한국판 이주자 부모 스트레스 척도 개발과 타당화 연구

유선영,Yoo, Sun-Young 한국가족자원경영학회 2015 가족자원경영과 정책 Vol.19 No.1

Unlike daily hassles or minor stressors, immigration is an intense life event that may cause excessive stress. In particular, immigrant parents find themselves in a more stressful situation in that they experience stresses caused by immigration and stresses caused by parenting at the same time. The purpose of this study is to develop and validate an Immigrant Parental Stress Inventory (IPSI), that objectively and comprehensively assesses the stress experienced by immigrant parents within the Korean context. Based on the Immigrant Parental Stress Inventory developed within the American context, preliminary items were refined through a literature review and the discussions of experts and immigrant parents and were empirically validated with a sample of 203 immigrant parents residing in Korea. Through exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis, six main factors were identified (Factor1 Difficulties in communication, Factor2 Financial difficulties, Factor3 Difficulties in social adjustment, Factor4 Social discrimination, Factor5 Lack of social resources, Factor6 Difficulties in parenting). The IPSI was shown to be a psychometrically sound instrument that is capable of measuring immigrant parental stress within the Korean context. Social service professionals and researchers studying or working with immigrant families could use the IPSI to examine immigrant parental stress.

소아청소년기 후두 신경통 환자에서 후두 신경 차단의 효과

유선영(Sun Young Yoo),이민(Min Lee),김순철(Soon Chul Kim),김선준(Sun Jun Kim) 대한소아신경학회 2014 대한소아신경학회지 Vol.22 No.2

목적: 본 연구는 후두신경통으로 진단된 소아청소년들에게 후두신경차단술을 시행했을때의 효과와 안전성에 대해 알아보았다. 방법: 2005년 7월부터 2013년 7월까지 전북대학교 어린이병원 소아청소년과에 내원하였던 5-19세의 후두신경통 환자 47명을 대상으로 후두신경차단술을 시행하고 전후의 시각통증척도 비교, 부작용 여부등을 확인하여 후두신경차단술의 유용성과 안전성에 대해 조사하였다. 결과: 총 47명 중 후두신경통으로만 진단된 경우 25명(53.2%), 편두통이 동반된 경우 13명(27.7%), 긴장성 두통이 동반된 경우 8명(17.0%), 신생 일상성 지속성 두통이 동반된 경우 1명(2.1%)이었다. 후두신경차단술 후 25명(53.2%)에서 두통이 재발하였고, 재발하기까지의 기간이 가장 길었던 경우는 4개월이었고 재발하는 경우 평균 4-5주 정도 후에 재발하였다. 그러나 두통이 재발되었어도 약물치료 없이 두통이 호전되었던 경우는 14명(56.0%) 이였다. 후두신경통에 대한 치료는 후두신경차단술 47(100%)에 의해 이루어졌으며, 시술전과 시술 후의 통증 정도를 비교한 결과 41명(87.2%)에서 시술 후 통증 정도가 감소하였고, 6명(12.8%)은 통증 정도에 변화가 없었다. 평균 4.7의 통증척도 감소를 보였다. 후두신경차단술 후 주사부위의 일시적인 통증을 보인 경우를 제외하고는 특별한 부작용은 없었다. 결론: 후두신경통을 진단받은 소아청소년들에게 후두신경차단술을 시행하는 것은 안전하고 효과적인 치료법이며, 따라서 만성, 난치성 두통 환자들에게 후두신경통이 동반되어 있는지 유무를 확인하고, 후두신경통에 효과적인 후두신경차단술을 치료법으로 조기에 시행하는 것이 필요하다. Purpose: The aim of the this study was to verify the efficacy of the occipital nerve block (ONB) for occipital neuralgia pediatric patients who has tender point around suboccipital area. Methods: In a retrospective way, 47 pediatric patients with occipital neuralgia were enrolled during July 2005 to July 2013. Diagnosis of occipital neuralgia is made by the International headache society criteria (2004, 2nd edition). We conducted a chart review of all the ONB performed in our clinic over 9 years. Patients were analyzed according to gender, headache type, headache duration and frequency, family history, medication history before ONB, symptoms with headache, recurrence, complications, magnetic resonance imaging scan and electroencephalogram results. Headache was measured before and after the procedure using the visual analog pain indexes. Results: Forty seven (100%) patients were treated with occipital nerve block. Pain indexes were declined in 41 (87.2%) patients, but 6 (12.8%) were not response. Mean visual analog pain index scores declined by 4.7 units. Twenty five (53.2%) patients experienced recurrence of the disorder, but 14 (56.0%) patients were relived without the need for any further treatment. No complications were reported. Conclusion: Our data suggests that occipital nerve block was safe and effective treatment for the children with occipital neuralgia.

동원체제의 과민족화 프로젝트와 섹스영화

유선영(Sun-Young Yoo) 사단법인 언론과 사회 2007 언론과 사회 Vol.15 No.2

민족주의에 기반한 전체주의적 통치는 근대적 개인을 민족으로 재구성하는 과민족화 프로젝트를 추진한다. 민족주의는 민족/정당성을 결여한 국가에 대해 감정적 애착을 갖게 만드는 데 효과적인 문화적 구성물이기 때문이다. 영화가 이러한 과민족화 프로젝트의 감정정치의 일환으로 동원되는데, 가장 전형적인 사례가 파시스트체제와 그것의 성공한 영화정책이다. 이런 맥락에서 이 연구는 민족주의에 기반한 과민족화 프로젝트를 추진한 1970년대 박정희체제에서 등장한 호스티스영화를 분석한다. 호스티스영화는 섹스묘사가 중심이 된 영화장르로서 동원체제의 민족문화론과 정면 배치된다는 점에 주목하고 체저와 문화현실 사이에 발생한 이러한 괴리 또는 모순이 박정희 동원체제 헤게모니와 지배메커니즘의 불안정성과 균열을 표출하는 문화지점임을 주장하는 것이다. 박정희 동원체제의 감정규율을 수반한 정신주의, 검열의 부조리한 작동 메커니즘, 금지된 리얼리티와 그것의 필연적 결과로서 주체의 사사화와 파편화, 섹스표현에 대한 동원체제의 이중적이고 모호한 시선, 호스티스영화에 대한 도시 젊은층 대중의 호응을 분석하고 박정희체제가 파시스트 대중독재체제가 아니라 군사적 관료체제임을 드러내고자 한 것이다. 그리고 호스티스영화의 대중적 인기를 대중의 유신체제에 대한 저항적 에너지가 데카당스로 월경했음을 시사하는 임상적 문화현상으로 해석하였다. 이를 위해 대중의 퇴폐로의 월경은 호스티스영화가 전복적 에너지를 품게 되는 과정 및 의미화의 맥락과 연관이 있음을 분석하였다. This paper attempts to reveal and show the hegemonic instability of Park Chong-Hee’s military conscriptive regime by doing contextualization of factors that articulated Hostess Film, a popular subgenre of the 1970s. A so-called Hostess Film emerged and had enjoyed high popularity among young audience with higher education and income of middle and upper level since the mid-1970s when the Park's regime was getting aggressive and decisive in dealing with peoples by the rules of martial laws. I argue that Hostess Film focusing on graphic description of sexual relationships and love affairs of female protagonist who was used to be hostess, prostitute, and college girl is a cultural phenomena worthy to be inquired into as a clinical episode reflecting contradictions and fissures of the regime. I suggest that Hostess Film is an awkward cultural product of the regime which had tried to oppress the expression of bodily desires and pleasures and sentimentalism under the flag of nationalism and anti-communism. Rather, the regime had presented strength, sincerity, wholeness and cheerfulness as ideal personality types of the countrymen which was called by the regime as facing poverty, communists, and self-destructive attributes stemming from the past histories. It is unfitness and awkwardness of Hostess Film to the authoritarian military regime that indicates that it can be the symptomatic and clinical cultural text, as Geertz said, very effective for discovering the regime's totalitarian nature of the way of controlling film business which was overtaken and conceived as a powerful ideological apparatus from the beginning of the regime. To bring the totalitarian nature of the Park’s conscriptive regime up to the surface, I compared its film policy to that of Fascist regimes in 1930s, because Park’s film policy itself was one that originated and learned from the Fascist cinema laws and practices, especially from Japanese colonial version of Nazi’s. I discussed that film policy was executed by the regime as a part of hypernationalization project that aimed to arouse strong emotional support among peoples toward the anti-democratic regime. In other words, mobilization of film was needed to transform the emotional structure of the peoples into one that fit for maintaining the regime. I called it emotional politics, even though, in the end, it turned out failure as we saw the prosperity of the Hostess Film genre over the years from the mid-70s through the late 70s. There are several factors worked in articulating Hostess Film. I discussed some of factors and forces in this paper such as totalitarian spiritualism, management of emotions, censorship and its actual operation with contradictions and confusions, severe prohibition from describing social and political reality without exception, privatization and reduction of the reality into a private subject’s sexuality with fragile psyche, measures and responses of authority against sexual expression in film business starting from the late 1960s. There was ambiguity of censorship standards which treated domestic films more rigorous and severely than to foreign films, anti-communism films, and so-called art films that were voluntarily produced to get a permission required to import foreign films seeming as having high probability of profit. This devide-censorship worked in giving authority a room for negotiations between censors and film business about sexual description. Hostess film had enjoyed high popularity among masses and appreciated as convening young generation to the domestic films that had been neglected by them for a while since the late 1960s. Some critics labelled it as pornographic low graded melo-drama, but others appreciated it as films that reflected contemporary sexual morals of urban youth and young women. And some other critics went further to call it as a film of implicating messages of sexual modernism that was considered as being subversive to the establishment

식민지 신문 ‘사회면’의 감정정치

유선영(Sun Young YOO) 한국언론정보학회 2014 한국언론정보학보 Vol.67 No.3

이 연구는 1920∼1930년대 식민지 시기 신문의 사회면-사회적 보도가 정치적으로 부호화되고 해독되는 양식화의 메커니즘을 분석하고 있다. 민족국가와 정치부재, 그리고 주밀한 검열체제 하에서 신문은 비정치적 장르를 정치화하는 담론전략을 시도하며 사회면은 이 식민지적 맥락 안에서 정치적 언설로 구성되고 해독되었다. 이를 규명하기 위해 첫째 민간지의 사회면의 위상 및 편집방향, 둘째 사회면의 사회적 사실을 생산하기 위한 취재, 조직, 기자, 기사작법, 셋째 사회면을 둘러싼 신문과 기자의 부호화 전략 및 이에 공조하는 독자의 해독 규약을 분석했다. 사회면 또는 사회적 사실의 정치적 양식화는 객관적 사실보다 이면의 심리적 사실을 중시하고, 식민지 현실의 부정적 현상(現狀)에 주목하면서 운명공동체로서 민족적 비참을 형상화하며 뉴스를 극적 구조의 감정적 현실 서사(實事敍辭)로 구성하였다. 사회면은 민족공동체적 감각을 공유하고 유지하는 데 의미를 부여하며 이를 위해 민족적 감정을 동요하는 취재보도와 기사의 양식화를 이룬 것이다. 식민지에서는 모든 사회적 사실들이 정치적 문제로 환원된다는 점을 전제하면 사회면에 배치되는 사회적 사실들에 정치적 함의를 덧씌우기 위한 식민지 지식인/기자들의 전략과 전술, 의도는 식민지 저널리즘의 한 특수한 양상을 드러낸다. This study inquires how human interest news on society section of newspapers had been modulated as multi-layered political narratives that would consistently have Koreans consider, realize and question on colonial situation as well as ethnic identity. Under totalitarian censorship of the colonial government, newspapers could not publish reports on political issues and current affairs, so society page of human interest such as crime, accident, conflict, disaster, and many kinds of sufferings of peoples to death would take great public attention and consequently be considered as a substitute of political section. Society page had enjoyed its influence on formation of public opinion of the colonized ethnic society and had maintained cultural-nationalist position ever since the founding of newspaper in mother-tongue in 1920. In colonial context, there is nothing non-political to the lives of the colonized, social facts would be necessary and happen to be modulated into a narrative that could trigger nationalist sentiment. For this end, news reporting of society section usually concentrated on aspects of ‘Les Miserqbles’, dramatic quality, and psychological factors in detail. Narrative style of news reporting got used to modulate factual informations with a proper taste of exaggeration, emotional expression, and commercial touch of exciting words. Even in a case of death by drug abuse, news was written to indicate what made him/her drive to miserable death on street, that is, what is de facto reason of all of social problems like as migration, hunger, leaving home, crime, suicide, violence, gambling, love affairs to death, adultery, and even opium habit. Those social problems and personal sufferings appeared up on newspaper 3rd page at daily base. Readers could acknowledge and identify what the real matter that should be resolved and then blame colonialism, capitalism, and militarism for those social problems. Journalists put values on inciting the colonized to realize the national and ethnic situation and feel sympathy for their people tied up by a common destiny. In this terms, news on society section of newspaper under Colonial Occupation were encoded as narratives of politically layered text and then decoded as intriguing sentiments against colonial dominance. I argue that society page of newspaper of colonial period engaged in a sort of cultural politics of sentiment and emotion which is a private area outside of imperial sight.

일제 식민 지배와 헤게모니 탈구

유선영 ( Sun Young Yoo ) 한국사회사학회 2009 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.82

1920년 8월 24-25일간 미국 상하 양원의원 9명을 포함하여 총 49인으로 구성된 미국의원단 동양시찰단이 경성에 입성했다. 이들의 조선 입국은 6월부터 9월 중순까지 중국, 만주, 조선, 일본 내 조선인들에게 제2차 조선독립운동의 기회로 간주되었고 관공서 폭파, 요인 암살, 만세 시위, 상가 철시가 기획·시행되었다. 1880년대 이래 미국이 조선의 독립을 지원하고 해방시켜 줄 것이라는 기대와 신뢰가 유지되어 오다가 미국의원단 방문을 계기로 표출되었던 것이다. 이 글에서는 미국의원단 사건을 미국이 일본의 식민지 조선에서 헤게모니적 타자로서 존재하고 顯現하는 방식과 의미를 극단적 방식으로 보여주는 예외적 사례로 규정하여 이를 기호학적 문화사 접근을 통해 두텁게 해석해보았다. 조선인들이 해방 이후까지도 가졌던, 허구와 오해로 판명된 ‘상상의 미국’은 조선인에게 내재된 유교적 정치문화, 온정주의 망탈리테, 오리엔탈리즘에 대한 대응, 백인종 우월주의 그리고 국제정세 변화에 따른 일미전쟁설 등과 같은 의미요소들에 의해 적극적으로 절합된 것임을 주장했다. 이러한 방식의 ‘부재하는 타자’ 미국이 식민지 조선에서 顯現한 메커니즘은 일본 식민 지배의 성격, 곧 식민 지배와 헤게모니의 離接과 脫臼를 드러내는 것이다. This study aims to inquire into and reveal meanings of ‘America’ and its working mechanisms in colonial Korea through deconstructing an historical event which was called as ‘the second independence movement’ labelled following after the first independence movement on Ist March,1919. Generally, the 2nd movement in 1920 refers to a series of anti-Japan demonstrations such as small-scaled riots, destruction of governmental buildings and etc. that were planned and carried out for showing ‘American Representatives Visiting Group for Orient’(美國議員團, ARVGO) off Korean’s wil for independence from Japanese Occupation. Koreans looked after chance to speak to the world how desperately they desired for independence and how much civilized they were enough to understand and handle the Willsonian national determinism. I discussed that a series of demonstrations occurred in a period of ARVGO visit to Korea can be an interesting historical case full of implications to be explorred into, because it could inform us what America meant for Korean and how it were conceived under Japanese Occupation. I argued this sort of irregular and exceptional event and accident can be a text to be interpreted with thick description as C. Geertz said and R. Danton did in his studies on ways of thinking of Europeans living in the 18th century. The so-called interpretative, anthropological, and cultural approach to history is not traditional historical approadch but is an insightful as much as to have us get a new perspectives and understandings about the past. It means ARVGO itself is a cultural text that were generated, signified, and constituted its meanings under the structured meaning system. If we can deconstruct and isolate the meaning constituencies that constructed ARVGO as a whole, then we could get into the real working mechanism of America which enjoyed and maintained a great influence on Korean’s way of thought and actions until Liberation. I identified five constituencies of meanings conferred to ARVGO. Koreans wanted to deny orientalism that has defined Koreans as uncivilized and inferior ethnic by showing off their action plan for independence. The second constituency is traditional confucian mentalite that idealized a rule by morality as an ideal politics for the part of the ruler, the strong. In this respect, Koreans expected that America and Americans which were considered as the strongest and the highest moral country in the world could and should give us what they want in need. The third is the paternalism that has rooted in the confucian political culture in Korea. Koreans did not shamed to beg supports and protection from the strong moral country, America because it is the strong men’s obligation and duty to do something for the weak without expecting reward or payment. The fourth is a sort of cult for white-ness based on racism which has penetrated into Korea ever since 1880s. They respected and admired white-ness as an icon of civilization and morality as shown in doings by missionaries. The last constituency is a theory of impending war between America and Japan and a theory of isolation of Japan from the world system. Koreans expected America could liberate Korea from Japanese domination through war. Hence they had to do something in this critical moment with a hope for possible liberation in near future. All this meanings immanent in Korean society and were given to America and ARVGO are the real factor affecting Korean’s responses and actions toward ARVGO. America existed in Korea without presence in real. This kind of presence of absent America can be said as a hegemonic presence over the colonized Korean.

식민지 근대성과 일상 폭력

유선영 ( Yoo Sun-young ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2016 大東文化硏究 Vol.96 No.-

이 연구는 식민지근대성론에서 모호해진 식민주의 문제틀을 재배치하기 위해 식민지사회를 구조화했던 일상적, 대응적, 관계적인 폭력에 주목하였다. 식민주의 행정의 폭력성은 근대성이 식민지 맥락에서 폭력성을 발현하게 되는 심리적, 문화적, 정신적 메카니즘과 결합하여 식민지 일상폭력을 구조화한다. 첫째 근대성과의 조우는 야만과 미개라는 분류법과 호명에 포획되는 시작이었고 전통, 역사, 민족성, 문화의 모든 것을 부정당하는 트라우마에 직면하게 했다. 둘째, 식민지 사회는 정복민과 식민지민의 사회 관계를 기본관계로 한다. 인종주의에 기반한 적대적 관계가 폭력을 매개로 재생산되었다. 셋째, 식민주의의 `문명화 사명`은 근대성의 트라우마를 확장하고 구조화한 문화적 폭력에 의존했다. 식민지는 수탈과 억압의 공간이었을 뿐 아니라 식민지민의 정신, 심리, 문화도 영토화한 것이다. 식민지의 위생론과 위생행정을 분석 지점으로 설정한 것은 근대성과 식민주의가 폭력과 폭력성을 매개로 겹쳐지는 영역이자 신체적, 심리적, 감정적 경험의 공간이었기 때문이다. This study attempts to articulate the everyday, reactive, and relational violence that structured the colonial society in order to relocate the problematics of colonialism into colonial modernity theory. The violence executed by colonial bureaucracy depended on civil and military police that were mandated for policing everyday lives of the colonized organized colonial society through psychological, cultural and mental mechanisms. Modernity based on rationalism becomes traumatic violence to the colonized those who has suffered inferiority complex. I argue that colonial modernity theory should articulate daily relational violences as bodily, psychological and emotional experiences that constitute subjectivities of the colonized. For this articulation, I suggest arguments like follows : First, the first encounter with the Western modernity was the beginning of being caught in the binary classificatory regime of the uncivilized savage vs the civilized White, and then faced with traumatic experiences of being destructed and annihilated tradition, history, ethnicity, and cultural practices that had normalized their own way of life. Second, the basic social relation of colonial society is th relation of the colonized and colonized, that is, the master and slave as well as the conquer and the conquered. Those hostile relations based on racism was the site of everyday violence that has been routine and accepted as `just it is the world`. Third, the `civilizing mission` propagated by Japan worked in consolidating cultural violence of modernity that legitimized and structured the colonial violences executed in the process of colonial modernization. Colonial society was not only a territory of economic exploitation and political oppression, but also a space of the spiritual, psychological and cultural territorialization of the colonial people. Discourse of modern hygiene constituted by native nationalist modernists and Japanese sanitary administration carried out mostly by police authority are designated as analysis points, because it is the site that modernity and colonialism were intersected and mixed by a mediation of violence. Sanitary spaces are the sites of physical, psychological and emotional violences that maintained colonial society as it would be.

동아(東亞)트라우마, 제국의 지정학적 공간과 "이등신민"의 정치학

유선영 ( Sunyoung Yoo ) 한국사회사학회 2012 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.94

이 연구는 19세기 중반 이래 중국 동북3성지역(1932년 이후 만주국)으로 이주 했던 재만 소수민족 조선인을 모호하게 규정한 ‘이등신민’ 서사가 지정학적 권역으 로서 동아시아의 균열선으로 작동하는 양상을 재구성했다. 유동적이고 모호한 범 주로서 ‘이등신민’은 東亞제국주의의 인종주의적 기반을 작동시키는 동시에 아시아 제 민족들의 분리, 대립, 적대와 폭력의 균열을 야기하는 고리로 작용했음을 조선, 중국, 제국 일본의 ‘이등신민’에 대한 서로 다른 시선을 통해 구성했다. 이등신민은 東亞의 지정학적 상상 안에서 구성되고 작동했으며 아시아 민족들의 분열과 적대 를 점화하는 제국의 장치였다. 이 식민주의 역사 안에서 ‘이등신민’ 또한 사회적 정체성의 한 유형으로 규정될 수 있음을 제시하였다. This research reflects on the ruptured and antagonistic histories of Asian ethnics concomitant in Manchuria or the East-Northern area of China to where Koreans have been migrating since the mid-19th Century. I argue that signification of ‘second class subject’ of the Koreans in Manchuria was made possible at the intersectional site of imperialism, racism, anti-Japanese hostility of the Chinese and opportunistic attitudes of Korean migrants. Antagonism and discord between settler natives and migrants was, in effect, the consequence of imperial governance. Korean migrants as colonized subjects of Japan in Manchuria was not only mobilized as an avant-guard for imperial penetration into China and but also exploited as frontiers cultivating wasted land of Manchuria into arable land for Japanese migrants. In a geopolitical space of East Asian New Order designated and persecuted by Japan, signification of second-class subject of Koreans, meaning inferior to Japanese but superior to Chinese, precisely betrayed the imagined regional idea of East Asia Order. The second-class subject was circulated as a narrative, presumed assumption, and motivated code for migrant Koreans in Manchuria. It is clear that the code was emblematic of how co-existing multiple ethnicities built social relationships and distinguished themselves from each other within political, economic and social space of Manchuria. For the same reason, Korean migrants as second-class subject render a social type. In this regard, the Korean migrants served for both Asianism and counter-Asian motives while embodying the racism inherent within the Asianist discourse. There were binary oppositions at work apart from that of Japan vs. China or Japan vs. Korea. Ethnic confrontations within the colonized-i.e. between Koreans and Chinese or Koreans and Manchus, criss-crossed with the assumed binary of the colonizer and the colonized. At this intersections, the Japanese geopolitical vision of East Asia or “Dong-A” was the final instance that has traumatized those people who lived there by haunting them with past experiences and memories of discrimination, violence, antagonism, hatred, suspicion, distrust, terror, and unstable condition of living in the unfamiliar environment to which they newly migrated. This stems from the fact that their native country was a colony. In addition, the trajectory of colonialism/imperialism that had mobilized them overlapped with their national and social identity. In this sense, Manchuria is the site of traumatic memory, composed of respective temporality and spatiality whether of the Empire or the colonies.

홀눈 정체성의 역사

유선영(Yoo Sun Young) 한국언론학회 1998 한국언론학보 Vol.43 No.2

식민지민 디아스포라의 불가능한 장소성

유선영 ( Sun Young Yoo ) 한국사회사학회 2013 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.98

1990년대 이래 문화주의를 이론적으로 수용한 디아스포라 연구는 지구화의 맥락 안에서 이주자의 민족정체성이 재구성되는 맥락과 주체의 문화 정치를 규명해왔다. 이 연구는 민족정체성이 문화주의적 디아스포라 연구의 키워드로서 갖는 유효성을 인정하면서도 디아스포라가 이주 사회에서의 삶과 경험의 총체를 드러내는 데는 미흡함을 제기하였다. 민족정체성과 불가분의 관계에 있는 장소성 개념을 통해 식민지민 디아스포라의 존재적 불안정성과 사회적 유동성을 드러낼 때 식민지민 디아스포라의 지리적 (이동)현상에 내재된 역사성이 차별적으로 구성될 수 있음을 논한 것이다. 장소는 인간의 모든 경험이 일어나는 기반이며 일상적이고 지속적인 사회적 및 인간적 관계가 이루어지는 물리적 공간이다. 이 장소의 역사, 문화, 기억을 공유하고 경험하는 장소와의 연관성이 결여될 때 디아스포라는 고립되거나 유동한다. 이방인, 이동성, 장소와 장소성 개념은 만주 조선인이 만주라는 공간과 가졌던 관계의 유동성, 사회적 관계 형성의 불가능성. 불온한 이동성인 浮動性의 존재방식을 드러낸다. Studies on diaspora in culturalist approaches have focused on not only contexts under which ethnic identity of transnational migrants constituted and reconstituted, but cultural politics advocated by diaspora. This essay would not deny nor underestimate culturalist emphasis on ethnic identity that has been assumed as regulating diasporization process of migrants, but argue that too much stress on diasporization of identity would evade how migrants make social and economic relations with natives in immigrant society. Migrants would be taken as a member of the society as much as they share memories, history, culture, and experiences of the place they migrated in. Place and place-ness in phenomenological perspective is an ontological base on which every experiences of human being including social interactions with others happens. Lack of place-ness means their ontological existence is unstable, insecure and feasible. I reconstitute how Koreans migrated to Manchuria during Japanese Occupation had managed a Being-float lifestyle and argue that this kind of mobility is an altered mode of mobility peculiar to colonial diaspora who migrated to hostile country against empire, Japan, to which they registered to as subject.

시각기술로서 환등과 식민지의 시각성

유선영(Sunyoung, Yoo) 사단법인 언론과 사회 2016 언론과 사회 Vol.24 No.2

20세기 전환기에 활동사진과 거의 동시에 도입된 환등은 19세기 서구의 시각문화를 주도했던 마술환등(magic lantern), 그리고 오락으로서 판타스마고리아의 경험을 건너 뛴 광학적이고 과학적인 환등, 교육과 계몽 용도의 환등이었다. 과학적 환등은 루쉰과 이광수가 그랬듯이 폭력적일 만큼 투명한 제국의 응시에 노출되게 하였고 그것의 압도적 재현역량에 순응하게 하였다. 말(연설)이 억압되고, 문자에 대한 검열이 일상화된 식민지에서 시각미디어의 패권적 우위가 확립된 것이다. 식민지민에게 시각기술은 타자화된 피사체의 경험에서 시작되며 이타자적 시선은 식민지 주체성에 폭력적 상흔을 남긴다. 1920년대 초 민족주의는 수동적이고 타자화된 식민지의 시각성에 균열을 내고 근대적 시각주체로서 재구성되게 하는 계기였다. 피사체에서 시각주체로 재구성되는 과정을 1921∼22년간 화부회의 환등과 백두산환등을 통해 해석했고 ‘환등처럼’의 시각성을 통해 식민지에서는 필연적인 시각테크놀로지의 고립성과 그것의 한계를 제시했다. Magic lantern as a technology of vision was introduced almost simultaneously with motion picture in Korea in the era of turning toward the 20<SUP>th</SUP> Century. In the West, magic lantern had led the modern visual culture of the 19<SUP>th</SUP> Century in a form of commercial amusements such as ghost show, panorama, diorama and phantasmagoria that presented visual technology itself as magical and mysterious experiences. In Korea, magic lantern was introduced and used as optical and scientific technology of vision which shows off its overwhelmingly accurate, detailed, and transparent representative power. The representative ability of visual technology turns out to be violence against subjects who were used to be taken under a gaze of imperial eyes as men of primitivities, that is, as object-being-seen. Under colonial occupation which oppressed free political addresses and writings by police enforcement, visual technology of photography, magic lantern and silence cinema established its hegemonic supremacy in Korea. Writers and journalists in 1910s learned and practiced modernist realism and objectivism by imitating camera’s way of seeing. The colonized people gazed themselves as primitive native and found their own primitivity in order to deconstruct and reconstruct ethnic identity as like Lu Hsun did in China. I argue that such kind of visual experiences constitute colonial visuality of the weak people in Korea. During years of 1921∼1923, three magic lantern exhibition tours of Baekdu-Mountain, Washington Conference and Comfort Tour for Overseas Korean organized, produced and carried out by Dong-A Daily marked the turning points of colonial visuality. Nationalism and nationalist mobilization of slide lantern shows were the moments of repositioning the colonial visuality from the objectified other to a modern subject of eye beholder. The modern technology of vision in colony is forced to be an isolated technology which has not developed other related technologies and mechanic facilities that needed in proper operation of the technology. Under such circumstance, modern visuality of colonial society has been constituted.