of the investigation area, the change of occupations, the subjects to be investigated, their individual experiences and their own memories. Consequently, civil folklore should be a compilation of individual life stories.

      • 기산 김준근의 풍속화에 나타난 민속적 특징

        정형호(Hyung Ho Chung) 중앙대학교 한국문화유산연구소 2008 중앙민속학 Vol.- No.13

        기산 김준근은 1880년대부터 1900년 초기의 개화기에 주로 활동한 재야 풍속화가이다. 현재 그에 대한 정보는 원산 출신에 부산, 인천의 개항장에서 주로 활동한 기독교인이라는 정도만 알려져 있다. 그의 그림은 유럽과 미주의 박물관, 국내 등에 걸쳐 대략 1400여점이 전승된다. 대부분 엽서 크기의 작은 그림에 주로 채색화이지만, 일부 수묵화로도 전한다. 이 글은 기산 풍속화 중에서 국외 8곳, 국내 1곳, 모두 9곳의 소장품을 대상으로 분류하였다. 분석 대상은 독일 함부르크민속박물관 79점, 독일 동베를린미술관 43점, 프랑스 국립귀메박물관 170점, 덴마크 국립코펜하겐박물관 94점, 러시아 국립모스크바박물관 46점, 오스트리아비엔나박물관 124점, 캐나다 국립온타리오박물관 53점, 한국 개인소장 98폭 본의 98점, 기타 영국도서관 2점, 도합 709점이다. 위의 그림을 유형별로 생업, 사회생활, 의식주, 일생의례, 놀이와 여가, 연희, 세시풍속, 종교 등 모두 380항목g로 세분화하여 그 특징을 추출하였다. 그의 풍속화는 상층과 기층문화를 망라하고 있지만 기층집단의 민속에 초점이 맞추어져 있다. 그리고 당대 서구인들의 시각을 어느 정도 반영하고 있으며, 국가별 소장품에 따라 특징적 차이를 보이고 있다. 그림에는 당시 민속이 총망라되어 있지만, 일부 누락된 부분도 나타난다. 예를 들어, 장승과 솟대, 마을의 동제, 두레, 정월대보름 달집태우기, 산속 등이 빠져있다. 이것은 기산이 원산 출생에 개항지에서 주로 활동했고, 중인 계층의 재야 남성 화가로서 경험의 제한이 있으며, 외국인의 요구에 부합해서 선택적으로 그렸기 때문이다. 그의 그림은 민속학자가 기본적 검토해야 하는 중요한 연구대상이며, 19c 기층문화를 재구성하는 데에 절대적 필요한 자료이다. 특히 현대에 민속문화를 문화콘텐츠로서 재창조하려는 데에 있어서 중요한 자료적 의미를 지닌다. Kim Junkeun has been a painter who had drawn a genre painting in the latter period of Chosun. His pen name has been known as Kisan widely. His 1400 paintings has been handed down around Europe and American museums. They are all related to folk customs and are as small as a postcard. Most of them are painted in color but some of them are painted in India ink. He is assumed to have acted as a painter from 1880 to 1900 year The information about him is not clear. However, he is assumed to be born in Wonsan and have acted around a open port as a out-of-power painter and to be a christian. This article categorized his paintings according to his possessions which is distributed 8 places across the seas, one place in Korea. 79 paintings are kept in Hamburg museum in German, 43 paintings in East Berlin museum, 170 paintings national Kymei museum in France, 94 paintings in national Copenhagen museum in Denmark, 46 paintings in Moscow in Rusia, 124 paintings in Vienna museum in Austria, 53 paintings in national Ontario museum, 98 paintings which is owned personally in Korea, 2 paintings in UK. The total is 709 paintings. This article also categorized his paintings according to the following concept. The number of paintings related to occupation is 111, social life 54, food. clothing and shelter 71, ritual 27, play and leisure 36, mask dance 40, yearly folk 16, religion 25. The total is 380 paintings. His paintings have the significant meaning in restructuring a folk culture in the 19th century and also have the important meaning as a culture contents which reconstructs the life of the past folk culture.

      • 공동주택 자연침기현상 측정연구

        정형호(Chung Hyung Ho),송준원(Song Jun Won),홍구표(Goo-Pyo Hong),박철용(Cheol Yong Park),김진업(Kim Jin Up),양경모(Yang Kyung Mo),이복만(Lee Bok Man) 대한설비공학회 2006 대한설비공학회 학술발표대회논문집 Vol.2006 No.6

        An infiltration was realized as an important part of ventilation to change fresh air with contaminated air in a house. In this study, it was measured the infiltration in new apartment buildings according to Seasons, height etc. We measured the infiltration by using tracer gas method and did for 24hours. To quantify the infiltration, Sulfur Hexafluoride(SF?) gas was used. The Constant Concentration was conducted during experimental process and the concentration of the gas was measured with a gas monitor. In the results of the measurement, the infiltration were appeared over 0.6 ACH in winter and about 0.2 ACH in summer and autumn. Also the infiltration were measured more highly at high and low stories than middle stories in winter.

      • 탈놀이에 나타난 기층집단의 성 의식과 그 상징성

        정형호(Chung Hyung-Ho) 실천민속학회 2006 실천민속학연구 Vol.8 No.-

        The author has studied the aspects of sex of Korean mask dance. This shows the four forms. First, the sex of mask dance shows the critisism and resistance to the governing class. Malttugi(servant) make fun of his master with sexual act and words satire. Second, the sex of mask dance get residents to bring the fruitfullness through the harmony of the male and female principles. This is based on seasonal variations and rural sacrifice ceremony. The intersexual union of several characters is closely related with productions activity. Third, the characters of mask dance, Halmi (grandmather) and Yonggam(grandfather) and Somu(concubine) express strong sexual desire of sacrifice rites. Fourth, the free sex of mask dance means of sexual freedom. This show in the characters of Chibari(lower government official) and Jung(buddhist priest), Somu(concubine), Aesadang(wandering woman perfomer), Halmi (grandmather) In the end, the sex of mask dance shows the freedom and resistence desire of sacrifice rites. And they try to live in fruitfullness and human wellbeing.

      • KCI등재

        가면극과 정치

        정형호(Chung Hyung-ho),허용호(토론자) 비교민속학회 2004 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.26

        This study focuses on relating group participating in extant Korean mask-dance to their play contents. Korean mask-dance has been handed down at districts controled by government officers. The hereditary middle-class and the low-grade government officials and slaves who belonged to the government office participated in mask-dance in the nineteenth century. The purpose of this paper is to examine why these groups participated in mask dance and how they changed the contents. Hahoe Mask-dance handed down in Kyungsang Province is the one representative of Korean mask dances. This mask-dance was performed as the result of compromise between Poonsang Yoo nobility family and the other lower-class family. In the latter half of the Yi-dynasty the hereditary middle-class had difficulty between nobility officials and lower classes. Therefore, the hereditary middle -class tried to expand their influences on them using the mask-dance and village festivals and sacrifice rites. After all, they had to follow the lower classes's perspective. In the result, the lower classes tried to live in harmony and reconciliation with the other classes through the mask dances.

      • KCI등재

        20c 용산 지역의 도시화 과정 속에서 동제당의 전승과 변모 양상

        정형호(Chung Hyung-ho) 한국민속학회 2005 韓國民俗學 Vol.41 No.-

        이 글은 용산 지역의 동제당이 20c의 급격한 변화 속에 전승될 수 있었던 요인을 생업과 공간, 전승 주도 집단의 변화를 중심으로 살펴보았다. 따라서 굿과 종교적 의식을 중심으로 한 시각과는 다른 관점에서 접근하였다. 특히 필자는 1990년대 초기, 2002-2005년의 시기에 이 지역민의 삶과 동제당을 면밀히 조사할 기회가 있었는데, 이것이 논문 작성에 바탕이 되었다. 20c 용산 지역 동제당은 내적으로 생업방식과 지역민의 의식의 변화에 의하여, 외적으로 외세의 침략, 전쟁, 급격한 재개발에 의한 공간과 전승 주체의 변화에 의해 크게 변모되어 왔다. 이곳 동제당은 원래 한강 중심의 전통적인 공동체적 삶에 의해 전승되었다. 그러나 20c에 와서 점차 한강 수로 교역이 약화되고, 전통적 생업의 변화, 일제에 의한 동제당의 강제 이전, 전쟁에 의해 동제당의 소실로 인해 전승의 어려움에 부닥친다. 특히 이북과 남도 출신 이주민들의 대거 유입과 도시화로 인한 급격한 인구 이동은 전승 주체를 바꾸어 놓았다. 따라서 마을 공간이 크게 확대되면서 전승 주도층인 토박이 계층의 약화, 이주민들의 제의에 대한 무관심, 제당의 소유권 분쟁 등이 발생한다. 이런 이유로 전승 기반은 급격히 약화되어 갔다. 그러나 일제시대 전통적 생업층은 아니지만, 당시 공장 노동자였던 70-80대의 일부 토박이들이 새로운 전승 주도층으로 등장하였다. 거기에 비교적 일찍 이주한 일부 서울?경기도 지역 출신, 이북 출신들이 전승에 주도적으로 참여하게 되었다. 여기에 보존회나 노인회의 개방화, 향우회의 역할 증대로 인해 새로운 전승 기반이 형성되었다. 또한 지역 주민의 참여를 높이기 위해 의례 시기의 변화, 관의 지원 강화와 간섭 배제, 상인층의 참여 유도, 여성에 대한 참여 권유 등도 전승의 긍정적인 요인으로 작용되었다. 여기에 동제당의 약화 요인이라 할 수 있었던 외부적인 동제당의 강제 이전, 전쟁에 의한 소실, 재건축으로 인한 제당의 소멸 위기는 오히려 지역민들에게 동제당을 복원, 전승시켜야 한다는 당위성을 키워주면서 오히려 자생력을 형성시켰다. 결국 용산 지역의 동제당이 급격한 변화 속에 약화되고 변모되었지만, 아직도 전승될 수 있었던 것은 여전히 지역 문화에 중심적 역할을 수행하고 있기 때문이라고 볼 수 있다. This article describes the transmission of the village house for religious services in the Yongsan area through historical reports and field studies in the 20 century. The east house for religious services was constructed beside the Han River and was handed over for occupations which dealt with trade on the waterway. This house experienced an enormous change as a result of the compulsive move in the Japanese Colonial period, loss of the war, a change tn occupations, and the reconstruction by the civilization. Also, the time to perform religious services was changed because it was originally performed as a group ceremony for the New Year, but people wanted to do it individually on New Year's Day. The main group involved in the transmission of the East house was aboriginal at first, but some of the people who moved into this area in the early days from Seoul, the national capital region, and North Korea succeeded economically and attended religious services. However, since 1970, the people who have moved from the southern area have formed a mutually exclusive community against the aborigines. Therefore, even though they have moved into the Yongsan area, they seldom attend the village religious services. In the meantime, the people of the Yongsan area have become entangled in a suit over the right of ownership. The East house was originally registered in the representative’s name. However, his descendents realized the value the property and claimed ownership of the East house. This sparked a dispute with the village people. Early in the dispute, they lost the ground where the East house was located, but they ultimately won the lawsuit because of a recent increase in interest in traditional cultures. In addition, the local festival in this area has not been popular and is less promoted by the government than those of other areas. Finally, the fact that the East house of the Yongsan area has the power of transmission is because the East house still plays a key role in the local community and the transmission of culture.

      • KCI등재

        탈놀이의 八먹중과 불교의 八部衆 神將의 관련성 고찰

        정형호(Chung Hyung-ho) 한국민속학회 2003 韓國民俗學 Vol.38 No.1

        Korean mask dances often have stories that relate to Buddhist Monks. Because eight people, all of whom are monks, generally show up in the stories, these characters are called "pal-muk." "Pal" is a Korean word meaning "eight." The word "muk" means "black" and describes the black costumes they wear in the mask dance. These eight monks appear especially in "Sandae Nori" dances of the middle provinces of Korea and the mask dances of Hwang-hae Province. The use of the word "muk" to describe the monks is not clearly understood, since true Buddhist monks do not wear black. The dancers costumes are quite different from real Buddhist vestments. The dancers also wear masks that represent the faces of ghosts, and the dance is performed to help drive out evil spirits. In addition, the dancers try to imitate the movements and stance of old monks in an attempt to make fun. They also portray the monks as characters who like to dance and sing. Thus, they become figures that dance powerfully and dominate the performance area. The author has studied the area of mask dance related to monks for more than ten years. He has previously written in 27 volumes (1995.10) of Korean folk art about "pal-muk" being related to eight monks. In this paper he will supplement the former journals and deal more deeply with this issue. The purpose of this paper is to prove how and why these dancers, who are really gods protecting Buddhism, appear as eight monks. This will be explained by discussing the relationship of the mask dance to Buddhism, the secularization process of Buddhism in Korea, the folk religious meaning of these eight monks, and the relationship of these eight Buddhist monks to the existing mask dances. Thereby, he will explain the people's acceptance of Buddhism and the dance. Historically, these eight monks have had a strong influence on popular Buddhism, and they have been handed down in a variety of Buddhist sculptures, such as the "Sokkuram" of the Shilla Era and the stone pagodas of the Chosun Era. Therefore, it is not unusual to find these same eight Buddhist monks in mask dances, fables, and other literary works. Of the eight monks, Deva and Naga are the gods who protect Buddhist law. They are admired as the "Heaven God" and the "Dragon God," similar to characters found in Korean folk religion. Garua appears in the "Kiak," which is the mask dance of the Baek-jae Era; Gandharva appears in "Hyaesung Song," which is a song of the Shilla Era; and "Yaka" arises in fables of the late Chosun Era and in the "Sandae Nori" dances outside Namdaemun, the South Gate of Seoul, in the late 18th Century. Another god, Asura, is a fighter and served as the god who would drive out ghosts. The others, Kinara and Mahoraga, also appear as gods in folk music. Of the eight Buddhist monks, Gandharva, Kinara and Mahoraga had influence as gods of music, song, and dance. Asura, Yaka and the others were regarded as quarrelsome in nature. In addition, Garua represented "Gumsizo," which is an imaginary bird capable of sending away evil and bringing good fortune. These points help explain why nowadays "Pal-muk" monks are represented as having quarrelsome characters and appear as playboys who like singing, dancing, playing, and womanizing. The phenomenon whereby the eight "palmuk" monks started from eight despised Buddhist monks is related to the secularization and acceptance of Buddhism by the people. It is, therefore, understandable that the eight Buddhist monks, who protected Buddhist law, would become secularized. In summary, the eight "palmuk" monks are the embodiment of eight Buddhist monks / gods in the late Chosun Era. Because the origin and character of the "palmuk" monks has not been discussed completely, this issue will be researched and discussed in future studies.

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