급성심근경색 후 발생한 유두근 파열로 인한 승모판 판막 폐쇄부전의 체외막 산소화 장치하 승모판막 치환술 − 1예 보고 −

주석,주석중,정성호,제형곤 대한흉부외과학회 2010 Journal of Chest Surgery (J Chest Surg) Vol.43 No.2

A 61-year-old man presented with chest pain and ST elevation, and he underwent coronary angiography under the impression of acute myocardial infarction. Coronary intervention under intra-aortic balloon pumping was necessary due to his hemodynamic instability from the acute total occlusion of a large obtuse marginal branch. In spite of successful intervention, the cardiogenic shock persisted, and so extracoporeal membranous oxygenation was performed to treat this. Afterwards, the cardiogenic shock still persisted, and the auscultatory and echocardiographic findings revealed severe acute mitral valve regurgitation. Emergency mitral valve replacement was then performed. The ECMO and IABP were removed on the 2nd postoperative day. The patient was discharged on the 48th postoperative day. 61세 남자 환자가 급성 흉통을 주소로 전원 되었으며, 심전도상 ST분절 상승 소견 및 흉통으로 급성심근 경색 진단 하에 심혈관 조영술을 시행하였다. 좌회선동맥 둔각변연분지의 완전 폐색 소견 보여대동맥 내 풍선장치 삽입 하에 혈관 중재술을 시행하였으나, 성공적인 혈관 중재술 후에도, 쇼크 지속되어 체외막 산소화 장치를 삽입하였다. 그러나, 이후에도 상태는 호전되지 않았고, 청진 및 심초음파상 심한 급성 승모판 폐쇄 부전 발견되어 승모판막 치환술을 시행하였다. 술 후 이틀째 체외막산소화 장치 및 대동맥 내 풍선장치를 제거할 수 있었고, 술 후 48일째 자가 보행 가능한 상태로 퇴원하였다.

총설 : 회전형 레오미터를 이용한 점착력 평가

오주석 한국접착및계면학회 2015 접착 및 계면 Vol.16 No.1

초보운전자 교통사고 특성 및 기준 연구

오주석,류준범 한국ITS학회 2016 한국ITS학회 학술대회 Vol.2016 No.10

청소년 운전자의 운전중 음악청취가 운전속도에 미치는 영향

오주석,신용균,이순철 한국문화및사회문제심리학회 2006 한국심리학회지: 문화 및 사회문제 Vol.12 No.1

This study analysed the effect of music tempo on young drivers' driving speed. 23 male college students under age 26 were randomly assigned to one of three music conditions as follows; No Music, Slow Music and Fast Music. Every subject's travel time(sec) and driving speed(Km/h) was recorded while they were driving a computer-based driving simulator. As the results of this study, we found that 1) the fast music group's mean of travel time was the shortest and also, 2) their mean of driving speed was the fastest. The effect of music tempo on driving speed can be explained as a biological mechanism, same as the effect on our heart-beat rate or intensity of physical exercising. This result shows us that listening musics while driving can affect the driving speed instead of the driver's physical condition. 본 연구는 교통사고다발집단인 청소년 운전자들의 운전속도에 음악의 빠르기가 어떤 영향을 미치는지 알아보기 위한 목적으로 실시하였다. 만 26세 이하의 운전면허를 소지한 남자 대학생 운전자 23명을 각기 다른 음악 조건에 무선 할당한 후, 시뮬레이터를 운전하도록 하였다. 실험조건은 음악 없는 조건, 느린 음악 조건 그리고 빠른 음악 조건으로 나누어서 피험자들의 주행속도를 비교분석하였다. 주요 결과를 요약하면 음악 빠르기 조건에 따라 전체 주행 소요시간은 집단간 유의한 차이를 보였다. 그리고 고속구간에서도 음악 빠르기 조건별 평균속도에서 유의한 집단간 차이가 확인되었다. 청소년 운전자들의 운전속도가 음악의 빠르기와 관련되어 있다는 것은 음악 빠르기가 운전자의 생리적인 측면에 관여하는 것으로 생각한다. 빠른 음악을 들으면 심박수가 증가하고, 신체운동 강도가 높아지는 것과 마찬가지로, 운전상황에서 빠른 음악이 운전자의 신체운동 대신 운전행동에 영향을 미쳐 과속행동을 유발하는 것으로 해석된다.

포스터107 : Sn-Bi 계 솔더와 Cu 판과의 계면반응 및 기계적 성질

오주석,이도재,이경구 대한금속재료학회 ( 구 대한금속학회 ) 1999 대한금속학회 추계학술대회 개요집 Vol.1999 No.-

李寅文筆 <江山無盡圖> 의 硏究(中)

오주석 국립중앙박물관 1993 미술자료 Vol.- No.51

李寅文筆 <狂山無盡圖> 의 硏究(下)

오주석 국립중앙박물관 1993 미술자료 Vol.- No.52

Yi In -mun was one of the court painters attached to Kyujanggak, the Royal Library erected and particularly sponsored by King Chonhjo 쫴 Was eager to restore the monarchal power through operating that institution effectively. By taking the magnificent nature and the peaceful life of man as material in his long handscroll<Mountains and Rivers without End>, and through developing the landscape into Kaleidoscopic scenes overlooked from an extremely high and distant view, Yi In -mun expressed the eternity of the Ch ngjo Kingdom symbolized by the territory and the people He also implicitly expressed his own being('the old pine tree and the flowing water' is his penname) In compositon, the hendscroll rebeals Yi's habitual joint use of the two kinds of methods. One is arranging the outlines of the main objects in similar forms to dispose in the same direction, thus securing the desired unity and the power. Another is the symmetrical composition in which the right and the left parte are almost always contrasted in various phases. In addition, the handscroll as a whole shows remarkable organic sturcture and process. The fact mentioned above led the author to analyze the painter's logical plastic thought to conclude that the hidden meaning in composition is closely related to the contents of Taijitrshuo(太極圖說), a noted Chinese writing illustrating the Neo-Confucian theory, which was also the leading principle of Ch onson Kingdom, as evidenced in the citation and its explanation of Hongjaejonso (弘齋全書), the Royal Antholohy of King Ch ngjo. All the magnificent scale, the highest quasity of the material, the majestic and exquisite style, and the contents of the seven seals of the <Mountains and divers without End) reveal that the handscroll was painted for the king, and was originally in the Royal collection. For the dating of the Painting, assuming that the style of this work is not so far away from that of <The Elegant Gathering of the Fo ur Wise me> dated 1820 A.D., <Mountains and Rivers without End> also is supposed to have been painted around that time. It means that this work is the masterpiece of the around 75 year-old court painter who had faith in Confucianistic social order and poured into that handscroll all the techniques and pictorial individuality attained through his long artistic life. At that time, Yi In -mun was probably proud to be court artist of Ch ngjo Kingdom, as the cultural light of the Kingdom was still radiant, but it was scheduled to lose its spirits soon atrer his death.

金弘道의 龍珠寺 <三世如來軆幀>과 <七星如來四方七星幀>

오주석 국립중앙박물관 1995 미술자료 Vol.- No.55

龍珠寺Yongju-sa temple located about 50 km south from Seoul was erected by the King Ch□ngio in 1790. This royal temple was an exceptionally rare example in that the basic policy of the Chosen kingdomuras Neo-Confucianistic. It was built to protect and console the coal of Sadoseja - the late crown prince and father of that King Ch□ngjo - who was tragically killed when young. Another purpose, tacit but more Important, was to display the royal power against hostile government officials. Among the 4 paintings of the temple, <三世如來□幀 Samsey□raech'et'aeng>, or <The Three Buddhas of Past, Present, and Future> and <七星如來四方七星植 Ch'ils□ng -y□raesapangch'ils□ngt'aeng>, or <The Seven-Star Buddhas of the Big Dipper> - from now on <Samse> and <Seven> respectively - have been traditionally attributed the former to Kim Hong-do(1745 - around 1806), and the latter to monk painters according to the temple's record. The other two works <甘露幀Kamrot'aeng>, or <The Divine Nectar Ritual) and <三藏幀 Samjangt'aeng>, or the <Three Boddhisattvas of the Heaven, the Earth and the Underground> - from now on <Nectar> and <Boddhi> respectively - have the inscriptions on surface,therefore, are identified being painted by other monk painters. The problem was that <Samse> and <Seven> were rendered in the completely same style in spite of the different attributions. The two works also reveal so much mingled styles. Those are such characteristics as striking chiaroscuro and perspective techniques of Western painting primarily, and the contemporary Chos□n portrait techniques in the faces additionally. So it was not unusual that some schoolars judged them painted around 1900. What is more, there are discrepancy between several details and inconsistency between recorded matters. So the attribution lasted unsolved until today. The author presents a new material「水原旨令謄錄 Suw□njiry□ngdungr□k」, or The Official Documents between the Central and Suw?n Provincial Governments, recording the process and the following awards pertaining to the construction of Yongju -sa. The document says that <Samse> was rendered under the general direction of 金弘道Kim Hong-do with the help of two court painters, 金得臣Kim T□k-sin and 李 命基Yi My□ng-gi, the former noted for his extremely similar style to Kim Hongdo's. and the latter famous as the best master of portraits. So the complicated style of <Samse> could be reinterpreted in three phases. Firstly, the overall composition and the proposition of figures and some other details reflect Kim Hong-do's personal style. Secondly, the plastic characteristics of faces reminding contemporary Chosen portraits suggest the role of portrait master Yi Myfng-gi. Thirdly, the role of Kim T7k-sin is supposed to be the overall assistant to Kim Hong-do. The author also considers the participation of several monk painters who served with their knowledge of iconography. The author compared the style of <Seven> meticulously to that of <Samse> and concluded that the two works were made by the same group painters including Kim Hong-do, despite of the temple record against to it. The author reinterpreted the attributed monk painters as minor assistants who inhabited Yongju-sa. This conclusion is backed up with some futher analysis of relevant materials. Thematically <Samse> and <Seven> are closely related to the present peace and welfare of the Royal family, and accordingly of the kingdom, Therefore, the two works were painted in the newest style by the three representative court painters dispatched from Seoul. In contrast to them, <Nectar> and <Boddhi> were painted for Sadoseja, who died in 1762, a generation before. So they keep the traditional style transmitted among monk painters. About the Western painting techniques, such as chiaroscuro and perspective, the author tried a comprehensive survey with the keen interest on the possibility they could be introduced in the contemporary Chos□n society. The answer resulted in affirmative way, especially to court painters including Kim Hong -do, viewed from both remaining works and relevant records. At that time, there existed a trand of thought that the things Ch'ing China should be actively introduced from Beijing. The so-called Western painting techniques were one of them. However, those Western methods were not full-fledged and supposed to be a kind of Chinese version. Therefore, we should be very careful not to judge the two works directly from the standard of knowledge on Western painting we now share of it. The author also discovered that it was the very King Ch□ngjo who motivated the vogue of Western style paintings, and that many of the so-called 'folk paintings' reflecting Western techniques are in fact court paintings or at least under the influence of them. To conclude, <Samse> and <Seven> are rarely unique Buddhist paintings in that they painted by the best court painters ordered by the king, and applied with diverse styles such as Western painting techniques, Ch?son portrait elements, and have the inscription of 1790. So we could say that <Samse> and <Seven> are the milestones indicating the horizon of new1y introduced Western painting elements at that point of time 1790. The fact they were misunderstood so far by some scholars as being made around 1900 explains how up-to-date their style was to the contemporary viewers, As by-products of this essay, the author added a personal career to Kim Hongdo's chronicle, that he worked on the two Buddhist paintings in Yougju-sa from the 19th of February to the 29th of September, 1790. Performing great services, Kim was decorated with the longtime 6th official rank司果 正六品. The author also suggests the possibility that Kim Hong-do himself could have been to Beijing in 1780 as a member of diplomatic suite. As the source of the suggestion, he presents two newly discovered materials by 朴趾源Park Chi-w□n and 丁

金弘道의 <朱夫子詩意圖> : 御覽用 繪畵의 性理學的 性格과 관련하여

오주석 국립중앙박물관 1995 미술자료 Vol.- No.56

In Hongjaej ns 『弘齋全書』, or the Royal Anthology of King Ch ngjo 正祖, an important note is attached to eight royal poems. According to the notre, the king's poems were written early in january of 1800 A. D., when the court painter Kim Hong-do 金弘道(1745-circ 1806) customarily presented an 8-panel folding screen up to him. The contents Kim depicted was Zhu-zi 朱子's 8 poems, each of those commentated by Xiong He 熊禾. As Kim fully rendered into the screen the deep thoughts which Zhu-zi represented in poems, the king was so contented that he himself composed 8 responding poems using Zhu-zi's original rhymes. Taking this opportunity, the king also retrospected that he was well acquainted with Kim Hong-do for the past 30 years and that Kim in fact had served in almost all the important painting occasions of the court and the government. The above-mentioned was already introduced half a century ago by the late art-historian Ko Yu -s□p, however, until now has not been fully noticed of its gravity in academia. The author sees in that statement of King Ch □ngjo the hint of what was Kim Hong-do in the court painters'institution of the time. He argues that Kim was a kind of 'the privileged court painter waiting for the Royal Order(待詔畵員)', who, therefore, was discharged of the ordinary duties of the common court painters(畵員). Futhermore, he also certified that Kim had been also exempted from the ordinary duties of 'the special court painters in Kyujanggak(奎章閣差備待令畵員)', the system of which was brought to light recently by Professor Kang Kwan -shik. The author could net present the direct positive evidence of his arguments, however, he quoted several indirect evidences strongly suggesting that Kim was a very exceptional court painter under the direct royal order. That post of Kim's supposed by the author will explain us how he could take part in so many large-scale government-runned painting projects. Kim's Folding Screen after the Poems of flu-fi 朱夫子詩意圖, the very work King Ch□ngjo referred in his anthology, was a typical example of those works. This screen was discovered recently with two panels lost out of the whole eight, and is reported in this paper. The author analyzed the remaining six panels closely with emphasis on the contents of the 16 poems half by King Ch□ngjo and half by Zhu-zi, and also on the 8 commentaries of Xiong He. Through the thematic approach, the hints mainly given from the commentaries of Xiong He, the author concluded that every panel has implicit meaning parelleling to the Neo-Confucianistic theories 性理學, beyond the appearance pertaining to the Zhu-zi's poems. The corresponding theory is, the 'eight wires 八條目' of the Great Learning 『大學』, which are, the 'investigation of things 格物' 'extension of knowledge 致知' 'sincerity of thoughts 誠意' 'rectification of mind 正心' 'cultivating one's self 修身' 'regulating the family 齋家' 'rightly governing the state 治國' and the 'making the worId at peace 平天下'. Each item is identified as the theme of each panel and has inner relationship with the contents of each poem. The Great Learning is one of the so-called "Four Books 四書", the main texts of Neo-Confucianism. Futhermore, it is regarded as the most fundamental and comprehensive one even among the 'Four Books". And 'the eight wires' are interpreted to be the basic steps to attain the 'three main cords 三綱領', the objects of the Neo-Confucian ideology. The Chos?n kingdom was erected under the same ideology, and the ideology itself had always been firmly supported without any considerable challenge for the 500 years. Zhu-zi(1130∼1200), the Chinese philosopher who actually founded Neo-Confucianism was widely respected throughout the country as well as the king, and the Small Learning 『小學』 also edited by him was regarded as something like the Holy Bible in the Western world. The more important thing was that the Great Learning meant something very special to the contemporay Chos□n kings, According to Professor Yi Tae-jin, a longtime research into the scripture was started first by King Y□ngjo and then more enthusiastically by King Ch □ngjo, his grandson. And the background of this exceptional endeavour of the kings was that they had to understand the scripture completely which is known to be the textbook of the ideal kingship under the circumstances a specific party of subjects had too much power. As the result, King Ch□ngjo completed the Sorted Meanings of Great learning Edited by the King 『御定大學類義』 in October or November of 1799, about three months before the presentation of the screen. And when Kim presented the screen, the king was just designating his only son for the crown prince. Here we came to know what was the atmosphere like when the king said he would have the screen near to him and accept the teachings of it sincerely. In relation to the theme of the screen, the author suggests a new angle of view to appreciate the Chinese figure paintings produced by the Chos?n painters. The works with the Chinese themes have not been so much evaluated as of now in that they comparatively appear to lack the Korean characteristics at a glance, in contrast to the 'real landscape paintings 眞景山水畵' and the 'gen 「e paintings 風俗畵' which reveal distinctively Korean nature. The author argues that the Chinese elements in Korean culture are not at all odd and unnatural, like the Hebrew and the Hellenistic elements are not so in West European countries arts. What the Chinese figure paintings are to the Chos□n people, so St. Maria or Pieta is to the Europeans. He further points out the fact that among the three countries of the East Asia, the Chos□n Kingdom was the most Neo-Confucianistic and the Chos□n scholars were self-confident that they are the only, real successors of the Chinese culture. So even though the author

소나무 아래 산중호걸, 김홍도의 「송하맹호도」

오주석 새얼문화재단 2001 황해문화 Vol.32 No.-