송암(松菴) 금면(金沔)과 고령 지역의 의병활동

김영나 ( Young Na Kim ) 한국사상문화학회 2012 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.64 No.-

When the Imjin War broke out, the activity of patriotic soldier troops was very active in the East Kyoung-sang district and even Kim Myeon from Goryeong played an important role. Kim Myeon`s family grew from the latter term of Goryeo Dynasty to build a powerful social, economic and scholastic basis. He learned from Jo Sik and was appointed to various official positions but didn`t go into government service and when the Imjin War broke out, he originated a patriotic soldier troop to protect the region of Goryeong and played an active part in the patriotic soldier troop in the midway position due to the influence of not only Jo Sik but also Yi Hwang. Furthermore, he accepted the common people or the government army as the patriotic soldier troop. Consequently, the local noble family, locals and the government army formed the patriotic soldier troop in joint. Lots of the initial patriotic soldier troop organization of Kim Myeon were from the same family or his acquaintances and mostly, it was composed of people in the neighborhood. As for the members of the patriotic soldier troop organization in the latter term, the residents, officials and other chiefs of patriotic soldier troops from not only the East Kyoung-sang district but also the West Kyoung-sang district participated. At first, the battles in which Kim Myeon was active in were mostly small around the Nakdonggang and as it expanded its influence to be active in the full-scale patriotic soldier troop activity. He gradually expanded its influence to the north and he could form a joint front with the patriotic solders from the Honam district with the help of the government office. When the war became relaxed, Kim Myeon played a role as a coordinator in various situations. After his good coordination of confrontation between provincial governor, Kim Su and the head of a patriotic soldier troop, he was supported by the government army from the provincial governor. Soldiers from various regions were supported by Choyusa, Kim Sung-Il so that he could increase the military strength of the patriotic soldier troop. Even though he often confronted with Jeong In-Hong in various ways, when the patriotic soldier troop was reorganized, Kim Myeon finally got to command Jeong In-Hong. Like this, Kim Myeon had a regional background of Goryeong and was a pupil of Jo Sik but maintained acquaintanceship with the pupils of Yi Hwang to be influenced by ideological background, social and economic basis as a local noble family and originated the patriotic soldier troop due to insufficient reactions of the government and the government army. He could get positive support of the people through the activity of the patriotic soldier troop and thanks to his moderate ideological attitude, the government recognized him so that he could become a chief commander of the patriotic soldier troop and the government army recognized not only by the patriotic soldier troop but also by the government army. 김면의 가문은 고려 후기부터 성장하여 막강한 사회적·경제적·학문적 기반을 가지고 있었다. 그는 조식에게 배웠으며, 여러 벼슬에 임명되었지만 출사하지 않았고, 임진왜란이 일어나자 고령을 지키기 위해서 의병을 창의하였고, 조식뿐만 아니라 이황의 영향도 받았기 때문에 중도적인 입장에서 의병 활동을 하였다. 또한 백성이나 관군도 의병으로 포섭하였다. 따라서 재지사족과 지방민, 관군이 연합으로 의병군을 형성하였다. 김면의 초기 의병 조직 구성원은 그와 교유한 사람이거나 같은 가문 출신이 많고, 대체로 인근 지역에 사는 사람들로 구성되었다. 후기 의병 조직 구성원에는 경상우도뿐만 아니라 경상좌도에 살고 있는 사람들, 관리들, 다른 의병장들도 참여하였다. 처음에 김면이 활동했던 전투는 낙동강 주변의 소규모 전투가 대부분인데, 거창으로 세력을 넓히게 되면서 본격적으로 의병활동을 하였다. 그는 차츰 북쪽으로 세력을 넓혔고, 호남의 의병들과도 관청의 도움으로 연합전선을 형성하여 활동하였다. 김면은 전쟁이 소강상태로 접어들면서 여러 상황에서 조정자의 역할을 하였다. 관찰사 김수와 의병장 곽재우의 대립을 잘 조절하여 관찰사로부터 관군의 지원을 받았다. 초유사 김성일에게도 여러 지역의 군사를 지원받아서 의병의 군세를 증강시켰다. 정인홍과는 여러 면에서 서로 부딪쳤지만 의병이 재조직되면서 김면이 정인홍을 지휘하게 되었다. 이와 같이 김면은 고령이라는 지역적 배경, 조식의 제자이기는 하지만 이황의 제자들과 친분을 유지하면서 영향을 받았다는 사상적 배경, 재지사족으로서의 사회적·경제적 기반, 관과 관군의 대응 미비 등을 통해 의병을 창의하여 활동하였다. 적극적인 의병 활동을 통해 백성들의 호응을 받게 되었고, 그의 온건한 사상적 태도로 인해 조정의 인정을 받게 되어 의병뿐만 아니라 관군에게도 인정받는 의병장이자 관군의 장이 되었다.

15-17세기 광산김씨(光山金氏) 예안파(禮安派)의 전답소유양상(田畓所有樣相)의 변화

김영나 ( Yung Na Kim ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2009 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.15

이 연구를 통해 광산김씨 예안파의 분재기에 나타나는 전답의 소재지와 면적 전답 매매와 경영방식의 의미를 발견하고, 조선후기 전답의 소유양상변화와 비교한다. 15세기에는 거주지를 중심으로 전답이 예안에 집중되었고, 주로 상속에 의해 획득했다. 16세기에는 전답이 경상도 북부와 남부, 충청지역, 경기도까지 확장되었고, 상속뿐만 아니라 개간이나 매득 역시 전답을 확보하는 방법 중 하나였다. 전답의 면적은 점차 넓어졌는데, 예안의 전답은 대체로 30% 후반이었고 다른 지역도 대체로 늘어났다. 따라서 광산김씨 예안파는 처음에는 예안 중심으로 전답을 집중하였다가 가문의 위상이 높아지면서 여러 명문 가문과 혼인관계를 맺어 다른 지역까지 전답을 넓혔으며, 개간이나 매득을 통해서도 전답을 획득하였다. 17세기부터 예안 중심으로 전답이 다시 집중되었고, 이 지역 내에서 많은 전답을 확보하였다. 전답이 자신의 거주지 내로 집중된 이유는 첫째 대부분 중앙 관직에 진출하지 못했기 때문에 다른 지역의 전답을 소유할 수 없었다. 둘째 재산의 평균분급이 사라지고 장자에게 재산이 집중되었다. 셋째 영남의 사족들은 중앙으로부터 소외되었기 때문에 다른 지역에서는 큰 힘을 가질 수 없었다. 이 연구를 통해 이 가문의 사회적·경제적 지위를 일부라도 짐작할 수 있었다. 또한 다른 가문들의 분재기와 전답매매명문을 같이 분석하여 전답에 대한 여러 실상을 밝힌다면 사족의 경제적인 한 면을 어느 정도 유추할 수 있을 것이다. This study is to define the meaning of location and size of the farmland, its trade, management and operation: by using the Kwangsan Kim Ye-Ahn Clan`s Bunjaegi(document of property inheritance), and compared with the actual condition of the farmland in the late Choson Dynasty. In the 15th century, the farmland was concentrated on the residence where Kwangsan Kim Ye-Ahn Clan lived and they usually acquired by inheritance. In the 16th century, the farmland expanded to the Gyeongsang-do until northern part and the southern part, the Chungcheong area and Gyeonggi-do, not only an inheritance but also reclamation or a purchase as well was one in the method which secures the farmland. The total area of their farmland broadened gradually, Ye-Ahn occupied late 30 percent of the farmland, and the rest of other place other areas of it were gradually broaden, too. Accordingly the Kwangsan Kim Ye-Ahn Clan concentrated on their farmland mainly the residence, but as the phase of the family became higher they widened their farmland through marriages with a various distinguished families. They also acquired their farmland by reclamation and purchase. From 17th century, the farmland was concentrated on and around the residence of Ye-Ahn again, they secured the many farmlands. This reasons are followed as below. Frist, this clan hardly had a chance to be a central official position they couldn`t possess other areas of farmlands. Second, the average distribution of property disappeared, and the property was concentrated to the eldest son. Third, because the Yeongnam Sajok(local elites) was separated from the center, they could not strengthen their power in other areas. This study will be able to guess the social and economic status of this clan. Also with analyzing the Bunjaegi and the farmland trade record of the different family, it is possible to explain the economic part of Sajok if the meaning of the actual situation for farmland can be revealed.

조선후기(朝鮮後期) 광산김씨(光山金氏) 예안파(禮安派) 전답매매(田畓賣買) 실태(實態)

김영나 ( Yung Na Kim ) 대구사학회 2007 대구사학 Vol.89 No.-

화가와 초상화

金英那(Kim Youngna) 미술사연구회 2006 미술사연구 Vol.- No.20

Portraiture is the representation of a specific individual through drawing, painting or photography. Portraiture is a genre that has a longer tradition than any other genres in the history of art. However, the efforts to define portraiture have proved to be difficult because of the genre’s several inherent contradictions. Firstly, although a portrait represents a mere moment in a person’s life, it is perceived to encapsulate his or her essential being, which cannot be grasped by pure physical resemblance. Thus, a portrait also addresses one’s personality, occupation, psychology, social status, etc.; in short, it contains all that would constitute an individual’s identity. Secondly, the focus of a portrait lies on the sitter, the one who is portrayed. However, emphasis can also lie on the artist who is looking at the sitter. As Walter Benjamin said, “the portraiture, if they last, do so only as testimony to the art of the painter.” For Benjamin, traditional portraits are first and foremost a document of the artist’s hand and eye. This argument greatly diverges from the definition offered by the Oxford English Dictionary: “A representation or delineation of a person, esp. of the face, made from life, by drawing, painting, photography, engraving, etc.; a likeness.” Another difficulty in answering what a portrait is the way portraiture is practiced in modern and contemporary art. In the 20th century, portraits no longer obsessively adhere to the principle of ‘likeness’ on account of the advent of movements such as abstract art as well as a shift in the art world where portraits are rarely produced to meet the demands of a certain patron. This makes it all the more difficult to designate portraiture. On the other hand, there is photography, which occupies that empty place of ‘likeness’ with a supposed guarantee of physical resemblance. Does this mean that when discussing the technical reproduction of portrait photography, we have to change the perspective from which portraits have traditionally been discussed? In this article, I propose the following categories for understanding portraiture in art history: state portrait, individual and group portrait, self-portrait, contemporary portrait. This enables us to recognize that the portrait occupies a sphere where its very definition as well as reception cannot but be unstable, fluid and flexible.

집에 관한 새로운 사유 - 공유 위에 덧씌운 사유, 길 위의 집

김영나(Kim Young-na) 현대건축사 2007 월간 CONCEPT Vol.- No.96

클레멘트 그린버그의 미술이론과 비평

김영나(Youngna Kim) 서양미술사학회 1996 서양미술사학회논문집 Vol.8 No.-

The American formalist art critic Clement Greenberg has been the most influential figure in art criticism in the twentieth century. The art criticism of Greenberg was directly founded on a particular understanding of art history that it could be labeled as a separate reading of modernism in modem art. Premised on his art historical and aesthetical perspective, he would theoretically advocate, critique, and give directions to, where appropriate, an artistic mode or an artist, and thereby excersized substantial influence on artists" work from the 1940 throughout the 60s. The essence of Greenberg"s formalist art theory was already established by 1939 and 1940 in his two essays, “Avant-garde and Kitsch,” and “Toward a Newer Laokoon.” During the 1930s, the then Marxist Greenberg was witness to the impact of Nazi Fascism and Stalin"s Communism upon the arts in Europe, and was to thereupon assimilate the writings of Eliot, Trotsky and Kant, reaching the conclusion that it is only the purely aesthetic quality in the visual arts that sustains its value through time. He believed that the value in art lay in art works untained by politics, ideology or literalism, which was determined by the distinctive ways in which the artist each dealt with the inherent properties of a medium. And in this art, the quality of the work and its artistic value exist beyond temporal history and can be judged objectively. By such claims, he propelled European modernism into a new phase, that is, into a Greenbergian modernism. His art theory, albeit the radical changes in the political and economical contexts that were to follow, remained constant throughout his life. Such narrow notion of art theory and history, especially his notion of the objective judgement of art, was to be the target of opposition in the early 1960s from various artists that he did not support, followed by art historians and critics of the next generation. And particularly during the last twenty five years, a postmodem critique has focused on Greenberg"s theory that high art and everyday life must be segregated as the target for debate. This paper first of all studies the art and polities and the ideological discourse during the 1930s which was the time-frame that shaped Greenberg"s perspective on art, and it will examine the process through which the Marxist Greenberg transgressed into formalist. Although this problem is crucial to the understanding of his later critical writings it is an area that has been little discussed in Korea. Furthermore, this paper will review the major issues in his art theory, his achievement and limits as an art critic and assess the historical place of Greenberg in the twentieth century art criticism.

‘박람회’ 라는 전시공간 : 1893년 시카고 만국박람회와 조선관 전시

김영나(Youngna Kim) 서양미술사학회 2000 서양미술사학회논문집 Vol.13 No.-

Since London’s 1851 Crystal Palace exhibition, universal exposition came to exist as a new showcase to exhibit industrial products and scientific inventions as well as fine arts in one place-thus displaying technological advance and the progress of mankind. The World Columbian Exposition held in Chicago 1893 was the height of such nineteenth century expositions. World Columbian Exposition, Chicago of 1893 holds a special meaning to Korea because it was the first universal exposition Korea has participated abroad. Unlike Japan, who had been participating in universal expositions since 1862, stimulating new popularity for Japanese art in the Western world, it was not until 1880s when Korea began open-door policy toward the Western world. Following signing a treaty with the United States in 1882, King Kojong decided to participate in the 1893 Chicago Exposition, and later to 1900 Paris Universal Exposition. This suggests that King Kojong and the court recognized the universal expositions as an important exhibitionary space to present Korea to the international society, and also to acquire knowledge on advanced Western technology and products. However, despite these effort for modernization, Korea was unable to escape the aggression of neighboring Japan and became protectorate of Japan in 1905. Korea was again displayed in 1910 at Japanese-British Exhibition as a colony along with Taiwan. In Chicago Exposition, Korea built a small traditional Korean-style house in the Manufactures and Liberal Arts Building and exhibited handicrafts, men and women’s cloths, weapons, musical instruments, and etc. The Korean exhibition was too small in scale to receive much recognition, and the newspapers and the magazines of the time described the Korean exhibition as that of an isolated and strange country. Nevertheless, the Chicago exhibition serves as an important research area in Korea’s modern art history. It not only happened to be the first place where Korea officially encountered the cultures of various countries in the world, but it worked as an impetus in establishing several cultural institutions, including Hansong Art Studio to promote the productions of crafts. The study also brought to light some of the documents and visual images that had not been known by conducting researches both in Korea, Japan and in the United States, By examining these materials and comparing the exhibitions of three East Asian countries of Korea, Japan, and china, the article attempted to analyze the historic significance of the Korea’s participation in Chicago and Paris Exposition, and how the image of East Asia was constructed as the cultural other through display of exotic and mostly handicraft products in face of technologically advanced Western Civilization.

18세기 도산서원(陶山書院) 노비의 혼인과 가족

김영나 ( Kim Young Na ) 한국서원학회 2018 한국서원학보 Vol.6 No.-

본 논문은 陶山書院의 고문서 중 17세기의 院贖案 1건, 18세기의 奴婢案 9건과 身貢案 2건을 통해 노비의 혼인과 가족, 거주 지역을 밝히고자 하였다. 도산서원 노비의 혼인에서 서원노와 서원비의 혼인이 가장 많이 나온다. 이는 서원의 입장에서 가장 손쉬운 혼인이기 때문이다. 다음으로 노와 良女의 혼인이다. 이는 서원에서 노비의 수를 늘리기 위해 적극적으로 이용하였다. 비와 私奴와 노와 私婢의 혼인도 많이 나오는데, 비와 사노의 소생은 서원의 소유가 되었고, 노와 사비의 소생은 노비안에 나오지 않는다. 이외에도 班奴婢·私奴婢·寺奴婢·驛奴婢·內奴婢·다른 서원 노비·買得奴婢·贖納婢 등과의 혼인도 있다. 이처럼 다양한 혼인 관계에서 공통적인 특징은 비의 경우는 어떠한 혼인 대상과 혼인하든지 그 소생은 반드시 서원의 소유가 되었지만, 노의 경우는 혼인 대상에 따라 그 소생이 서원의 소유가 될 수도, 아닐 수도 있었다. 서원에서는 노비를 증가시킬 수 있는 다양한 혼인 방식을 강구하였고, 그 중 가장 큰 성과는 노와 양녀의 혼인으로 인한 소생이었다. 도산서원 노비의 가족은 보통 한 지역에서 대대로 거주하는 경우가 많아서 가족의 해체나 분열은 거의 나오지 않는다. 대부분 비를 중심으로 노비안에 가족을 기재하였다. 노의 경우는 양녀와 혼인하여 낳은 소생들이 주로 기재되었고, 노와 寺婢, 노와 私婢 등의 혼인에서 태어난 소생은 나오지 않는다. 도산서원 노비의 거주 지역은 주로 경상도 북부 지역과 동해안이고, 경상도 남부 지역과 충청도 강원도에도 도산서원 노비가 나온다. 특히 예안과 안동의 경우, 그 안의 거의 전 지역에 노비가 거주하였다. 또한 관청이나 사찰에 거주하는 특별한 경우도 있었는데. 여기에 거주하는 노비들은 도산서원에 신공을 납부하지 않았을 것이다. 도산서원은 예안과 안동 일대에서도 영향력을 가지고 있었고 예안에서 멀리 떨어진 강원도나 충청도의 노비에게 신공을 거둘 수 있을 정도의 영향력이 있었을 것이다. 지금까지 18세기의 도산서원 노비의 혼인과 가족관계, 거주 지역을 살펴보았다. 자료의 한계로 인해 미비한 부분은 19세기의 노비안들을 함께 분석해본다면 도산서원에 속한 노비의 존재양상을 더 자세히 알 수 있을 것이라고 생각한다. This article aims to discuss the marital and familial forms, as well as the residential areas of slaves through the ancient documents of the Dosan Seowon, including a 17th century government slave register, nine 18th century slave registers, and two labor remission fee registers. Marriages between female seowon slaves and male seowon slaves were the most common form of marriage found among Dosan Seowon slaves, since it was the most convenient way for the seowon to increase the number of slaves in their possession. The second most common were marriages between male slaves and freeborn commoner women. Similarly, these types of marriages were actively encouraged by the seowon to increase the number of slaves. There were also many instances of marriages between female (seowon-owned) slaves and privately-owned male slaves, and male (seowon-owned) slaves and privately owned female slaves. The offspring of the former were claimed by the seowon; while the ownerships of those of the latter are not mentioned in the slave registers of the seowon. The registers also record marriages that involve privately-owned slaves, government-owned slaves, post station slaves, slaves owned by the royal family, slaves owned by other seowons, acquired slaves, escape from the slaves etc. A common tendency found among the various forms of marriage is that the offspring of a female slave that belonged to the Dosan Seowon were also owned by the seowon, regardless of the groom; while the offspring of the seowon’s male slave could or could not be owned by the seowon, depending on the bride. The seowon sought ways to increase the number of its slaves. The most effective among these were marrying its male slaves with freeborn commoner women. Most slaves owned by the Dosan Seowon had resided in fixed areas for many generations. Thus, dismantled or divided families were rare among the Dosan Seowon slaves. In most cases, slave families were recorded on the slave register, centering around the female slave. With male slaves, the register mostly records the offspring between male slaves and freeborn commoner women. Those between male slaves and government- or privately-owned slaves are not mentioned. The slaves owned by the Dosan Seowon mostly resided in the Northern regions of Gyeonsang and the East Coast the Southern regions of Gyeonsang and Chungcheong, and even Gangwon. In particular, Dosan Seowon slaves resided in all areas of Yean and Andong. There were also exceptional cases where they lived in government offices or temples. These slaves most likely did not pay labor remission fees to the Dosan Seowon. The Seowon possessed influence over the areas surrounding Yean and Andong. We can also conjecture that their influence stretched to other regions in Gangwon and Chuncheong, far from Yean, that would have enabled them to collect labor remission fees from the slaves residing in these areas. This paper has thus explored the marital and familial relationships, and residential areas of the Dosan Seowon slaves. We believe that the limitations of this paper resulting from lack of data can be resolved by including an analysis of slave registers in the 19th century to take a closer look at the lives of slaves that belonged to the Dosan Seowon.

17~19세기 병산서원 노비의 존재양상

김영나(Kim, Young-na) 대동한문학회 2021 大東漢文學 Vol.67 No.-

본 논문은 17~19세기 병산서원 노비안을 중심으로 서원노비의 규모, 나이와 신공, 혼인과 가족, 거주 지역 등을 밝히고자 하였다. 병산서원 설립 초기에 몇 명의 노비가 있었는지 알 수 없으나, 1663년 노비안을 통해 풍악서당의 노비들을 파악할 수 있었다. 17세기에는 100여 명에서 150명 가까운 노비들이 있었고, 18세기에는 207명까지 증가하였다가 19세기에는 66명으로 줄어들었다. 나이를 확인할 수 있는 노비 중에서 17세기에는 1~10세, 21~30세의 비중이 높고, 18세기에는 壯 연령층의 노비분포가 비슷하였으며, 19세기에는 老 연령층이 상대적으로 적었다. 병산서원 노비는 돈, 종이, 돗자리 등의 물품을 신공으로 납부하였다. 병산서원 노비의 혼인은 원비와 미상의 혼인이 가장 많았다. 17세기에는 이 혼인뿐만 아니라 원비와 사노, 원비와 양인, 원노와 양녀의 혼인과 이들의 자녀들이 많았고, 18세기에는 원비와 미상의 혼인 비중이 더 높아졌다. 19세기에는 원비와 미상의 혼인만 나온다. 서원노비는 누구에게도 상속되지 않았기 때문에 이들의 가계는 지속적으로 나타났다. 병산서원 노비들은 서원 근처와 안동, 경상도 북부 지역에 주로 거주하였다가 강원도와 충청도 등으로 확장되었다. 18세기 중반에 가장 많은 지역에 노비가 거주하다가 19세기에 다시 서원 근처를 중심으로 거주 지역이 축소되었다. 이것은 서원의 경제적 기반을 효율적으로 관리하기 위함이었다. 지금까지 17~19세기 병산서원 노비의 나이와 신공, 혼인과 가족, 거주 지역을 중심으로 서원노비의 존재양상과 그 의미를 살펴보았다. 이를 통해 서원의 운영기반 중 하나인 서원노비의 성격을 확인할 수 있었다. This paper focuses on Byeongsan Seowon’s(seowon is a Confucian academy) slave register from the 17th to the 19th century to identify the number, age, labor exemption fees, marriage status, family, and area of residence of slaves. The number of slaves present when Byeongsan Seowon was founded is unknown, but it is possible to identify the slaves at Pungak Seodang(豊岳書堂) from the 1663 slave register. In the 17th century, there were 100 to 150 slaves; the number rose to 207 in the 18th century but fell to 66 in the 19th century. Among the slaves whose ages could be confirmed, the proportion of those aged 1–10 and 21–30 years was the highest in the 17th Century. In the 18th century, the age distribution of slaves paying labor exemption fees was at a similar level, and in the 19th century, old ages(老) slaves were relatively small. The slaves at Byeongsan Seowon paid labor exemption fees with money, paper, and mats. With respect to marriages between slaves at the seowon, those between female seowon slaves(院婢) and unidentified males(未詳) were the most common. In the 17th century, there were also marriages between female seowon slaves and private male slaves(私奴), female seowon slaves and male commoners(良人), and between male seowon slaves(院奴) and female commoners(良女), besides the children born to them. In the 18th century, the number of marriages between female seowon slaves and unidentified males increased further, while in the 19th century only these marriages, and their children, were listed in the slave register. Their descendants continued to be listed in the register because the seowon slaves were not chattels subject to inheritance. The slaves at Byeongsan Seowon usually lived near the seowon and in Andong and northern Gyeongsang provinces; they later spread out to Gangwon and Chungcheong provinces. In the mid-18th century, the slaves were spread over a larger area, but in the 19th century their area of residence was curtailed to the seowon’s vicinity. This was done to manage the seowon’s economic resources more efficiently. This paper looked at slaves’ mode of existence at Byeongsan Seowon from the 17th to the 19th century, and its implications. Based on it, the characteristics of seowon slaves could be identified, and the status of Byeongsan Seowon could be deduced.

西洋의 美術史學史

김영나(Youngna Kim) 서양미술사학회 1989 서양미술사학회논문집 Vol.1 No.-