PSD를 이용한 혼합모드 하중하에서 탄소성 파괴인성평가에 관한 실험적인 연구

김희송,이춘재,Kim, Hei-Song,Lee, Choon-Jae 대한기계학회 1996 大韓機械學會論文集A Vol.20 No.4

In this paper, as elastic-plastic fracture toughness test under mixed mode loading was proposed using a single edge-cracked specimen subjected to bending moment(M), shearing force(F), and twisting moment(T). The J-integral of a crack in the specimen is expressed in the form J=$J_I$+ $J_II$</TEX + $J_III$, where $J_I$, $J_II$ and $J_III$ are the components of mode I, mode II and mode III deformation, respectively. $J_I$, $J_II$ and $J_III$ can be estimated from M-$\theta$ ($\theta$;crack opening angle), F-U(U; crack shear displacement) and T-$\alpha$ ($\alpha$;crack twisting angle). In order to obtain the the M<-$\theta$, F-U and T-$\alpha$ diagram inreal time, a new deformaiton gage for mixed mode loading was proposed using the optical position sensing device(PSD). The elastic-plastic fracture toughness test was carried out with an aluminum alloy. The loading apparatus was designed and manufactured for this experiment. For the loading condition of the crack initatio in the mixed mode, the MMT -3(mode I+ mode II+ mode III) has the lowest values out of the all specimens. This implies that MMT-3 is possible of the crackinitation at lower load, if the specimen acts on together with the torque under the same loading condition. An elastic-plastic fracture toughness test using the PSD brings a successful experimentation in measuring the crack deformation(mode I+ mode II+ mode III).

5ㆍ18항쟁 시기 군부의 5ㆍ18담론

김희송(Kim, Hee-Song) 전남대학교 5.18연구소 2013 민주주의와 인권 Vol.13 No.3

열흘간의 항쟁 체험과 시민의식의 변화 -의미틀 분석을 통한 5, 18항쟁의 재구성-

김희송 ( Hee Song Kim ),최정기 ( Jung Gie Choi ) 한양대학교 제3섹터연구소 2014 시민사회와 NGO Vol.12 No.2

이 글은 5ㆍ18항쟁 시기 광주지역에 배포된 유인물의 의미틀 분석을 통해 지배와 저항의 구성적 각축과정으로서 5ㆍ18항쟁의 의미를 재구성하는데 그 목적이 있다. 역사적 사건으로서 5ㆍ18은 광주시민에게 상이한 시민의 역할을 요구했다. 항쟁 시 기 저항 주체들이 발행한 유인물에서 가장 빈번하게 등장하는 ‘시민’은 저항하는 시 민으로서 5ㆍ18항쟁을 상징하는 주의미틀 역할을 수행했다. 5ㆍ18항쟁 이전에는 사용되지 않았던 시민 개념이 주의미틀로 기능한 것은 계엄 군의 잔혹한 폭력이 지역적 공간으로서 광주시에 집중되었다는 사실과 밀접한 연관 이 있다. 항쟁 이전에 사용되었던 국민이나 민중의 개념은 5ㆍ18항쟁 기간에 도시의 구성원들이 겪었던 참상을 공유하기에는 제한적이었기 때문에 도시 전체의 구성원을 포괄하는 시민이라는 용어를 중심으로 주의미틀이 형성된 것이다. 한편 군부도 시민을 지속적으로 호명하고 있는데 군은 시민을 애국 시민과 불순분자로 구분하면서 선무공작을 통해 광주의 진실을 왜곡했다. 군 기록을 분석한 결과 항쟁 초기 광주시민들이 가장 빈번하게 외친 투쟁 구호는 계엄철폐였다. 그럼에도 군 부는 이데올로기적 조작을 통해 항쟁의 발생 원인을 지역 정치인인 김대중의 구속과 연계지음으로서 5ㆍ18을 지역문제로 축소시키고 있다는 것을 확인할 수 있었다. This paper is aimed to reconstruct the meaning of 5·18 Uprising as constructive competition of dominance and resistance through the frame analysis of leaflets distributed in Gwangju during 5·18 Uprising. 5·18 Uprising, as an historic event, required the Gwangju citizen to play a different role. The ‘citizen’ as was frequently shown in the leaflets of protesting subject played a role as a master frame representing protesting citizen in 5·18 Uprising, while the word of ‘citizen’ shown repeatedly in the military authorities`` propaganda maneuvers means the citizen obedient to the military oppression. The reason why the concept of citizen, as was never used before, started to show as a master frame of protesting subject is closely related to the fact that the brutal violence of military authorities focused on the region of Gwangju city. The term of ‘nation’, ‘people’ used as a word symbolizing protesting subject before had a limitation in covering the tragic scene of city members during 5·18 Uprising. Consequently, the term of ‘citizen’ more broadly comprehensing the entire city members was built up as a master frame. On the other hand, the military authorities also used the term of citizen constantly, while, it categorized the citizen as two subject by patriotic citizen and rebellious citizen. Through this pacification work, the military authorities distorted the reality of 5·18 Uprising of Gwangju city.The examination of military document shows that the main and most frequently exclaimed slogan of the Gwangju citizen in the early 5·18 period was the Abolition of martial Law. However, through the ideological manipulation, the military authorities had linked the direct reason of protest to the arrest of Kim Dae-Jung, the local political leader and obviously, the purpose of which was to abridge the meaning of 5·18 Uprising within the just regional problem.

P3를 사용한 CIT 기법의 타당성 검증

김희송(Hee-Song Kim),최효택(Hyo-Taek Choi),홍현기(Hyoen-Gi Hong),김지혜(Ji-Hye Kim),현명호(Myoung-Ho Hyun) 대한스트레스학회 2008 스트레스硏究 Vol.16 No.4

CIT 검사란 용의자가 범죄와 관련된 정보를 알고 있는지를 알아보는 검사로써, 범죄관련 정보를 보았을 때, 용의자는 높은 신체적 반응을 보일 것이라고 가정한다. 본 연구는 P3를 기반으로 한 CIT의 활용 가능성과 자극 노출 시간에 따른 감별확률의 차이를 검증해보았고 또한 P3 분석방법에 따른 감별확률을 비교해 보았다. 이를 알아보기 위하여, 피험자를 관련 얼굴 자극을 알고 있는 집단과 그렇지 않은 집단으로 분류하고, 관련 얼굴 자극을 알지 못하는 집단을 관련 얼굴 자극에 짧게 노출된 집단과 노출되지 않은 집단으로 나누고, 각 집단에게 목표자극, 탐침자극, 무 관련자극을 제시하여 각 자극에 따른 P3 진폭을 분석해 보았다. 그 결과, 탐침자극에 노출되었던 집단은 노출되지 않았던 집단보다 탐침자극에 대한 P3 진폭이 유의하게 높았다. 그리고 감별확률의 경우 탐침자극에 친숙한 집단이 짧게 노출되었던 집단보다 약 20%정도 감별확률이 높았다. 또한 본 연구에서는 기존 Rosenfeld et al.(2006)이 사용한 P3 진폭 분석방법을 보완하여 새로운 분석 방법을 적용하여 비교한 결과, 본 연구에서 고안한 분석 방법이 기존방법 보다 감별확률이 근소하게 더 높은 것으로 나타났다. The CIT examines whether suspects possess knowledge about a particular crime, which they do not want to reveal. when suspect recognize the crime-related evidence, it si assumed that he/she will produce high physiological response. We investigated whether a P300 based Concealed Information Test (CIT) can detect concealed face recognition and the degree of stimulus familiarity (during exposed time) influence hits probability. Participants are assigned in two groups: those who are familiar with relevant face stimulus and those who are not. Individuals of the second group are divided into two groups again. An experimental group is exposed to relevant face stimulus during 10 seconds and a control group did not receive any stimulus. The results show that mean amplitude response of the relevant face stimulus is significantly over P300 mean in exposed group to relevant face stimulus (without reference to exposed period). However, there was a hits probability difference depending on relevant face exposure period. When exposure period was long, its hits probability was 20% higher compared to short exposure period condition. Besides, we compared a new designed P300 mean amplitude analysis with Rosenfeld"s (2006) analysis method and, found that newly designed method showed higher hits probability than Rosenfeld"s (2006) analysis. (Korean J Str Res 2008;16:335∼342)

한국판 마키아벨리즘 성격 척도(MPS)의 타당화 및 신뢰도 연구

김희송(Hee-Song Kim),홍현기(Hyoen-Gi Hong),현명호(Myoung-Ho Hyun) 대한스트레스학회 2011 스트레스硏究 Vol.19 No.1

본 연구는 마키아벨리즘 성격특성을 연구하기 위해, Dahling et al.(2009)이 개발한 16문항의 마키아벨리즘 성격 척도(Machiavellianism Personality Scale: MPS)를 한국어로 번안하여 심리측정적 속성을 검증하였다. 399명의 대학생을 대상으로 K-MPS, 정신병질 성격특성, 자기애적 성격특성, 자기 검색 척도를 수행하게 하였고, 이를 통해 타당도와 신뢰도를 알아보았다. 먼저 탐색적 요인분석을 실시한 결과 4요인(타인에 대한 불신, 지위에 대한 욕구, 통제에 대한 욕구, 부도덕적 조종)을 지니고 있었으며, 확인적 요인분석 결과 4요인구조보다 위계적 요인구조가 더 적합한 것으로 나타나 한국판 마키아벨리즘 성격척도가 원척도와 동일한 요인구조를 지니고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 아울러 마키아벨리즘 성격특성과 관련된 여러 척도와의 상관 분석을 통해 타당도를 평가했는데, 그 결과 높은 수준의 수렴 및 변별 타당도를 보여 준거타당도를 확인하였다. 끝으로 본 연구의 제한점과 후속 연구에 대하여 논의하였다. The purpose of this study was to examine the validity and reliability of the Korean Version of the Machiavellianism Personality Scale (MPS). 339 participations (University students) were asked to complete the K-MPS, Psychopathy Personality Scale, Narcissism Personality Scale, Self-Monitoring Scale. The result of exploratory factor analysis (EFA) of K-MPS suggested 4 factor structures (Distrust of Other, Amorality Manipulation, Desire for Status, Desire for Control). The result of Confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) of K-MPS show that Hierarchical Factor Structure fitted better than Four Factor Structure, indicating that both MPS and K-MPS were possessed of same factor structures. K-MPS showed a relatively strong positively correlation with Narcissism, Primary Psychopathy, but a relatively weak correlation with Secondary Psychopathy, Self-Monitoring. This result showed K-MPS had high convergence and discriminative validity. Finally, limitations of this study were discussed in relation with future studied. (Korean J Str Res 2011;19:21∼30)

지역사회운동과 시민정치 : 광주지역 6 · 2지방선거를 중심으로

김희송(Kim Hee-Song) 한국지역사회학회 2010 지역사회연구 Vol.18 No.4

The purpose of this study is to grope for the progress of civil political movement, and to research for the importance and limitation of it by analyzing the civil political movement in Gwangju during the last 6.2 local election. The 6.2 local election held under the circumstance that the Democratic Party had the monopolistic power in this area, and we focused on the mutual relationship between the institutional politics and movement politics. During the 6.2 local election, the civil organizations of Gwangju area made up the organization named as "Gwangju Alternative Plan and Hope"("GAPH") and declared that it would proceed new civil politics movement by overcoming the old frame of political neutrality. For example, as one of the alternatives, GAPH strongly suggested a campaign of "Making Good Candidates". Even though GAPH emphasized this kind of positive election movement, the new movement promoted by GAPH also had its own limitation: GAPH was not able to show the public any newly tailored ways and contents of civil politics movement. Thus, this movement was no more than the 'pressure movement' during the past general election exercised under the name of "General Election Union Activities". Regardless of such limitation, however, this attempt had its own importance in that the dogma of political neutrality in the field of civil movement has been denied by civil movement itself. Moreover, this attempt has revealed that the "social right" of the public such as "free lunch program" may be one of the important agenda to be discussed among the civil politics movement in the future.

5･18민주화운동 헬기 사격을 둘러싼 기억투쟁에 관한 연구

김희송(Hee-Song Kim) 한국NGO학회 2021 NGO연구 Vol.16 No.1

이 글은 전두환 재판의 참여 관찰을 토대로 헬기 사격을 둘러싼 기억투쟁의 과정과 그 의미를 분석하고, 헬기 사격의 실체적 진실을 파악한다. 헬기 사격은 전두환 신군부의 ‘광주사태’ 진압 논리인 자위권 사격과 정면으로 배치되는 사건으로서사격 여부를 둘러싼 치열한 쟁투가 전개되어 왔다. 전두환 재판은 그동안 신군부에의해 왜곡·은폐된 헬기 사격의 실체적 진실이 드러나는 기억투쟁의 공간이었다. 자위권 사격이라는 신군부의 공식기억은 헬기 사격을 부정하고 은폐하는 결과를 초래했다. 헬기 사격에 관한 군 기록이 존재하지 않는 이유가 여기에 있었다. 전두환 재판은 헬기 사격의 대항기억이 사회의 공식기억으로 재구성되는 과정임을 드러냈다. This study analyzes the process of the memory struggle surrounding helicopter gunshot and its meaning based on the observation of Jeon Doo-Hwan trial, and grasps the actual truth of helicopter gunshot. The helicopter gunshot was an incident that was directly opposed to the right of self defense gunshot, which is the basis of the Jeon Doo-hwan new military regarding the suppression of the “Gwangju Uprising”, and the intense struggle on the truth of gunshot has been going on until now. The Jeon Doo-Hwan trial was a space of memory struggle to reveal the substantial truth of helicopter gunshot that has been distorted and concealed by the new military. The official memory of new military in the cause of self defense gunshot resulted in denial and concealment of helicopter gunshot. That is why there are no military records on helicopter gunshot. The Jeon Doo-Hwan trial has revealed the process in which the counter-memory of helicopter gunshot has been reorganized into the official memory of society.

[論文] ION 窒化에 있어 添加 炭素量이 殘留應力에 미치는 영향

김희송(H.S.Kim),강명순(M.S.Kang) 한국자동차공학회 1982 오토저널 Vol.4 No.2

This paper deals with residual stress characteristics of ion-nitrided metal which is primaril­ly concerned with the effects of added carbon content in gas atmosphere.<br/> A small optimal amount of carbon content in gas atmosphere increase compound layer thickness, as well as to increase diffusion layer thickness and hardness.<br/> The residual stress and deflection of the specimens was measured in various elevated temperature at the surface of ion-nitrided metal and the internal stress distribution was cal-culated.<br/> It is found that compressive residual stress at the compound layer is largest at the com­pound layer, and decreases as the depth from the surface increases.

군 기록물 분석을 통한 5·18민주화운동 연구 : 국보위 ‘광주사태’ 보고서를 중심으로

김희송(Kim Hee-Song) 전남대학교 5.18연구소 2020 민주주의와 인권 Vol.20 No.1

5·18민주화운동의 재구성

김희송(Kim, Hee-Song) 전남대학교 5.18연구소 2017 민주주의와 인권 Vol.17 No.2