M-plus 다초점 인공수정체의 임상성적

정영권,박창원,황제형,주천기.Young Kwon Chung. Chang Won Park. Je Hyung Hwang. Choun-Ki Joo. 대한안과학회 2014 대한안과학회지 Vol.55 No.4

Purpose: To evaluate the clinical outcomes of eyes implanted with a zonal refractive multifocal intraocular lens (IOL) with an inferior segmental near add (M-plus), and to compare the outcomes between M-plus and a diffractive-type multifocal IOL, AT LISA (366D, bifocal). Methods: We reviewed 19 eyes from 10 patients who were implanted with M-plus and 52 eyes of 26 patients who were implanted with AT LISA. The clinical outcomes of these 2 intraocular lenses were evaluated at 1 day and 2 months postoperatively, and consisted of distant, intermediate, and near visual acuity, contrast sensitivity, degree of tilt, and decentration using anterior segment photography, depth of focus, and patient satisfaction. Results: There were no statistical differences between the 2 groups with respect to distant vision, near vision, refractive error, contrast sensitivity, degree of tilt, decentration, or satisfaction score. The M-plus group demonstrated significantly better intermediate visual acuity. In the defocus curve, the M-plus group also demonstrated significantly better visual acuities for intermediate unfocused vision levels. Conclusions: The M-plus multifocal IOLs are able to provide satisfactory distant and near visual acuity and visual function. The M-plus multifocal IOLs provide better intermediate vision than the AT LISA. J Korean Ophthalmol Soc 2014;55(4):519-526

양안 근시 환자의 단안백내장 수술 시 만족도 및 목표굴절력

정영권,나종경,김만수,Young Kwon Chung,MD,Jong Kyoung Na,MD,Man Soo Kim,MD,PhD 대한안과학회 2014 대한안과학회지 Vol.55 No.6

Purpose: To evaluate the target refraction of patients with binocular myopia and monocular cataract after intraocular lens (IOL) implantation. Methods: This study comprised 199 patients with binocular myopia (axial length >25 mm) and monocular cataract after IOL implantation for the removal of the monocular cataract. The research was conducted using a questionnaire method and by performing statistical analysis of the refractive outcomes. Results: The patients are grouped into 3 domains (≤-3 D group, -3~-6 D group, >-6 D group). There were no statistically significant differences among the 3 groups; whereas the satisfaction of the present corrected state was statistically low in the >-6 D group (<em>p</em> < 0.05). The satisfaction of the corrected state was statistically high in the group of postoperative anisometropia under 3 D (<em>p</em> < 0.05). There was no statistical difference between the groups on the satisfaction of target diopter (-2~-3 D or emmetropia). In terms of correction method, glasses were worn in 119 patients (60%), contact lenses were worn in 26 patients (13%), and monovision was used in 14 patients (7%) were used respectively. Forty patients (20%) with implanted IOL in both eyes did not use any of the correction methods above. Except for the contact lens group, the general satisfaction and the satisfaction of the present corrected state were statistically lower than the other group (<em>p</em> < 0.05). There was no statistically significant difference among the 3 groups in the percentage of cataract surgery in the fellow eye. Conclusions: There was no statistical difference between the groups in satisfaction of target diopter (-2~-3 D or emmetropia). Setting the target refraction difference between both eyes less than 3 D leads to more satisfactory outcomes. J Korean Ophthalmol Soc 2014;55(6):817-825

2000년대 초반 북한 영화와 청년세대 -청년 과학자와 "청년동맹" 형상화를 중심으로

정영권 ( Young Kwon Chung ) 서강대학교 동아연구소 2015 東亞 硏究 Vol.34 No.1

본 논문은 2000년대 초반 북한영화에 나타난 청년세대의 문제를 다루고 있다. 1990년대 이후 북한은 동유럽 사회주의권의 몰락, ‘고난의 행군’ 등을 거치며 청년들의 사상과 의식을 통제해왔다. 소위 ‘청년중시 정책’은 청년들을 사회주의 강성대국이라는 이데올로기적 주체로 호명하고, 국가와 당, 김정일에 대한 충성심을 요구해왔다. 북한의 ‘예술영화’(극영화) <흰 연기>(2000), <세대의 임무>(2002)는 ‘청년 과학자’를, <청춘의 자서전>(2001)과 <청년들을 자랑하라>(2003)는 ‘청년동맹’을 재현한다. 이 영화들 속에서 부모세대, 특히 아버지나 유사아버지로 지칭될 수 있는 인물들은 죽었거나 정체되어 있지만 결코 거부하거나 청산해야 할 낡은 대상이 아니다. 그들은 지식과 지혜, 드넓은 이해심과자애로움으로 자식 세대를 감싸 안으며 자식세대는 그런 부모세대를 존경심으로 받든다. 이는 김정일 체제가 김일성의 ‘유훈’을 받들어나가는 것, 인민들이 대를 이어 충성하는 것으로 해석해 볼 수 있다. This study deals with the issue of young generation represented by North Korean films in the early 2000s. Since 1990s North Korea has controlled the idea and consciousness of the young people going through with the fall of Eastern European socialist bloc and ``North Korean famine.`` While North Korean narrative film, White Smoke (2000) and A Mission of Young Generation (2002) represent young scientists, An Autobiography of the Youth (2001) and Boast of Young People (2003) represent Kim Il-Sung Socialist Youth League. In these films, old generation, particularly father figure and pseudo-father figure are dead or stagnant. However, they are not outworn object whom young people need take away. But rather, since old generation has knowledges, wisdoms, understandings and benevolences, young generation respects them deeply. Between 1994 and 1998, North Korean leader Kim Jong-Il did so called ``Ruling with Dying Instruction.`` This is a following the teaching left by Kim Jong-Il``s father, Kim Il-Sung, the founder of North Korea. The Above films reflect these atmospheres of that times.

Liberty and Persecution in Tandem? -A Review of Alexandra Walsham`s Charitable Hatred: Tolerance and Intolerance in England, 1500-1700

정영권 ( Young Kwon Chung ) 영국사학회 2009 영국연구 Vol.21 No.-

기획 논문 : 영국과 유럽: 헤게모니와 정체성 ; 퓨리턴 정체성, 개신교 동맹과 무역: 크롬웰의 대 프랑스와 에스파냐 외교정책

정영권 ( Young Kwon Chung ) 영국사학회 2010 영국연구 Vol.24 No.-

17세기 중반의 잉글랜드와 유럽을 이야기하면서 전자의 헤게모니를 언급한다는 것은 시기상조이다. 그러나 헤게모니를 이야기하지 못한다고 해서 잉글랜드의 영향력 있는 외교활동을 언급할 수 없다는 것은 아니다. 크롬웰이 외교정책을 수립하면서 핵심적으로 고려했던 사항은 퓨리턴 정체성에 입각한 유럽대륙에서의 개신교의 입지 강화와 자신의 정권 안전이었다. 여기에 잉글랜드의 무역활동을 보호하는 것도 중요했다. 크롬웰의 주요 외교무대는 크게 3개 지역, 네덜란드 지역, 발트 지역, 그리고 프랑스와 에스파냐 지역으로 나뉘어져 있었다. 첫 2개의 지역과는 달리 스튜어트 정부를 후원했던 에스파냐와 프랑스는 크롬웰 정부에게 계속 위협적인 존재로 남아있었다. 크롬웰이 이 두 나라와 어떻게 외교정책을 펼쳐나갔으며 이것이 잉글랜드의 국익에 어떠한 영향을 미쳤는가에 대해서는 역사가들의 의견이 크게 엇갈린다. 부정적인 견해를 보이는 역사가들은 주로 경제적, 전략적 측면을 강조하며 크롬웰의 외교정책을 비판하고 있는 반면, 긍정적인 평가는 주로 종교적 이념과 경제적 요구 및 국내 상황을 그 상호관계 속에서 고려하고 있다. 본고에서는 이러한 상이한 견해들을 여러 측면에서 살펴봄으로써 필자 나름의 평가를 내려 보고자 한다. To talk about hegemony when addressing the subject of England`s relationship with Europe in mid seventeenth century is certainly premature. One of the primary reasons for this is because England only came to dominate the European scene politically in latter 18th century. Prior to it, Spain occupied the center stage in the European diplomacy during the 16th and 17th centuries, and France in the 17th and 18th centuries. However, an absence of hegemony does not necessarily imply that historians cannot speak of influential foreign policy and diplomatic activity. Although Oliver Cromwell was at the helm of government for only a brief period of five years, his government was able to intervene efficiently in the affairs of the European continent, much more so than their predecessors, especially by using their powerfully built up navy as an effective lever. Further, such an interventionist policy threw the spothght on England during this time. In developing its foreign policy, the Cromwellian government took into primary consideration its own puritan identity and the concomitant aspiration to create a pan European alliance of Protestants, the consolidation of the newly formed government, and the strengthening and expansion of England`s commercial interests. The main regions with which the government engaged in active diplomacy were the Netherlands, the Baltic region, and France and Spain. Unlike the first two, France and Spain continued to present a threat to Cromwellian government`s security after 1654 because they recognized and supported Charles II`s claim to the throne of England. Thus, the Protectorate found itself preoccupied with keeping in check these powers or even weakening their position. Historians differ, and markedly at times, in their assessment of Cromwell`s diplomatic engagement with the two countries and the impact it had on England`s national interests. Broadly speaking, such assessments tend to be either positive or negative. Historians who do not think too highly of Cromwell`s foreign policy generally focus on its economic and strategic aspects, while scholars who are complimentary of the policy tend to provide a more inclusive consideration of religious beliefs, economic demands, and domestic needs. In this article, I examine the varying assessments given by historians of the Cromwellian Protectorate`s foreign policy and offer my own criticism and assessment.

한국 범죄영화에서 도시, 가족, 계급의 문제

정영권(Chung Young Kwon) 한국영화학회 2008 영화연구 Vol.0 No.38

Cinema deals with the issue of social class intentionally or unintentionally. In particular, crime film has something to do with class in contemporary capitalist society inseparably. American classic gangster film shows contradiction within American dream by means of describing a gangster's success through other sacrifice. In addition, classic film noir reflects a number of crimes such as corruption and depravity in capitalism. Moreover, yuppie crime thriller represents boredom in capitalist society which makes labours simple because it makes them more competitive and uneasy. Korean crime films often show this kind of aspect. I explore issues of Korean crime film in relation to capitalism and social class through Green Fish (1997) and A Dirty Carnival (2006). Regarding this, there are three main issues. Firstly, I discuss an issue of family and class in film. Although poor families in these films are a basic unit conducting capitalistic reproduction, they can be regarded as a major cause making a protagonist commit a crime. Secondly, I examine an issue of urban space and class. Two male protagonists are directly or indirectly involved an urban development project. Throughout taking the other's space, it makes to secure them success. Hence, it means that capitalism in Korea shows its aggression during a decade. Thirdly, I argue an issue of structure and action. Although two protagonists do with their free will, they face a number of huge barriers called family, society, nation, and global capitalism. This paper examines how Korean crime films represent issues of class in a period of neo-liberalism by means of analysing Green Fish and A Dirty Carnival. Furthermore, the representation of violence in these films is linked to structured violence in our society.

한국 독립영화에서 탈북자의 장소상실과 정체성의 형성: < 처음 만난 사람들 >과 < 무산일기 >를 중심으로

정영권 ( Young Kwon Chung ) 평화문제연구소 2016 統一問題硏究 Vol.28 No.1

본 연구는 한국의 독립영화 분석을 통해 탈북자들이 남한 정착과정에서 경험하는 정체성을 장소/공간과 결부지어 설명한다. 영화 < 처음 만난 사람들 >은 남한에 정착하며 혼란을 느끼는 한 탈북자의 정체성이 아파트와 대형마트라는 공간을 통해 재현된다. 또한, 이주 노동자 베트남 청년과 같이 간 시골에서도 국제적 비즈니스처럼 되어버린 이주결혼의 공간을 체험한다. 그러나 이 과정에서 두 사람은 우정과 연대를 확인한다. < 무산일기 >는 남한을 철거촌, 소비 공간, 노래방과 교회로 표상한다. 탈북자의 열악한 위치가 철거촌으로 대변된다면 그의 동경과 욕망의 거처는 소비 공간이다. 아울러, 자본주의의 천박한 욕망을 드러내는 노래방과 그러한 세속의 ‘부끄러움’을 가려주는 교회를 통해 남한의 모습을 드러낸다. 이 곳에서 탈북자는 돈이 지고의 가치라는것을 깨달으면서 남한 사람의 정체성에 다가간다. 두 영화 분석을 통해 경제 난민의 처지가 된 탈북자와 이주 노동자의 소수자성, 전 지구적 자본주의와 소비주의가 야기하는 장소상실과 남한 정착의 어려움을 확인할 수 있다. This study explains North Korean defector``s identity crisis in South Korea in connection with place and space through analysing South Korean independent films. Identity is not fixed, but continuously changes and becoming, and that is associated with a mobility of space and a place of settlement. In Hello, Stranger, a North Korean defector``s anxiety and confusion in settlement process in South Korea are represented by an apartment and a hypermarket. In addition, he experiences a space of marriage migration in a countryside together with a young Vietnamese immigrant worker. In this process, two person share friendship and solidarity. The journals of Musan represents South Korean as a redevelopment area, a space of consumption, a karaoke and a church. While redevelopment area speaks for a poor surrounding of a North Korean defector, space of consumption is where his longing and desire is. Occasionally, that is presented by a signifier of United States of America. Furthermore, karaoke which is a space of vulgar desire and church which hides shame of the mundane world symbolize South Korea. In this place, North Korean defector is becoming South Korean realizing money is the highest value.

<남자사용설명서>, 키치 감수성, 상품미학

정영권(Chung, Young Kwon) 동국대학교 영상미디어센터 2015 씨네포럼 Vol.0 No.22

본 연구는 영화 <남자사용설명서>(2013)를 통해 연애가 스펙화하고 자기계발화하는 시대의 단면을 진단한다. 광고회사에 다니는 주인공 최보나(이시영)는 일상에 치어 자기관리에 소홀히 한 여성이다. 남자친구도 없고 남자들과의 관계에 어려움을 겪는다. 닥터 스왈스키(박영규)는 그런 보나에게 ‘남자사용설명서’라는 비디오를 권하며 연애비법을 전수한다. 닥터 스왈스키와 그의 조수들의 연애 퍼포먼스는 온갖 유치하고 저속한 키치로 가득하다. 본 연구는 이 키치 감수성이 본래의 사용가치를 넘어서는 하나의 과잉(잉여)이라고 분석한다. 그리고, 이것을 교환가치를 위해 미적 가공과 혁신을 꾀하는 상품미학과 관련짓는다. 볼프강 F. 하우크(Wolfgang F. Haug)는 판매행위의 완성을 위해 사용가치 이상의 미적 가공을 하는 것을 상품미학이라 칭했다. 영화에서 보나와 닥터 스왈스키의 관계, 보나와 배우 승재(오정세)의 관계는 물신화한 상품관계로 설명 가능하다. 닥터 스왈스키는 과잉의 퍼포먼스를 통해 비디오의 효용성을 설파한다. 마찬가지로 비디오의 연애 비법을 전수 받은 보나는 자신의 외모와 태도, 말씨 등을 바꿈으로써 연애할 수 있는 능력(남자를 사용할 수 있는 능력)을 높인다. 즉, 자신의 사용가치를 높임으로써 연애라는 교환가치를 성립시키는 것이다. 닥터 스왈스키는 현대인들을 사로잡고 있는 자기계발서에서 튀어나온 인물 같다. 그는 자기계발, 자기경영의 화신으로서 보나 같은 뒤쳐진 젊은이들에게 스스로를 가꾸고 계발함으로써 자신의 사용가치를 높이라고 부추긴다. 그럼으로써 남(자)을 사용할 수 있는 능력을 키우라고 설파한다. <남자사용설명서>는 연애가 자기계발의 한 척도로 여겨지는 시대, 상품관계처럼 물신화한 연애의 풍속도를 재현하고 있다. 그리고 키치 감수성으로 그처럼 속물적인 시대의 징후를 드러내고 있다. This study explains a slice of contemporary life that romance becomes a qualification and competitiveness through an analysis of a film, How to Use Guys with Secret Tips (2013). A heroine, Bona is a woman who neglects self-regulation because she leads a busy life. She does not have a boyfriend and has troubles with men. Dr. Swarski recommends a videotape, ‘How to Use Guys with Secret Tips’ which is a guide for a date skill. Dr. Swarski and his assistants" date performances are full of vulgar and kitschy something. This paper analyses that this kitsche sensibility is an excess which goes beyond an original use value. In addition, this kitsche sensibility is associated with commodity aesthetics which is one that makes an attempt to do aesthetic refinement for an exchange value. Wolfgang F. Haug refers to commodity aesthetics which commodity was decorated with aesthetic ornaments for sale. In this film, How to Use Guys with Secret Tips, a relation between Bona and Dr. Swarski and a relation between Bona and Seung-Jae can be explained as a fetishlike commodity relation. Dr. Swarski preaches an utility of videotape through an exaggerated performance. Likewise, Bona who acquired a date skill through videotape develops her competence for romance-that is, a capacity for “using” a man- by changing her look, manner and her way of speaking. In brief, she realizes exchange value-that is, a romance- by increasing use value of herself. Dr. Swarski is identical to a figure who comes out of a book for self-improvement which attracts our contemporaries. He encourages a lagged young people like Bona to increase use value of themselves by improving their looks and competence as the personification of selfimprovement and self-management. Thereby, he emphasizes a capacity of using a human. How to Use Guys with Secret Tips represents a cultural landscape of a romance as fetishlike commodity relation in the age that romance is regarded as a measure of self-improvement. Further, this film shows a symptom of snobbish times as such through kitsche sensibility.

한국 전쟁영화에서 남성성의 문제

정영권(Chung, Young Kwon) 한국영화학회 2014 영화연구 Vol.0 No.60

In this paper, I seek to deal with questions on the masculinity in the South Korean war films. Key issues are three in the study. Firstly, it is a question on the passage of rite. War film represents the process which kids grow up into men. A brave and bold behavior is the test of masculinity in the battleground. In other words, war is a passage of rite. While a conflict between two boys in 71-into the Fire is a hard-fought battle which competes for their masculinity, it is a key issue that soldiers are free from collective trauma in The Front Line. Secondly, it is a question on femininity. We cannot regard masculinity and femininity as separate. Basically, war film is the genre which women are absent. In 71-into the Fire and The Front Line, women are mainly characters without sense of reality. The presence of women undermines the masculinity of soldiers in the films. Thirdly, it is a question on sacrifice and victim. War film necessarily deals with death and destruction. While patriotic war film glorifies a sacrifice for the nation, anti-war film focuses the victims which war, an irrational and absurd event, brings about. 71-into the Fire and The Front Line demonstrate this two contrary attitudes on war very well.

의원들, 성직자들, 그리고 월별 낮춤의식(Monthly Humiliation) -잉글랜드 혁명기 “퓨리턴” 의회의 종교정책 만들기-

정영권 ( Young Kwon Chung ) 한국서양사학회 2012 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.113

When the Long Parliament convened in late 1640, the majority of peers and MPs immediately launched a comprehensive attack on Charles I`s policies of the previous decade. Amidst this preoccupation to settle old and not so old scores, the House of Commons proposed to hold a fast and to obtain the consent of the peers and the king. A committee to prepare for the fast was set up and, eventually, a total of five fasts were observed until the end of 1641. A ceremony that partly attests to the religious commitment of the political elite at the time, the fast subsequently developed as a regular feature of parliamentary political culture. From February of 1642 to the same month of 1649, the House of Commons observed a fast on the last Wednesday of each month. The House of Lords officially observed the fast on the same day from October of 1644 to January of 1649, and unofficially prior to this period. These regular fasts or monthly humiliations were supplemented by special days of humiliation or thanksgiving. With the sermon occupying the center stage, the monthly fasts were obviously a religious observance, and the primary motive for convening them should be seen as religious. Yet this regular event occurred in a decidedly political milieu of Westminster. In an age when politics and religion were inextricably bound up with each other, sermons treating political themes were as natural as politicians delivering speeches on the respective rights of king and parliament. The fast sermons thus had a strong political tinge to them. For Hugh Trevor-Roper, they constitute a tool masterly and tactically employed by parliamentary leaders to further their own causes. The sermons were a medium of politicking to declare long term objectives and short term changes in the direction of policymaking. Engaging in a more comprehensive study of the monthly sermons, John Wilson directs attention back to the religious aspect of the observance but also recognizes instances where political interests powerfully permeated the monthly and special program of religious observance. Against this background of varied interpretations, this article seeks to take a slightly different approach to the monthly and special humiliations as well as thanksgivings. Instead of studying the general nature and implications of the ritual and sermons, I will utilize them as a launch pad for exploring two of the most explosive issues of the revolution: church government and toleration. The peers and MPs placed these at the top of their agenda and devoted a considerable amount of time debating and disputing them. They also worked under the constant awareness of the activities of pressure groups outside the walls of Westminster seeking to lever parliament in the direction of their preferred ecclesiastical settlement. To understand this multifaceted process of religious policymaking, I will look more specifically at the procedure surrounding the appointment of preachers to the humiliations and thanksgivings, the religious outlook of the preachers, and the text of their sermons. Such an exploration will elucidate how the men sitting at Westminster interacted with an influential group of men, the clergy, while formulating policies for reformation of religion and eventual settlement of the church. Moreover such a study will shed light on the inner workings of parliament, especially how parties functioned and engaged with each other, as well as how they sought to influence public opinion via their influential clerical spokesmen. (Chungnam University / peace1642@naver.com <mailto:peace1642@naver.com>)