http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
역사 속 재일조선인 의료와 복지의 한계 : 현재의 코로나19 속 상황에서 1920년대 전반 오사카방면위원회의 존재적 한계 보기
김인덕(Kim, In-Duck)(金仁德) 한일민족문제학회 2021 한일민족문제연구 Vol.40 No.-
現在地球はコロナ19の危機の中にある。こうした危機は本質的であり、我々の暮らしの現像的側面に対する部分的、臨時的、外面的収集策では絶対克服できないという事実を感知しなければならない。公害と感染、自然の破壊、そして伝染病の伝染につながる現像は、韓国の社会が自然環境であるという側面の本質的制限である。このような問題は個人の次元ではなく社会的、ひいては地球的次元のことと、歴史的、特に哲学的論議は切實といえる。歴史の中で見ると、伝染病と社会福祉は国家と資料の問題のみにの位置づけにはならない。特に在日朝鮮人にとって社会福祉は外傷的に存在したと見える。歴史的に見ると、国家と資料を統制しなければ、破局の道を歩んでしまった記録が多く存在する。とりわけ軍国主義日本がこれを示す代表的存在と思う。生は死を前に提議するときに本源的意味があるといえる。こんな人間は構造の中の日常を生きてゆく。在日朝鮮人にとってその世界は単純構造ではなく、集團的統制の中で共同体構成員として生きていったのである。彼らにとって日常は罪の悪に思えるかもしれない。渡港した在日朝鮮人は、都市の下位社会に編入された。彼らは部落民と同等な水尊であるか、これを下回る困難層として存在した。彼ら在日本人の暮らしは始まりからトラウマだった。日常で彼らが安全な居住空間を確認保するのは絶代容易ではなかった。すると、在日朝鮮人は社会福祉の対象で在らなければならなかった。 しかし、方面委員会を通して大阪府の社会福祉事業は、朝鮮の人々を構造的かつ本質的に差別し、社会福祉の名前は無実であった。結局、在日朝鮮人は、社会福祉と医療の死角地に存在しなければならいた。このように、日帝は帝國の構造の中で、植民主義を被壓迫狀態の植民地民に制して日本社会の中在日朝鮮人を福祉以外の空間に位置づけていった。どうやら、大阪府の方面委員会は、その実とすることができる。在日朝鮮人は対象化されている中で、統制の対象として存在した。この研究は、日常の医療と福祉の植民地的限界と、統制構造の反人道と危險性を指摘するための小さな試みです。 Currently, the Earth is in the midst of a crisis of covid-19. We must recognize that such a crisis can never be overcome by a partial, temporary, or external remedy for the phenomenon aspects of our lives in nature. The phenomenon that leads to pollution, contamination, destruction of nature, and the creation of infectious diseases are another pattern of intrinsic limitations that our society is deviating from. Such a problem is not at the individual level, but at the social and even global level, and historical and especially philosophical discussions are urgently needed. In history, infectious diseases and social welfare do not result only in problems of state and capital. In particular, social welfare seems to have been traumatic for Koreans in Japan. Historically, if the state and capital are not controlled, there are many records that have led to a catastrophe. In particular, I think militaristic Japan is a representative of this. Life can be said to strengthen its original meaning when it presupposes death. Such a human being lives his daily life in a structure. For Koreans living in Japan, the world was not just a structure but a member of a community under collective control. For them, daily life may have been considered a sin. Korean residents in Japan were incorporated into lower-class urban communities. They existed as poor people who were equal to or below the level of the villagers. The lives of these Koreans in Japan have been traumatized from the beginning. It was never easy for them to secure a stable living space in their daily lives. Then, Koreans in Japan should have existed as an object of social welfare. However, the Osaka government’s social welfare project through a welfare committee has structured and essentially discriminated against Koreans from Japan. The name of social welfare was a nameless one. In the end, Koreans in Japan had to exist in blind spots of social welfare and medical care. As above, Japan forced colonialism to the oppressed colonists in the structure of the empire and established itself in a space other than welfare for Korean residents in Japanese society. In a way, the Osaka Prefecturel welfare Committee is the very essence. Korean residents in Japan were subject to control while being targeted. This study is a small attempt to point out the colonial limitations of everyday health care and well-being and the anti-humanity and risks of the control structure.
영호대도소와 전라남도 동부지역의 동학농민혁명 - 김인배의 활동과 순천, 광양, 여수지역 전투를 중심으로 -
김인덕 숭실사학회 2015 숭실사학 Vol.0 No.34
본고는 김인배와 그가 주도한 영호대도소, 그리고 영호대도소의 동학농민혁명군을 중심으로 전라남도 동부지역인 순천, 여수, 광양지역에서의 전투를 중심으로 살펴보았다. 동학농민혁명에 가담한 전라남도 동부지역 동학농민혁명군에게 김인배는 누구일까. 영호대도소의 중심인물로 1894년 6월 순천에 내려 온 이후 그는 조직적인 준비와 안정적 기반을 마련하여 통치권을 장악했다. 그리고 새로운 전투의 준비를 체계적으로 진행했던 동학농민혁명의 지도자였다. 김인배는 새로운 시대를 꿈꾸며 25세의 나이에 영호대도소의 동학농민혁명을 주도했다. 그는 김개남의 명령에 따라 순천을 장악했다. 김인배의 지도자로서의 모습은 유학과 입도 이후의 실천적 투쟁 경험이 그를 새롭게 만들었고, 마지막 순간 그는 자신의 목숨을 대의를 위해 버리는 혁명가가 되었다. 김인배가 주도한 당시 영호대도소는 1894년 6월부터 12월까지 전라남도 동부의 순천, 광양, 여수 등지와 경상도의 하등, 진주 등지를 관장하는 사실상의 통치 권력을 장악했다. 여기에는 동학교도를 비롯해 아전, 농민, 사노비 등 다양한 계층이 참가했다. 이 조직은 조직 내부의 불협화음이 보이지 않은 잘 정돈된 권력이었다. 실제로 대규모의 항일전쟁을 위해 최초로 출진한 동학농민혁명군은 김인배가 주도한 영호대도소군이었다. 동학농민혁명의 과정에서 영호대도소의 동학농민혁명군은 반외세의 선봉으로 후방 방위 임무를 넘어, 혁명의 열기를 전라남도 동부지역에 전면적으로 확산시켰다. 이들 동학농민혁명군이 패배한 이유는 화력의 차이, 무력의 차이가 주요하게 작용했다. 결정적 패인의 하나는 일본군의 신식무기에 기인한다고 볼 수 있다. 아울러 양반과 향리들의 배반행위도 주요하게 작용했다. 김인배가 주도한 영호대도소의 동학농민혁명군은 근거지 순천을 토대로 하여 지역적 기반을 확충해 갔는데, 순천을 중심으로 체제의 안정적 기반을 갖추고 광양을 넘어 하동으로 진출하기도 했다. 당시 동학농민혁명군에게 순천은 활동의 근거지, 광양은 경상남도 서부지역 진출의 교두보, 그리고 여수는 도서지역 진출을 위한 기반 확충을 위해 절대적으로 필요한 지역이었다. 전라남도 동부지역 전투의 과정을 보면, 순천은 관아가 있어 자연스럽게 영호대도소가 접수하면서 거점이었다. 그렇지만 순천읍성 내부의 다양한 거주자의 내홍으로 인해 가장 불안정한 공간이 되기도 했다, 광양의 경우는 일찍이 동학이 활성화되었던 기반이 있어 전면적 투쟁의 종착지가 되었다. 반면에 일련의 좌수영 전투는 전라남도 동부지역에서 동학농민혁명군이 약화되는데 계기로 작용했다. 이곳 여수의 좌수영군은 이후 동학농민혁명군의 진압에 중요한 역할을 일본군과 함께 하게 된다. 이상과 같이 김인배 주도의 영호대도소와 동학농민혁명군은 전투 과정에서 농민들만이 아니라 지방 양반, 부민, 유림들까지 척왜라는 목표 아래 견인했다. 그리고 이들의 협조를 이끌어 1894년 6월부터 12월까지 치열한 전투를 통해 전라남도 동부지역을 장악하여 해방구로 만들었다. 이후 이들은 경상남도 서부지역 진출의 근거지를 만들고 동학농민혁명을 확대하는데 기여했다. 아울러 김인배 주도의 영호대도소와 동학농민혁명군의 성과는 동학농민혁명군사에서 전라남도 지역의 활동을 제대로 자리매김하는데 초석이 되고 있다. This paper studied on historical meaning of East Jeonra Namdo Donghak Peasant revolution & Youngho Daedoso in Suncheon, Gwangyang, Yeosu area. Who is Kim In-bae for peasant revolutionary army who had been involved in Donghak Peasant revolution? He was the main figure of Youngho Daedoso and was the leader for struggle with organized preparation and stabilization since he had moved to Suncheon. He was the leader of Donghak Peasant revolution Kim In-bae had been lead Youngho Daedoso’ Donghak Peasant revolution when he was only 25 years old. He had dominated Suncheon area ordered by Kim Gae-nam. The figure of Kim In-bae as a leader was mostly shown by practical struggle and became the revolutionary who laid down his life for the greater cause. Actually, Youngho Daedoso lead by Kim In-bae had dominated in East area of Jeonra Namdo-Suncheon, Yeosu and Gyeongsang-do’s Hadong, Jinju from June to December in 1894. Involving not only follower of Donghak but petty officials, peasants, private slaves were participated. This was the well-organized group without making dissonance. In a reality, the first Donghak Peasant Army for large scale of anti-Japanese war was Youngho Daedoso army lead by Kim In-bae. In a process of Donghak peasant revolution, Youngho Daedoso had done not only rear defense but became spearhead as well. These have concluded spread of atmosphere of revolution in entire Jeonra Namdo area. The reason why Donghak peasant army lost was that difference of firepower and force. One of the decisive factors of lost was due to new type-weapon from Japanese military. Also, noblemen from Chosun era and local officials’ treachery had effected as well. Youngho Daedoso lead by Kim In-bae had been based on Suncheon and developed themselves in region. They had also advanced to Gwangyang even Hadong area; Suncheon was the place for base, Gwangyang was bridgehead for entering west in Gyeongsang Namdo, and Yeosu was essential place for island area. When examining Jeonra Namdo east battle, Suncheon could have been the foothold in terms of place of government office. However, Suncheon also had become the most unstable place because of internal issues who had been lived in Suncheon Town hall. On the other hand, Gwangyang had been have a broaden foothold for Donghak so that had become destination overall fights but Jwasuyeong(Yeosu) battle had rather weaken Donghak peasant revolution. Eventually, Jwasuyeong army had subdued Donghak peasant army with Japanese army. As mentioned above, Youngho Daedoso and Donghak peasant army have been guided not only peasant but also Confucians, Vagabonds with the goal of Anti-Japanese. Throughout many of cooperation, it is true that they had made Jeonra Namdo as haven by many of fierce battles from June to December in 1894. Since then, these group had established a base in Gyeongsang Namdo western area and contributed to Donghak peasant revolution. Finally, Youngho Daedoso and Donghak peasant army lead by Kim In-bae clearly had became cornerstone of history of Donghak peasant revolution army in Jeonra Namdo.
김인재(金仁在) 서울대학교 노동법연구회 2008 노동법연구 Vol.0 No.25
The government employees are taken special legal steps in the labor relations and collective bargaining owing to the special characteristics of public service by the Government Employees’ Union Act and the other acts. The their major working conditions should be regulated by the law and regulations and be controlled by the draft budget after due deliberation of the National Assembly or the local assembly. And the government employees unions are complicatedly composed of the type of occupations and organs and the chief of administrative organ has no authority to decide independently the matters of working conditions. Therefore the labor relations and collective bargaining in the government sector should be composed of the dual structure, i.e. the centralized bargaining system and the organic bargaining system prescribed by the Government Employees’ Union Act. The major working conditions of the wages for their services should be decided by the centralized bargaining between the national union and the government, and the peculiar matters of the organ concerned should be decided by the organic bargaining system between the organic union and the organ concerned. For the purposes of the system, the bargaining representatives of unions should be democratically elected among the bargaining unions and the bargaining delegates of government should be composed of the ministers of the personnel and administration, public service and budget affairs concerned. Because the collective agreement related to the matters regulated by the laws and regulations or the budget should be ineffective, the government negotiating delegates should submit the revised bill or budget to the National Assembly or the local assembly within a certain periods so as to fulfill faithfully the matters already agreed upon between the unions and government.
김인재(金仁在, In Jae Kim),이발래(李發來, Bal Rae Lee) 한국공법학회 2006 공법연구 Vol.35 No.2-2
국가인권위원회(이하 '위원회'라 함)는 인권에 관한 법령, 제도, 정책 및 관행 등의 개선에 관한 권고와 의견표명을 통하여 지난 5년간 인권보호가 정부 정책의 수립 및 집행과정에서 주요 가치 및 평가지표로 뿌리내릴 수 있도록 노력하였다. 위원회의 권고나 의견표명은 고전적인 자유권 문제, 사회권 문제, 사회적 소수자를 비롯한 다양한 영역에 걸친 인권문제를 모두 포괄하고 있다. 국가보안법 , 사회보호법 및 사형제도, 인권 NAP 권고안, 차별금지법 제정 권고안 등 사회적으로 민감하고 높은 관심을 불러일으키는 주제에 대하여 권고나 연구·조사가 이루어졌다. 이는 위원회가 우리 사회의 인권 문제 전반에 대하여 폭넓은 관섬과 노력을 기울여 우리 사회의 인권 보호와 증진이라는 설립목적을음 충실히 수행하였음을 보여준다. 다만, 폭증하는 주요 인권정책 현안의 처리가 지연됨에 따라 시의성을 상실한 경우도 있었으며, 피권고기관의 권고불이행으로 권고의 실효성 문제가 지적되기도 하였다. 또 대부분의 권고 및 의견표명이 위원회 내부 기획에 의한 정책검토 보다는 외부요청(의견조회 등)에 의하여 행해졌으며, 특정 분야 또는 대상에 대한 계획적·종합적·지속적 개업보다는 계기적·부분적·일회적 정책권고가 행해졌다. 따라서 정책엽무 수행에서 전략적 기획에 의한 선택과 집중 및 사회권 관련 권고 개발이 미흡할 수밖에 없었다. 또한 위원회가 법안에 대하여 의견을 표명하는 경우에도 개별 조문에 대한 의견을 제시하는 선에서 그치거나 법률주의적 관점이 지배적이라는 것과 진정사건의 침해구제에 치우쳐 있었으며, 현재의 법제와 관행에서 인권침해적 요소를 찾아내고 시정하려는 노력은 상대적으로 미약했다는 위원회 외부의 비판이 있었다. 이에 위원회는 위원회법이 요구하는 인권 보호와 증진이라는 설립목적올 달성하가 위하여 사회적 약자 및 소수자의 권리증진을 위한 사회권 관련 정책개발음 동하여 인권영역을 확장하고, 국제 인권가준의 국내 적용을 위한 기반을 구축하고, 인권현안에 대한 대응능력을 제고하는 방향으로 추진될 필요가 있다. 위원회가 국제적인 수준의 인권기구가 되가 위해서는 수동적인 진정사건의 해결이나 법령 검토에 만족해서는 안되고, 인권 현안에 대하여 적극적이고 능동적으로 대응해야 하며 인권에 관계된 법령·제도의 개선에 신속한 대책을 강구해야 한다. The National Human Rights Commission of Korea (NHRCK) has submitted recommendations and expressed opinions on reforming human rights legislation, policies and general practice during the past five years in an effort to establish human rights protection as fundamental criteria of values and evaluation in processes of developing and enforcing government policies. NHRCK recommendations and opinions cover all human rights issues from diverse fields includingissues regarding classical civil rights, social rights and social minorities. Recommendations, research and investigations were conducted on socially sensitive issues or of high public interest such as national security law, social surveillance law, capital punishment system and, recommendations of the roadmap of National Action Plan on human rights. These illustrate NHRCK determination in the mandate to protect and promote human rights in our society by devoting its efforts and broad interest in the length and breadth of human rights issues of our society. Occasionally, due to the delay in response to escalating issues on current human rights policy, integrity was at stake andin other occasIOns, failure to comply withthe recommendation by the recommendee-institution was regarded as a problem in optimizing the effectiveness of recommendations. Also, as the majority of recommendations and opinions are made upon external requests (i.e. inquiry, etc) rather than policy revision based on the internal planning agenda, policy recommendations are opportunistic, partial and isolated rather than considered as planned, comprehensive and continuous interventions. Consequently, in the process of policy-making, choices and motivation based on strategic planning and, recommendations concerning social rights have no alternative but to be inadequate. Furthennore, in regards to cases where NHRCK expresses its opinion about bills, there has been external criticism that the opinion is limited at the point of a particular provision or, it is the case that the perspective of legal principles dominates and the opinion tends to lean towards the remedies of violation complaint cases. Hence, efforts to identify characteristics of human rights violation in the current legal system and general practice and, reform them are relatively weak. Accordingly, in order to carry out the mandate to protect and promote human rights as stipulated in the National Human Rights Commission Act, it is necessary that NHRCK works towards extending the scope of human rights by developing policies concerning social rights in favor of socially underpriviledged and minorities; establishing a framework to integrate international human rights standards as part of domestic jurisprudence and improving its capacity to countermeasure current human rights situations. For NHRCK to become a National Institution of international recognition, it must not be satisfied by passive remedies of complaint cases and revisions of laws but must respond to current human rights issues actively and enthusiastically and, must examine immediate measures regarding the improvement of legislation related to human rights.