高麗時代 邑號陞降과 都縣制

Park Eun kyong(朴恩卿) 백산학회 2000 白山學報 Vol.- No.57

The characteristics of Koonhyun system and its relation with the ascent and decent of eupho are analyzed by correlating the ascent and decent of eupho which frequently occurred due to the nonadministrative demands and the Koonhyun system. The ascent and decent of eupho due to the nonadministrative demands was based on the considerations of the fact that the local powerful family flew into Koryŏ dynasty. The target region was the local community, i. e., Ponkwan(本貫) which kept a strong local unification force throughout the war period from the late Silla dynasty to the early Koryŏ dynasty.

高麗의 郡縣制와 郡縣數

朴恩卿(Park, Eun-Kyong) 백산학회 2005 白山學報 Vol.- No.73

The Koonhyun system of the Koryo dynasty has several differences from the Koonhyun systems of the Silla dynasty era and Choseon dynasty. One of the differences is a number of Koonhyun. The increase of the number of Koonhyun had been shown through a change of the local communities at the end of the silla dynasty. At the end of the silla dynasty, Hojok(豪族) became powerful in each region as local influential men, and they formed a new community centering around a castle. The formation of the new community means destruction of the existing Koonhyun system of the Silla dynasty, and thereby, the number of Koonhyun of the Koryeo dynasty became more than the number of Koonhyun of the Silla dynasty. The increase of the number of Koonhyun was special characteristic of the Koonhyun control system of the Koryo Dynasty. The number of the great deal of Koonhyun meant an existence of small-scaled Koonhyun. Furthermore, the existence of the small-scaled Koonhyun shows that Koonhyun of the Koryo dynasty were not divided in an equal size for convenience in administration of the dynasty. Furthermore, the number of the great deal of Koonhyun of Koryo dynasty is related with the fact that there were lots of Koonhyun to which Oe-Gwan(外官) was not dispatched. In the Koonhyun system of the Koryo dynasty, Oe-Gwan was dispatched only to 130 Koonhyuns out of about 520 Koonhyuns. In case of Hyun(縣), Oe-Gwan was dispatched only to 29 Hyuns out of 335 Hyuns. The above shows that The Koonhyun control system of the Koryeo dynasty did not take a Koonhyun control method led by Oe-Gwan. Such characteristics of the Koonhyun system of the Koryo dynasty were caused by assimilating the new community system formed at the end of the silla dynasty as it was. Koonhyun of the Koryo dynasty differ from those of the silla dynasty in that Koonhyun of the Koryeo dynasty had a peculiarity of local unit and concentration force based on regional consciousness. At the end of the Koryo dynasty, Gam-mu(監務) was dispatched to SokHyun(屬縣), but the dispatch of Gam-mu does not mean execution of the Koonhyun system led by Oe-Gwan. Gam-mu only fulfilled restricted roles to You-mang(流亡), and was different from Hyun-ryeong(縣令). You can see the above from the fact that areas to which Gam-mu was dispatched were divided as Sokhyun. Therefore, also at the end of the Koryo dynasty, Koonhyun were not completely controlled by Oe-Gwan. The control of Koonhyun led by Oe-Gwan was related with reduction of the number of Koonhyun, such as arrangement of small-scaled Koonhyun, a forced amalgamation of Koonhyun. However, variours tries to amalgamate Koonhyun at the end of the Koryo dynasty was dissipatedevery time due to the local unit of each Koonhyun and concentration force inside each Koonhyun succeeded since the end of the Silla dynasty.

高麗의 事審官과 朝鮮初의 留鄕所에 대하여

朴恩卿(Park Eun-Kyong) 역사학회 2000 역사학보 Vol.168 No.-

고려전기 군현제의 邑號와 邑格

朴恩卿(Park, Eun-Kyong) 백산학회 2008 白山學報 Vol.- No.79

Eupho(邑號) did not coincide with Eupkyuk(邑格) in the Gunhyun(郡縣) system of Goryeo Dynasty. Sometimes the upper Eupho had lower Eupkyuk and the lower Eupho had higher Eupkyuk. Such separation of Eupho and Eupkyuk became obvious under the system of Jusokhyun(主屬縣) in the era of Hyunjong(顯宗) through the era of Taejo(太祖) and Sungjong(成宗). Among Juhyun(主縣), some regions had Eupho lower than that of Sokhyun(屬縣) and among Sokhyun, some regions had Eupho higher than that of Juhyun. Namely, the relation of principal and subordination did not coincide with the upper and lower relation of Eupho. Such character was originated from the special meaning borne by Eupho in the early age of Goryeo Dynasty. Eupho made by the Eupho amendment in the age of Taejo was the very name of Bongwan established at the end of Shilla and beginning of Goryeo Dynasty. As such, it represented the position of region and the persons from the region. Thus, Eupho could not be unilaterally adjusted merely by the necessity of administrative system of central government. Then, the relation of principal and subordination in the administrative system became further separated from the upper and lower relation of Eupho. Since Eupho did not coincide with Eupkyuk as above, the division of Eupkyuk in the Gunhyun system of Koryo to rule the region was realized by Jeongsu(丁數). By the way, the distinguished aspect in the division of Eupkyuk by Jeongsu of Jusokhyun system was that there was not particular difference between Juhyun and Sokhyun. Such equality of Juhyun and Sokhyun had close relation with Eupho in the early age of Goryeo Dynasty. Each region of Euoho which could not be adjusted in accordance with the hierarchy of administrative system acquired strong solidarity power as community established through the turbulent age at the end of Shilla and the beginning of Goryeo Dtnasty. The autonomous independence of each Gunhyun based on the strong solidarity power naturally resulted in character that emphasized the independent unit of each Gunhyun rather than the upper and lower relation between Juhyun and Sokhyun in the system of Jusokhyun.

고려시대 事審官 仁州李氏와 인천지역사회

박은경(Park Eun Kyong) 인천대학교 인천학연구원 2013 인천학연구 Vol.19 No.-

仁州李氏는 고려 귀족사회의 최고의 門閥이자 대표적인 왕실 외척으로서 권력의 최정상에 있었다. 때문에 그동안 인주이씨에 대해서는 주로 중앙의 권력으로서만 파악하여 왔다. 하지만 인주이씨는 중앙의 귀족일 뿐만 아니라 인천지역사회와도 긴밀한 관련을 맺고 있는 세력이었던 만큼 이에 주목할 필요가 있다. 고려시대의 귀족의 대부분은 신라말 새로운 사회세력으로 대두한 豪族에서 기원하는 세력으로서, 이들은 자신의 族的, 경제적, 사회적 기반을 지방사회에 두고 있었다. 고려초 고려정부는 사심관제도를 통하여 호족들이 자신의 출신근거지에 대해 지니고 있던 영향력에 바탕을 둔 간접통치의 방식을 취하였다. 그리고 사심관제도는 호족들이 중앙으로 진출하여 중앙귀족이 된 이후에도 이어지며 고려후기까지 지속되었다. 이는 지역사회에 기반을 둔 고려시대 귀족의 특성에서 비롯된 것이었다. 고려시대의 대표적인 귀족인 인주이씨 역시 신라말 인천을 기반으로 성장한 호족출신으로서 중앙으로 진출한 이후에도 자신의 세력기반인 인천지역과 밀접한 관련을 맺고 있었다. 그리고 이러한 관련은 사심관으로서의 역할로 이어졌다. 태조대 사심관이 성립되며 인천지역사회의 중심세력이었던 사심관 인주이씨의 위치는 이후 성종, 현종대를 거치면서도 계속 이어졌다. 현종대에 자리잡게 된 고려시대 군현제의 특징은 주속현체제로서 지방관이 파견된 主縣보다 지방관이 파견되지 않은 屬縣이 훨씬 많은 특이한 모습을 띠고 있다. 이는 고려의 군현제가 사심관과 향리 등 지방사회에 기반을 둔 세력에 의한 지방사회의 자율적인 운영에 바탕을 두고 있었기 때문이었다. 이로 인해 현종대 樹州의 속현이었던 인천지역은 수주의 행정적인 관할하에 있기는 하였으나 실제적인 그 내부의 운영에 있어서는 사심관 인주이씨가 향리와 함께 핵심적인 위치를 담당하였다. 숙종대에 들어서 인천지역은 지방관이 파견되며 고려정부에 의한 직접 지배로의 변화가 나타난다. 하지만 이당시 인천지역이 主縣인 慶源郡으로의 승격한 것은 행정적인 요인에 의한 것이 아니라 숙종의 어머니인 인예태후 이씨의 내향이기 때문이었으니, 왕실외척이었던 인주이씨의 위상에서 비롯된 것이었다. 이후 고려말까지 계속되는 인천지역의 승격 역시 인주이씨와의 관련으로 이루어지고 있다. 따라서 숙종대 이후 고려말에 이르기까지 사심관 인주이씨의 인천지역의 중심세력으로서의 위상은 계속 이어졌을 것으로 보인다. 사심관 인주이씨는 인천지역사회에서 ‘宗主人民’ ‘甄別流品’ ‘均平賦役’ ‘表正風俗’의 역할을 담당하였다. 첫 번째 역할인 ‘宗主人民’은 인주이씨의 인천지역 중심으로서의 위치를 보여주며, 두 번째의 역할인 ‘甄別流品’, 즉 流品을 심사하는 것은 인주이씨가 인천지역사회에 대해서 담당했던 사회신분적 역할을 보여준다. 그리고 세 번째의 역할인 ‘均平賦役’, 즉 부역을 균평히 한 것은 인주이씨가 인천지역사회에 대해 담당했던 경제적 역할을 보여주며, 네 번째의 역할인 ‘表正風俗’, 즉 풍속을 바로잡는 것은 인주이씨가 인천지역사회에 대해 담당했던 향촌사회질서 유지의 역할을 보여준다. 사심관 인주이씨는 인천지역사회의 최고의 망족으로서 인천지역사회와 긴밀한 유대감을 지니며 존재하였던 것으로 보인다. 그리고 이러한 위치를 바탕으로 하여 인천지역사회에서 사회·신분적 역할, 경제적 역할, 향촌사회질서 유지의 역할 등 인천지역사회 운영 전반에 걸친 역할을 담당하였으니 인주이씨는 인천지역사회와 실제적인 관련을 맺고 있는 세력이었던 것이다. Inju Lee was the highest Munbeol(門閥) in aristocratic society of Goryo. As representative maternal relatives of royal family in aristocratic society of Goryo, Inju Lee was at the summit of power. Thus far, Inju Lee was grasped only as central power. However, it is required to note that Inju Lee was not only central aristocracy but power closely related to community in Incheon. As the power originating from Hojok(豪族) which emerged as new social power at the end of Shilla, most aristocracy in the age of Koryo had their relative, economic and social base in the local community. As Sasimgwan(事審官) was the highest Mangjok(望族) in the area of ancestral home, Goryo Government indirectly ruled local area through Sasimgwan(事審官). As the representative aristocracy in the age of Goryo, Inju Lee was also Hojok(豪族) which grew on the basis of Incheon at the end of Shilla. As such, it was closely related to Incheon, its power base even after it advanced to the center. Then, such relation was connected to the role of Sasimgwan(事審官). Sasimgwan Inju Lee played??the role of ‘Jongjuinmin(宗主人民)’ ‘Gyeonbyeolyupum(甄別流品)’ ‘Gyunpyeongbuyeok(均平賦役)’ ‘Pyojeong pungsok(表正風俗)’ in the community in Incheon. The 1st role, ‘Jongjuinmin(宗主人民)’ means ‘To become the chief of local people’, showing the position of Inju Lee in Incheon. The 2nd role, ‘Gyeonbyeolyupum(甄別流品)’, namely, examining Yupum(流品) shows social role played by Inju Lee in the community in Incheon. The 3rd role, ‘Gyunpyeongbuyeok(均平賦役)’, namely, the fair execution of Buyeok(賦役) shows the economic role played by Inju Lee in the community in Incheon. The 4th role, ‘Pyojeongpungsok(表正風俗)’, namely, the correction of Pungsok shows the role of Inju Lee to keep the social order of country village in Incheon. That is to say, Inju Lee played role in all operation of community in Incheon, being actually related to community in Incheon.

高麗前期 移住硏究

朴恩卿(Park Eun-kyong) 역사학회 1990 역사학보 Vol.128 No.-

고려시대 이적연구

박은경 ( Eun Kyong Park ) 한국중세사학회 2004 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.17

In Goryeo Dysnasty, the Izeok(移籍) came into operation. The Izeok was to change one`s Bonkwan (本貫), and it began even before the early years of oryo Dynasty. The Izeok was generated and originated from the social conditions of Goryeo Dynasty. Goryeo Dysnasty was based on Seoryubugahon(壻留婦嫁婚), and male and female offsprings were not treated differently or unequally in inheritance. Therefore, there were many cases that economic foundation was often based on Bonkwan of a wife`s family or mother, and due to such social condition, the transference of census registration was executed. However, the transference to Bonkwan of a wife`s family or mother was not always led to the Izeok. The size of Izeok during Goryeo Dynasty can be estimated through the analysis of family names of transference(移住姓) as for the list of last names(姓氏條) from 『Sejong Silok Jiri(世宗實錄地理志)』. 『Sejong Silok Jiri』 is the book which recorded and presented family names that oroginated from all regions, and it shows the transformation of family names since the early years of Goryeo. The family names of transference such as Naesung(來姓) and Soksung(續姓) from 『Sejong Silok Jiri』 are the family names of transference since they changed the family origin to the corresponding areas. Meanwhile, the Izeok was quite active during Goryeo Dynasty, and the fact that the Izeok to Bonkwan of a wife`s family or mother was opposite to the conventional idea that family origins were the place where all family names were generated. The idea that the Bonkwan were the place where all family names were generated is very patriarchical concept which focuses on fathers` blood line, and it could be barely realized in Goryeo society of Seoryubugahon. The Bonkwan have been used by Hojok(豪族) power of the last a few years of Shilla. The reason why Hojok power adopted the Bonkwan was to announce and make their local territory official. And for such reasons, most of Hojok used the Bonkwan. On the other hand, Hojok almost never used their family names during the last years of Shilla. It was due to the fact that family names did not have special implications at that time. Therefore, the Bonkwan at the time around establishment of the Bonkwan, did not imply significance to represent the place of financial contribution. The time when the Bonkwan meant origins of financial contribution began since the use of family names was settled down and popularized and aristocracy was stabilized. And such change progressed along with decrease of the Izeok.

태아 폐성숙 평가에 있어서 Lamellar Body Count의 임상적 효용성과 경제성

홍승표 ( Seung Pyo Hong ),박은경 ( Eun Kyung Park ),정선영 ( Sun Young Jeong ),주하경 ( Ha Kyong Joo ),이지현 ( Jee Hyun Lee ),문희봉 ( Hee Bong Moon ),고영미 ( Young Me Koh ),신종철 ( Jong Chul Shin ),김창이 ( Chang Yi Kim ) 대한산부인과학회 2002 Obstetrics & Gynecology Science Vol.45 No.11

목적: 신생아 폐성숙을 예측하기 위하여 시행하는 Lamellar body count의 유용성과 경제성을 알아보고자 하였다. 연구 방법: 폐성숙도 평가를 위하여 양수천자를 시행한 후 72시간 내에 분만한 32명의 산모를 대상으로 하였다. Lamellar body count는 경복부 양수천자를 통해 얻어진 양수에서 깨끗한 양수는 바로 검사를 시작하고 혈액이나 태변에 오염된 양수는 3분간 원심 분리한 후 3개의 sample로 나누어서 연속적으로 Coulter Objective: To evaluate the availability and efficacy of the Lamellar body count as a predictor of fetal lung maturity Methods: Amniocentesis was performed for evaluation of fetal lung maturity status within 72 hours of delivery in 32 patients. A Lamellar

서울시 시장정비사업의 진단과 개선방안 연구

맹다미(Da-Mi Maeng),박은경(Eun-Kyong Park) 서울연구원 2013 서울연구원 정책과제연구보고서 Vol.- No.-

Traditional markets as community centers have played a role in serving as a place of commodity exchange, facilitating formation of shared culture between local residents and market tenants through information exchange and personal interactions. Traditional markets fell into stagnation due to the rise of new market typology, such as open circulation market and ‘Super Super-Markets’(SSM’s) in the 1990s and the consequent change of consumer patterns, and as a result. their function as local community centers began to diminish. The ‘Traditional Market Redevelopment Projects’ were initiated on the grounds of the ‘Special Act on Promotion of Traditional Markets and Commercial Districts (Special Act)’ to revitalize commercial function and competitiveness through redeveloping the againg physical structures. Despite the initial purpose of revitalizing traditional markets, the Redevelopment Projects were oriented heavily towards residential use and were carried out in favor of developers and owners without the participation of existing tenants. This resulted in disharmony with surrounding environment as high rise residential-commercial buildings were constructed in low rise residential areas. This study identifies problems through data analysis, case studies with field survey and tenant surveys, expert survey and interviews for the Traditional Market Redevelopment Zones in Seoul, and proposes institutional improvement strategies and long-term improvement plans. The analysis results of the Traditional Market Redevelopment Projects in Seoul reveals that 40 projects out of 48 completed ones (83%) were redeveloped into mixed-use residential buildings and 65% of the completed projects are located in the General Residential Areas. The issues drawn from legal review of the Special Act and other related laws, surveys, and interviews include the difficulty in pursuing the Projects due to the lack of detailed provision of compensation standards, despite the stipulation that necessitates protective measures for existing market tenants. As for such measures, other related laws rather than the Special Act itself need to be revised. In addition, as most traditional markets are located within General Residential Areas, spatial incongruity arises in the cases of protruding landscape, right of light, right of a view, and others. Exemptions from the Special Act including building coverage ratio and floor area ratio need to be readjusted to characteristics of the area to effectively manage the residential environment. Traditional markets eligible for the Redevelopment Project only need to satisfy a few general prerequisites, such as safety defects of facilities and loss of competitiveness, and request project implementation with the consent of land and building owners. The final decision to proceed the project is made by the Traditional Market Redevelopment Committee in the Seoul Metropolitan Government. Since screening criteria on the appropriateness or scope of Redevelopment Zones are ambiguous, it is necessary to strengthen eligibility for the project. Therefore, this study suggests institutional improvement strategies for Traditional Market Redevelopment Projects on the grounds of the Special Act in three general aspects: 1) improvement of the current laws: 2) improvement direction allowing for sustainable urban management and market function: and 3) improvement of management and operation. After revising planning and policy for redevelopment process and method, the revision of the Special Act and the associated legal system may be approached over a long-term. Moreover, the Seoul Metropolitan Government needs to establish policy direction for the Projects in terms of sustainable urban management and market function, and further specify project eligibility requirements, exemption options and guidelines for project deliberation criteria through municipal ordinances. Suggestions on management and operation, such as entire ad

컨테이너 물류시설 도입효과 분석지표 연구

김익희(Ick Hee Kim),하오근(Oh Keun Ha),박은경(Eun Kyong Park),문용우(Yong Woo Mun) 한국철도학회 2015 한국철도학회 학술발표대회논문집 Vol.2015 No.5