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      • KCI등재

        역병 시대의 고전: 『죄와 벌』과 코로나

        이문영 ( Moonyoung Lee ) 한국외국어대학교(글로벌캠퍼스) 러시아연구소 2020 슬라브연구 Vol.36 No.3

        코로나19 사태로 우리는 전대미문의 현실과 직면해있다. 하지만 그것은 이미 존재하던 현상이나 위기의 조짐을 앞당겨 현실화한 것으로, 이미 구조로 자리잡은 보편의 뿌리와 맞닿아있다. 『죄와 벌』 의 에필로그, 나아가 작품 전체는 이 구조화된 보편적 질병의 뿌리를 건드린다. 이 글은 『죄와 벌』이 포스트코로나 시대에 던지는 시사점을 오리엔탈리즘, 탈진실, 국가독점폭력을 키워드로 고찰한다. 아시아를 질병과 야만의 근원으로 간주하는 뿌리 깊은 오리엔탈리즘에서 도스토옙스키조차 자유로울 수 없었지만, 그의 이러한 한계는 오리엔탈리즘의 객체이자 주체로 이에 양가적으로 관계했던 러시아 의 특수성에 크게 기인한다. 아시아적 공공성의 유효성을 입증한 K-방역의 성공은 한편으로는 또 다른 버전의 오리엔탈리즘일 수 있지만, 동시에 그 극복 가능성도 제시한다. 변형된 오리엔탈리즘은 도스토옙스키의 상상을 압도한 러시아 오리엔탈리즘의 사례에서, 그 극복 가능성은 라스콜니코프의 시행착오가 보여준 국가독점폭력이나 공권력에 대한 경계와 관련해 찾아질 수 있다. 이 과정은 역병 시대 감염병보다 널리 퍼지고, 감염병보다 더 치명적인 탈진실과의 투쟁, 이로 인한 혐오와 불신과 공포를 차단하는 과정과 병행해 이뤄져야 할 것이다. With the Corona pandemic situations, we are facing an unprecedented new reality. But in fact, it is only a realization of the phenomenon or the sign of crisis that already existed, and it is in contact with some deep-rooted universal structure. The epilogue of Crime and Punishment, and even the whole work, touch the roots of this structured universal disease. This article examines the implications of Crime and Punishment in the post-corona era with keywords such as orientalism, post-truth, and state monopoly violence. Even Dostoevsky could not be free from the deep-rooted Orientalism, which regards Asia as the source of disease and barbarism, but his limitations are largely due to the peculiarity of Russia, which was ambivalently related to Orientalism as an object and subject at the same time. The success of K-Defense, which proved the validity of Asian publicness, could be another version of Orientalism, on the one hand, but at the same time, it also suggests its overcoming potential. The transformed orientalism can be found in the case of Russian orientalism that overwhelmed Dostosky’s imagination, and the possibility of overcoming it can be found in the vigilance of state monopoly violence or public power shown by Raskol’nikov’s trial and error. This process should be carried out in parallel with the process of fighting post-truth and blocking falsehood, distrust and fear, which is more widespread and more fatal than the infectious disease of the era of plague.

      • KCI등재

        폭력 개념에 대한 고찰

        이문영(Lee, Moonyoung) 역사비평사 2014 역사비평 Vol.- No.106

        This article examines how recognitions of the interrelation between modern civilization and violence have been linked to the theories of J. Galtung, W. Benjamin, H. Arendt and S. Zizek, and investigates their relationships and its meaning. Galtung’s concept of ‘structural violence’ made it possible to criticize institutionalized violence during the civilizing process but it did not challenge the normality of civilization including the legitimacy of state??monopolized violence. The concept is closely related to the (implementable) policy??oriented characteristics of peace studies. On the other hand, the concept of ‘violence’ in the theories of Benjamin, Arendt and Zizek confronts the commonly accepted modern idea of violence where civilization and violence construct an antithetic relationship. Their reflections on violence ‘by’ modern structures or systems such as the law, political power, capitalistic economic system, etc., inevitably lead to issues of counter??violence ‘against’ them. But duality of violence, or aporia constructed by interrelationships between violence and counter-violence is not fully explained; it is impossible simply to apply these theories to the extremely complicated violent reality of this era of globalization. Nevertheless, new speculation on the impossible possibility ‘which these theories try to show’ should continue.

      • KCI등재

        형제국가들의 역사전쟁

        이문영(Lee Moonyoung) 역사비평사 2015 역사비평 Vol.- No.112

        There is no disagreement that one of the most notable international events of 2014 was the Ukraine crisis which resulted in Russia’s annexation of the Crimean Peninsula. After this incident when conflict between pro-Russian and pro-Western forces in the Ukraine expanded into confrontation between Russia and the West, it was claimed that the existing post-Cold War regime would be superseded by a new Cold War. For Korea, which is involved in the extremely complicated geopolitical situation among the US, China, Japan and North Korea, the situation in Ukraine should be seriously taken into consideration because it can affect the relationships of neighboring states. So far, Korean media coverage of the crisis has failed to properly communicate the implications of the Ukraine conflict because of their binary opposition perspectives. For a better understanding of the crisis it is necessary to contextually examine the origin and the background behind the international politics. In fact, it was the artificial process of nation-state building and nativization by the Soviet regime that are the hidden causes of the crisis. In reflecting on this to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the Ukraine crisis, this article attempts to put into perspective the Ukraine crisis by not only focusing on the main events but examining its origin from historical-cultural interactions between Ukraine and Russia, such as pro-Russian vs pro-Western opposition, pan-Slavism vs Ukraine national identity, and East-West regional conflict.

      • KCI등재

        러시아의 유라시아주의와 제국의 지정학

        이문영(Lee Moonyoung) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2019 슬라브학보 Vol.34 No.2

        Currently, East Asia is becoming an arena where the grand state narratives such as China"s "One-Belt-One-Road", Russia"s "Eurasianism", Japan"s "Free and Open Ind-Pacific Strategy" and Korea"s "Northeast Asia Plus Responsibility Community" compete and collide. These grand strategies are conceptualized as the "revival of geopolitics", which multiply the monopoly system of the US supremacy in the era of globalization. The commonality of these "geopolitics" is that they imagine the future development of each country in the expanded framework of "regionalism" linked to geographical adjacency, historical and cultural affinity, economic complementarity. All of these grand strategies assume "Eurasia" as the main geographic space. Russia moving eastward toward the Eurasian Union, China moving westward along the One-Belt, Japan moving north over the arcs connecting the Indian and the Pacific Oceans, Korea hoping to fly from the peninsula to the continent with the wings of peace meet in Eurasia. In principle, these new regionalist initiatives based on Eurasia promise mutual respect and common prosperity among the countries of the region. However, it is questionable whether they can be differentiated from existing geopolitical strategies and whether it will be a new civilizational project that can allow to imagine the post-global capitalism system beyond simple regional economic cooperation. In order to judge this, it is necessary to examine not only the political and economic drivers, but also historio-cultural, philosophical and civilizational origins of them. From these problematics, this article examines this focusing on the case of Russian Eurasianism. To this end, it investigates the classical Eurasianism of the 1920-30s and the neo-Eurasianism after 1990s with the keyword of Russian imperial identity, and examines the meaning of Putin"s pragmatic Eurasianism and the Eurasian Union initiative, and finally illuminates the social consciousness of Russia from the view point of the affections of empire.

      • KCI등재

        역전된 소수자: 에스토니아와 라트비아 사회의 러시안 디아스포라 연구

        이문영 ( Lee Moonyoung ) 연세대학교 유럽사회문화연구소 2017 유럽사회문화 Vol.0 No.18

        After obtaining the independence in 1991, Estonia and Latvia decided to give the citizenship only to the people who were the citizens of each countries in the very day of the 1940`s Soviet occupation and to their direct descendents. As a result, a considerable number of Russians, most of whom had moved to the Baltic region after the Soviet occupation, and who now occupies about twenty five percents of the total population in both countries, are in the status of statelessness. The legal and institutional situations related to the citizenship where Russians are in both countries sharply conflict with their historical, conventional and emotional sense of belonging, and it can be said that they are on the boundary between citizen and non-citizen. Such situations, coupled with a dramatic displacement of positions of Russians in both countries from `a ruling minority` in the time of imperial and Soviet Russian rules to `a ruled minority` in present time, result in the various controversies, including the interpretations of the past, or separatism discourses, etc. In this problematics this work examines the history and characteristics of Russian diaspora in Estonia and Latvia according to the four historical periods (period of imperial Russian rule(1721-1918), the first independent republic(1918-1940), the period of Soviet rule(1940-1991), the second independent republic(1991-present)), focusing on the correlation between the demographic dynamics and the change of socio-cultural status of Russian diaspora, and finally analyses its meaning in the general context of the comtemporary `crisis of citizenship` and in the relation between citizenship and the universal human right.

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