수대 돈황 막고굴과 장안·낙양 : 통일 그리고 Silk Road Dream

양은경 ( Yang Eun Gyeng ) 중앙아시아학회 2020 中央아시아硏究 Vol.25 No.2

This study explores East-West cultural interactions during the Sui dynasty by examining the structures and murals of the Dunhuang Mogao Caves, also known as the Thousand Buddha Grottos, which so far have received less attention than their importance merits. It focuses on the relationship between Dunhuang and the Changan and Luoyang regions, rather than on the interactive relationship between Dunhuang and the countries to the west of China hitherto emphasized by academic circles. Furthermore, it examines the important role that Dunhuang played during the Sui dynasty and the impact of the revival and subsequent frustration of Sui Emperor Yang's pipedream Silk Road initiative on the Dunhuang Mogao Caves. First of all, in terms of the grottos' structure, the central-pillar grottos, which were prevalent in the Northern and Southern dynasties, continued into the Sui dynasty, but there was a change in both the shape and height of the central pillar and in the Buddha statue enshrined in the central pillar. The overall structure has been confirmed as forming a set relationship with the three-wall structure, each wall having a niche. Investigation of the Mogao Caves has identified not only the popular but short-lived three-wall structure with niches characteristic of the Sui dynasty, but also a cave structure with an altar set into the front wall (正壁設壇窟), which was only built during the reign of Emperor Yang of Sui, and a cave structure with three walls, each with an altar (三壁設壇窟). These grotto structures have all been found to share similarities with those in the regions of Hebei, Henan, and Shanxi, which date from the Northern and Southern dynasties to the Sui dynasty. In addition to the different grotto structure, the Sui Mogao Caves contained fewer of the murals of the Buddha's Life Story and the Buddha's Previous Birth Story popular during the Wei-Jin and Northern and Southern dynasties, and instead featured a new style of mural, “Paintings of Sutras”. First, the Murals of the Vimalakirti Sutra in the Sui Mogao Caves depict statues of Vimalakirti and Manjusri sitting inside house-shaped buildings. In fact, this layout differs from that of the Mogao Caves in the Northern and Southern dynasties, and rather seems to be connected with the sculptures inside the grottos, represented by the Liushi Cave of the Longmen Grottos, in the Henan region. A close examination of the painting of the Amitabha Buddha's Pure Land in the Sui Mogao Caves, with the focus on the canvas structure expressing the Western Paradise World and the posture of the Amitabha Triad, revealed many similarities with those of the Nan Xiangtangshan Caves in Northern Qi. The newly discovered details of the structure and murals of the Sui Mogao Caves are different from those of their counterparts in Central Asia, which were strongly reflected in the Dunhuang grottos in the Wei-Jin and Northern and Southern dynasties, and are closely connected with the grottos in the Changan and Luoyang regions of Eastern China in particular. This suggests that, during the Sui dynasty, there was a close interaction between the Dunhuang region and the Changan and Luoyang regions. Among such interactions, human interactions are deemed the most important. First, as regards the movement of people, the examination of history books and cemetery names has made it possible to identify political officials who were appointed to the Dunhuang area from inland China. Second, when the Stupa to Emperor Wen of Sui was erected in 601, it is noted that the monk Jiui, who stayed in the Mogao Caves Jisang monastery-Sunggyo Temple for several years after being sent there, was identified as a monk of Northern Qi lineage. Furthermore, analysis of the Buddhist scriptures discovered in Dunhuang revealed that the monks who lived in Changan moved to the Dunhuang area, suggesting the spread of the Buddhist culture of the Changan and Luoyang regions. Lastly, Emperor Yang's Silk Road initiative was presented as the reason for and background to the massive change that occurred once again in the Mogao Caves during the reign of Emperor Yang of Sui. Emperor Yang sent Baegu to Dunhuang on a diplomatic mission with various western countries, and he himself traveled to the Hexi region in 607. This fact is presumed to constitute the background to the major changes that occurred in Dunhuang, a key center of East-West exchange at that time, and in the Mogao Caves. However, Emperor Yang's Silk Road initiative lost its force with the fall of the dynasty, and, as a result, it is presumed that the excavation of Mogao Caves and new elements also lost the light of their glory.

주요 우울 장애, 정신분열병, 양극성 장애 및 정상 대조군에서의 N100 진폭경사

양은경,이승환,오성희,김상래,Yang, Eunkyoung,Lee, Seung-Hwan,Oh, Sunghee,Kim, Sangrae 대한생물정신의학회 2009 생물정신의학 Vol.16 No.3

Objectives : N100 amplitude slope(the intensity dependence of the cortical auditory evoked potentials) is widely considered as an indirect indicator of central serotonergic neurotransmission. However, there are only a few studies about N100 amplitude slopes of major psychiatric disorders. In this study, we examined N100 amplitude slope differences among major depressive disorder(MDD), bipolar disorder(BD), schizophrenia (SCZ) and normal controls(NC). Methods : We measured the N100 amplitude slopes of 35 patients with MDD, 33 patients with BD, 27 patients with SCZ and 35 NC subjects. Amplitude differences from N1 to P2 at the five different sound intensities(55, 65, 75, 85 and 95dB) were examined at Cz electrode. The N100 amplitude slope was calculated as the linear regression of five N1/P2 peak-to-peak amplitudes across stimulus intensities. Results : BD patients showed significantly reduced N100 amplitude slope compared with NC(0.54${\pm}$0.70 vs. 0.96${\pm}$0.72, p=0.035). N100 amplitude slope of SCZ patients was significantly reduced compared with NC(0.50${\pm}$0.47 vs. 0.96${\pm}$0.72, p=0.027). N100 amplitude slope of BD patients was significantly lower than that of MDD patients(0.54${\pm}$0.70 vs. 0.94${\pm}$0.60, p=0.046). SCZ patients also showed significant reduction of N100 amplitude slope compared with MDD patients(0.50${\pm}$0.47 vs. 0.94${\pm}$0.60, p=0.036). There was no significant difference of N100 amplitude slope between MDD patients and NC(0.94${\pm}$0.60 vs. 0.96${\pm}$0.72, p=1.000). Conclusion : Interestingly, the N100 amplitude slopes of BD and SCZ were reduced compared to NC and MDD patients. Our results suggest the predictive use of N100 amplitude slope in making differential diagnoses of major psychiatric disorders. Clinical implications of N100 amplitude slope in major psychiatric disorders were discussed.

수대 장안,낙양지역 불교조각 연구

양은경 ( Eun Kyong Yang ) 한국불교미술사학회 2002 강좌미술사 Vol.18 No.-

The style of Buddhist sculptures in Ch`ang-An and Lo-Yang regions during Shi Dynasty basically took over the characteristics of the Northern C`hi and the Northern Zhou Dynasty and had the regional characteristics as well. Furthermore, the style the sculptures of Ch`ang-An and Lo-Yang regions was combined and mixed with east and west regions and south and north regions due to the nation wide unification during Sui Dynasty. Especially, the style of the Northern Chi brought influences in east, west and other places with Ch`ang-An, capital city. For instance, Buddha garments, such as Y-shaped patterning robe, thick layered robe, the robes covering the pedestal, knotted upper garment, U-shaped pattering cloth, mudra holding clear vase or willow branches on each hand. However, the style of buddhist sculptures during Dynasty was unified and continued to Early T`ang Dynasty. The coverig mode from the nothern C`hi, taking over the style of the northern C`hi capital Yeh had been spreaded in the center of Lo-Yang, another capital during late Sui dynasty and it inflenced to not only Lo-Yang area, Ch`ang-An area Briefly, Buddhism was combined with east and south area from the center of Ch`ang-An and Lo-Yang and the style of Buddhist sculpture from Ch`ang-An area had influence to other areas. Nationwide archeological and political unification led the style of Buddhist sculptures to the unified on during Sui Dynasty. moreover, movement of ministers and monks through all regions during Sui Dynasty helped the unification more naturally happen both capitals It is clear that the style of Buddhist sculpture in Northern C`hi, the North and South Dynasty was different, even though they influenced each other during late the North and South Dynasty. But it started to become on unified style from Ch`ang-An and Lo-Yang during Sui Dynasty with the unification and this unified style continuously influenced to the next Dynasty, T`ang. This fact is the biggest significance of Suk Dynasty to Buddhist sculpture. However, there`s still regional characteristics remained in spite of the unification. there are lots of differences in materials for sculptures as well. there were lots of S´akyamuni Buddha discovered in Ch`ang-an, where as there were many Amitabha Buddha and Maitreya in Lo-Yang The Buddhist sculpture in Ch`ang-An and Lo-Yang influenced each other and got development with buddhism and it continued T`ang dynasty There are relations with Ch`ang-An style and Lo-Yang style which has Lung-mun caves in Ze Tian Wu Hou the years of reign and the style of Buddha from Ch`ang-An and Lo-Yang regions gave influences to nationwide area. Therefore, understanding the characteristics of Buddhist sculpture during Sui Dynasty is important that it offers the fundamental information for studying more about T`ang Dynasty

중국 운강석굴 상부 북위 불교사원지의 가람배치와 동서문화 교류

양은경(EunGyeng Yang) 한국상고사학회 2016 한국상고사학보 Vol.92 No.-

운강석굴 상부 대지면에 위치한 불교유적지들은 발굴조사 내용이 구체적으로 공개되지 않은 이유로 인 해 유적지의 존재 자체를 인지하지 못하거나 혹은 연구자들로 하여금 혼동과 오류를 범하게 하고 있다. 이 유적지들은 중국 불교사원과 탑을 복원하는데 중요하지만 구체적인 연구는 이루어지지 않았다. 이에 본고 에서는 발굴자료와 현지조사에 근거하여, 유적지들의 위치와 조사내용을 구체적으로 정리하였다. 그리고 특이한 가람배치를 보이는 제33굴 상부 사원지의 기원문제와 중국화에 대해 집중적으로 분석하였다. 또한 불교사원지에서 동서문화의 교류가 이루어진 배경과 이 곳에 거주한 승려, 사찰이름에 대해 문헌기록, 고 고자료를 중심으로 추적하였다. 운강 제33굴 상부 불교사원지는 북위시대에 건립된 것으로 추정되며, 장방형을 이룬 중정의 중심부에 탑이 위치하고 탑의 네 주변을 승방이 에워싸고 있는 가람배치를 보인다. 필자는 이러한 가람배치를 동시 기에 건립된 사원불사지, 영녕사지의 1탑1금당식 구조와는 차이점이 명확한 독립적인 한 유형으로 분류하였다. 이 사원지의 전체적인 가람배치는 다소의 차이는 존재하지만 간다라의 지상사원에서 기원처를 찾을 수 있는 것은 부정할 수 없다. 그러나 이 사원지에서 확인되는 다층 누각식 목탑과 판축의 건축공법 은 중국 전통적인 특징으로 추정된다. 결국 이 곳에서는 동서 불교문화가 서로 융합되어 나타난 것으로 확인되며, 이는 북위의 동서문화 교류의 한 단면을 보여주는 점에서 중요하다. 필자는 운강석굴 개착공사의 책임자였던 담요스님이 거주한 통락사라는 사찰이름을 주목하여 그 위치를 추적한 결과, 운강석굴 상부 대지면에 소재한 것으로 추정하였다. 담요는 석굴 공사를 총책임지면서 동시에 간다라, 서역 출신 승려들과 함께 이곳에서 역경작업을 하였던 것이다. 간 다라, 서역 승려들이 운강에 거주한 사실은 이곳의 불교사원에서 간다라적인 가람배치가 출현하 는데 결정적인 역할을 하였을 것이다. 후한대 불교가 중국에 전래되면서부터 북위시대까지 확인되는 승원식 가람배치는 1탑1금당식 배치와는 다른 유형이라는 사실에 주목해야 한다.왜냐하면 우리나라 고대 불교사찰의 가람배치 에서도 차후 발견될 가능성이 있음을 시사하기 때문이다. Despite its critical role as a source for restoration works on Buddhist temples and pagoda, the Buddhist sites located in the upper plot of the Yungang Cave(雲岡石窟) have not been sufficiently studied. In this paper, location of sites and full information acquired through field trip and excavation data are presented. In particular, this paper addresses issues regarding the origins of an unique temple layout and paintings of No.33 upper cave and assimilation into Chinese style. In addition, what caused the east-west cultural exchange in Buddhist temples and the monks who had resided here, are discussed, based on the historical re¬cords stating temple names and archaeological data. It is thought that the Yungang Cave upper Buddhist temple site of cavern No.33 was estab¬lished in the Northern Wei Period. Pagoda is positioned in the middle of the garden with a rectangular outline and surrounded by monk’s residential pavilions. This arrangement type is distinguished from the one pagoda-one Buddha hall system represented by the Siyuanfosi(思遠佛寺) and Yongning temple(永寧寺) sites. The origins of this temple layout can be sought in the Saidu and Takht-i-Bāhī temples of the Gandhara region. However, Yungang’s layout is different from that of Gandara and cen¬tral Asia where the monastery tended to have been separately placed from the area where pagoda was positioned. Although the pagoda at the Babar-khäna site Locality B of the Jandiāl temple and that of the Pippala temple site showing the location of the temple at the center with surrounded buildings is claimed to be the direct origin of the patterns at Yun¬gang. However, the time lag between the pagodas and monasteries, and overlapped various building foundations questioned the assumption suggested above. It cannot be denied that the ultimate origins of the entire layout of the Yungang temple is the overground temples of the Gandhara region, but the influence of Chinese brick-built ar-chitecture is detected in the multiple tiered castle-like wooden pagoda and the rammed- earth construction techniques which indicate the fusion of cultural styles between Gandha¬ra-esque aspects and those of China. This is important in that it reflects east-west cultural exchange of the Northern Wei dynasty. Considering the name of temple Tongle(通樂) where the monk, Tanyao(曇曜), responsible for construction of the Yungang cave, lived, it is assumed that the temple was in the upper plot of the Yungang cave. While supervising the construction of the cave, Tangyo was thought to have been working on translation of Buddhist bibles with monks from Gandhara and the Western Regions. Thus existence of monks from Gandhara and the Western Regions may have played a decisive role in appearance of the temple layout with the influence of Gand¬hara style. As the power the Northern Wei Emperor Taiwu(太武帝) had spread to the Western Regions, cultural exchange with the Western Regions had been highly intensified. Archaeological find¬ings in Datong(大同) region illustrate such social aspects of that time. Thus it seems natural that the Ganhara style temple layout had appeared in Pincheng region of the Northern Wei, considering its close relation with the Western Regions.

北韓의 불교사원지 출토 高句麗, 渤海佛像의 출토지 문제와 계승관계

梁銀景(YANG Eun-gyeng) 고구려발해학회 2008 고구려발해연구 Vol.31 No.-

I studied images of Buddha of Koguryo and Balhae which were excavated on temples in sphere of Northkorea I arranged briefly the buddhist temples where the buddhist artifacts were excavated as separating Koguryo and Balhae in Northkorea in Chpater Ⅱ. I also adjusted the distribution of temples and the excavated conditions of images of Buddha. I confirmed that the buddhist temples where the images of Buddha of Koguryo were excavated centered in Pyeongyang, and images of Buddha of Balhae were excavated around Bookchung where is a transport center on the east coast. In chapter Ⅲ, I considered the relation between the distribution of temples where the images of Buddha of Koguryo and Balhae were excavated anda capital city. Pyeongyang is the center of Koguryo temples that were the exterior of 안학궁 and the interior and exterior the Ancient city of Chang-An. Namely the buddhist temples were interior of captital city and they were distributed around flat fortress walls than mountain fortress walls. Balhae temples were located in Nan-Gyeng where were presumed as a spot of 5경 at that time and nearby. In other words, the temples where the images of Buddha of Koguryo and Balhae were excavated in Northkorea were located in transport center of the interior and exterior of capital city. In chapter Ⅳ, I studied the succession relation of the images of Buddha inKoguryo and Balhae region in Northkorea. There were many difficulties for developingthe point of an argument because of poor materials. However the traditionalthings on the images of Buddha of Koguryo were still continued even they couldn’t exercise their influence directly to the images of Buddha of Balhae around the east coast after the fall of Koguryo.

중국 산동성 북조 보살상의 매미문(蟬文) 보관에 대한 고찰

양은경(Yang Eun-gyeng) 동국역사문화연구소 2018 동국사학 Vol.65 No.-

본고에서 고찰한 연구대상은 산동성에서 발견된 북조 보살상의 머리를 장식한 매미문양의 보관에 대한 것이다. 남북조시대 보살상 보관의 기원이 인도, 서아시아 계통인 것에 반해 매미문 보관은 중국의 蟬冠 즉 매미문 관과 관련을 가진다는 사실에서 그 특이함과 흥미로움을 유발한다고 말할 수 있다. 그러나 지금까지 두 관은 유사성만이 지적되었을 뿐 구체적이고 심화된 연구는 진행되지 못하였기에 본고를 작성하게 되었다. 우선 보살상이 착용한 매미문 보관의 전체적인 형태는 山形을 이루었으며 각모티프들은 줄기, 둥근 장식, 꽃장식으로 구성되어 있었다. 이와 같은 산형 보관과 각 모티프들은 운강석굴, 공현석굴 등 북조 보살상의 三山冠과 친연성이 강한 것으로 확인되었다. 결국 매미문 보관은 북조에서 성행한 삼산관 보관에 매미문 장식이 첨가된 것으로 판명되었다. 이에 필자는 매미문 금당의 기원 혹은 출처로 언급되는 蟬冠과의 비교고찰을 시도하였다. 그 결과 매미문 보관과 문헌기록, 벽화에서 확인되는 선관은 전체적인 형태에서 서로 다른 모습을 하고 있었다. 선관은 武冠에 매미문 金璫과 담비 털을 부착한 관이었으며, 이 관은 삼산관으로 표현된 보살상의 매미문 관과는 차이가 명확하게 구분되었다. 그러나 보살상의 매미문 장식 즉 璫의 전체적인 형태는 벽화, 陶俑에 부착된 금당과 거의 동일하였다. 더나아가 실제 고고유물로 출토된 매미문 금당과 외형을 비교검토한 결과, 보관 속 매미문 장식물은 4세기 동진대 유물보다 5세기 금당과 더욱 친연성이 강하게 확인되었다. 또한 고고유물로 출토된 금당 속 매미와 보관 속 매미는 신체를 구성한 요소는 서로 동일하였으나 보관 속 매미가 금당보다 간략화되고 단순화되었다는 사실을 알게 되었다. 마지막으로 북조 산동성 보살상의 보관에 매미문 장식물이 도입된 배경과 이유는 기존학계에서 간략하게 언급한 것처럼, 불교의 중국화 혹은 한화와 직결된 것으로 해석되었다. 매미문 보관은 당시 보살상에서 성행한 삼산관에 중국 전통의 매미문양이 결합된 것으로 이는 곧 불교와 실생활의 융합과 조화를 의미하였던 것이다. 필자가 본고를 구상하였을 당시에는 매미문 보관의 기원과 발전양상에 대한 문제도 함께 검토하길 기대하였다. 그러나 비교대상으로 거론되는 남경지역의 남조 보살상이 절대적으로 부족한 현실로 인해 상상력을 달래며 아쉽지만 차후의 연구를 기대해 본다. This study concerns the cicada-patterned crowns of bodhisattva statues dating from the Southern-Northern Dynasties Period, more specifically the cicada-patterned crowns worn on the heads of three bodhisattva statues found in Shandong Province. It is known that crowns are a recurring motif worn by bodhisattva statues found in India, West Asia, and the Western Regions, but researchers have found an interesting and a possible association between crowns and the Cicada crown(蟬冠), a hat worn by distinguished noblemen in ancient China. However, there has not been much progress in specific and in-depth studies about their association, nor have sufficient studies cicada-patterned seongwan and Gold frontlet(金璫) been conducted. As for the appearance of cicada-patterned crowns worn by bodhisattva statues, they are mountain-shaped and composed of stalks, round ornaments, and floral ornaments. It has been confirmed that both the mountain-like shape and the ornaments are associated with triple mountain-shaped crowns(三山冠) in the Yungang and Gongxian Grottoes dating back from the Northern Dynasties Period, that is, cicada patterns came to be added to triple mountain-shaped crowns, which were popular in the Northern Dynasties. Cicada patterns are the most important feature distinguishing bodhisattva statues with them from others of the period concerned. This study includes a comparative review of the cicada-patterned crowns worn by bodhisattva statues and those worn by distinguished noblemen in ancient China. The latter, which appear in literature records or murals, differ from the former in terms of their overall appearance, and are also attached with martin fur whereas the former are not. However, Cicada crown worn by distinguished noblemen portrayed in olden-day porcelain figurines and murals lack martin fur and look quite similar to those worn by bodhisattva statues found in murals dating from the Northern Dynasties and those displayed in porcelain figurines. It also turns out that compared to the unearthed relics of cicada-patterned Gold frontlet look much more simplistic than those portrayed on bodhisattva statues. It is assumed that the depiction of cicada-patterned ornaments, which symbolized supreme power and nobility at that time, on the crowns worn by bodhisattva statues found in Shandong Province was associated with the adoption of Buddhism in China. The application of the traditional cicada pattern of China to Buddhism-related crowns signified the convergence of people s daily life with Buddhism.

미륵사지 출토 벽화편의 제작기법과 제작년대-중원(中院) 김당지(金堂址) 출토품을 중심으로-

양은경 ( Eun Gyeng Yang ) 한국고대학회 2014 선사와 고대 Vol.41 No.-

The extant condition of a part of a wall mural painting excavated on the outside of the west stylobate in the central court main hall of the Mireuksa temple site(彌勒寺址). From an examination of twelve pieces of the mural wall painting the method of production, the type of patterns, the date of production, and original appearance were gleaned. First, in terms of the production method, rice straw and quartz-like white stones mixed with clay between the back and front side were spread and then sandy clay with coated over the top. After the top was lime washed in white, patterns were drawn on the extreme outside using black, red, and white pigments. White lime was painted on the upper part in several layers. This is a shared element of the wooden structures of Buddhist temples of Baekje(百濟), Balhae(渤海), China and Japan. However, the main hall of the central court at the Mireuksa temple site as with the excavated pieces of mural paintings from the rubbish heap of the Jaeseoksa temple site and the temple site of the Sanggyeong-seong Fortress(上京城) of Balhae, remains of the framework or lattice sticks across the roof of the rafters but there is no evidence of a straw rope woven together. This was damaged by fire and due to the cause the possibility is that the extant was excluded. The confirmed patterns drawn on the excavated mural painting piece from the Mireuksa temple site include bamboo, flower designs, and unknown geometric designs. Among these, the bamboo and flower designs are similar to the seventh century bamboo and linden type designs of the early Tang(唐). In addition, it is possible that these kinds of designs and the subject matter of sutra paintings and related images is flatter. Moreover, the bamboo is very similar to that of the bamboo that is drawn on the Okchung Juja(玉蟲廚子) of seventh century Japan. However, it is not possible to surmise the entire images of the wall mural painting because of the small number of pieces. It is possible to estimate the dating of the wall mural painting because of the layer of the excavation and the associated artefacts. The pieces of the wall mural painting were recovered together with Unified Silla roof tiles and Baekje roof-end tiles. The layer from which the wall mural painting was excavated is not only clearly different with that of the north side stereobate layer of the partially disturbed layer from which Goryeo(高麗) Period artifacts were excavated, both layers have a different aspect. It is clear from the results of archaeological excavations that the mural painting and artefacts correspond to Baekje or perhaps Unified Silla(統一新羅) rather than Goryeo.

고구려 미술문화의 재조명 ; 경사년신묘명(景四年辛卯銘) 금동삼존불의 새로운 해석과 중국 불상과의 관계

양은경 ( Eun Gyeng Yang ) 한국고대학회 2005 선사와 고대 Vol.23 No.-

고구려의 역사적 의의 및 계승 발전 방향 ; 대륙(大陸)과 해양(海洋)을 품은 고구려(高句麗) 불교조각(佛敎彫刻)

양은경 ( Eun Gyeng Yang ) 한국고대학회 2008 선사와 고대 Vol.28 No.-

가상현실 기술 기반 다학제적 패션디자인 협업의 문제 해결 과정 - Spatial.io 활용 사례 연구를 중심으로 -

양은경 ( Eun Kyoung Yang ) 복식문화학회 2024 복식문화연구 Vol.32 No.6

This study investigates the cognitive characteristics and transition flow of team mental models in virtual reality environments (VRE) compared to Zoom-based collaboration during fashion design problem-solving processes. Using the VRE platform Spatial.io as a case study, the study examines how virtual reality technologies influence the formation of shared mental models among collaborators. The objective is to identify key cognitive features that VREs offer to support problem-solving in multidisciplinary fashion design collaborations. The study employed a comparative experimental design, involving professionals from fashion design, marketing, and production. Participants completed the design concept generation tasks in both VRE and Zoom environments, all interactions were recorded and coded, with the analysis focusing on cognitive transitions, verbal dynamics, and collaborative behavior patterns across both environments. The results reveal that VRE fosters higher frequencies of environmental interaction (EI-EI), cognitive integration (CIM-CI), and planning to execution transitions in team interactions (PP-PIM), forming multidirectional feedback loops. These features enhanced dynamic adaptation to environmental stimuli. In contrast, Zoom-based collaboration relied heavily on linear verbal communication, with fewer cognitive transitions and limited structural feedback loops, thereby reducing efficiency in idea evaluation and execution in team interaction. The study highlights the potential of VREs to transform collaborative practices in fashion design by enabling immersive and multidimensional interactions, contributing to advancing digital collaboration strategies in creative industries, with implications for education and interdisciplinary innovation.