Thin Film EL 소자의 유전체층 재료 및 구조의 변화에 따른 소자 특성

금태일,박이순,김숙경,이윤수,권혁용 한국공업화학회 2008 한국공업화학회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.2008 No.-

「田使君賡和詩」에 보이는 徐福傳說에 관하여

金泰燾 한국일본문화학회 2010 日本文化學報 Vol.0 No.46

日本 右翼의 思想과 活動에 관한 史的 考察

金太基(Kim, Tae-Gi) 한일민족문제학회 2007 한일민족문제연구 Vol.13 No.-

1990年代以後、日本の総体的な右傾化が進行されるの中で、これを助長する勢力としての日本の右翼に対する関心が高まっている。韓日友好関係と東北アジアの平和のためには、右翼の実体が何か、彼らが何を考え、なぜそういう行動をするのか、客観的に調べて冷静に反応しなければならないだろう。この研究はこのような問題意識を持って、次のような研究課題を設定している。まず、敗戦以後の日本右翼の主導勢力が誰だったのか、時代の流れの中で確認することである。第2に、敗戦から現在に至るまで、日本右翼が果たして何を主張してきたかということである。第3に、これら右翼の具体的な活動内容に関する考察である。第4に、日本右翼の活動に対する日本国民の反応である。敗戦以後、日本の本流右翼は現実と妥協して、親米反共を標榜して、任侠右翼がこれに同調した。彼らの活動は暴力を伴うことになって、脱政治化の中で日本国民は彼らから遠ざかった。本流右翼が親米․米国依存の現体制を支持する ｢反民族｣的なものだったので、これに危機感を感じて現れたのが新右翼であった。だが、最近日本という国家の右傾化を実質的に拡大させていっているのは宗教右翼である。日本という国家の右傾化が自分たちの組織拡大につながるので、これらの団体が右傾化を追求するのは当然の帰結とも言える。また右翼知識人の活動も明らかに増えた。過去にはおおっぴらに主張できなかった侵略肯定論を閉鎖的な民族主義立場で自信ありげに主張する知識人らが多くなった。これに同調する日本国民がたくさん増えたが、これは民族的な自負心と謝罪外交や自虐史観などに対する‘反発’であって、彼らが積極的な天皇支持者だとか、閉鎖的な民族主義あるいは反米主義者であると断定するのは難しい。 Japan's general swift toward right since the 1990s has taken our attention about the Japanese right wing groups who were behind the scene. We should objectively examine their true nature, thoughts and activities and sensibly respond to them with the intention of improving friendship of Korea and Japan and furthermore, establishing peace in Northeast Asia. This study intends to confirm these things; First, who has been the most influential, leading right wing during the postwar period? Second, what have they insisted to the present? Third, what have their activities been like? Fourth, what has the normal Japanese responded to them? After the defeat of war, the orthodox right wing groups made a compromise with reality, expressing pro-US and anti-communist stance and the newly emerging right wing groups agreed with them. Their activities bore apparent violence so they estranged the ordinary Japanese people. The emerging right wing groups felt sense of crisis because they thought the insistence of the orthodox right wing was absolutely devoid of nationalism. However, another religious right wing recently appeared to expand their territory in the process of the national shift to right. Moreover, the right wing intellectuals are accelerating their activities. Even though they could not publicly remark those opinions before, nowadays, they confidently argue for the righteousness of Japanese invasion, showing the chauvinistic nationalist view. More and more Japanese people seem to agree to those argument and it is because of their resistant feeling against the diplomatic policy based on apology toward neighbor countries and the self-torturing historical view. Therefore, it is hard to conclude that Japanese citizens are pro-Emperor or they have anti-US stance.

『海國圖志』에 나타난 魏源의 世界認識硏究

金泰萬),김태만(Kim Tae Man 대한중국학회 2015 중국학 Vol.51 No.-

In the 19 century, the Western naval powers including England overwhelmingly rushed to China since their earlier aggression to India and the other parts of Asia. The English merchants armed with naval forces illicitly sold opium to China to regain its trade balance from the Chinese market. Consequently, China rapidly went to be drawn into the world economic system which was leaded by England and this unstable shift of China caused the collapse of the Qing dynasty at last. Then Wei Yuan, the patriotic intellectual of the late Qing, believed that the reason of the invasion of the Western powers is due to their needs of trade with China and then developed his idea of the benefits from the trade between China and the West could be shared in the mutually beneficial and equal international trade. However, Wei Yuan felt that his belief would be realized only in the condition of China's possession of unbending force to that of the West. Therefore, He developed his idea of China would need to equip with strong defense abilities, well trained armed forces and armaments to protect itself from the West and he also came to realize the necessity of learning from the West which would be able to do so only after getting over from China's superior understanding to the West. This is the idea of the 'Yi-xia concept(夷夏論 the concept of differentiation of Non-Han and Han Chinese)' which had sprouted from 'the studies on Jingshi(經世學 the studies on practical aims of political and social guidance)' and later the Yi-xia developed into his philosophical thoughts. Wei Yuan insisted that China should learn from the West but maintaining its sense of being superior to it. These thoughts became Wei Yuan's motivation of writing the book, 'Haiguotuzhi(海國圖志 Illustrated Treatise of Maritime Nations)', in which he insisted to learn from the West so as to protect China from outer threats. From the understanding of Wei Yuan's patriotism to China with his idea of 'Yi-xia concept' and his academic tendency of the New Text school(今文經學派), we can find the early concept of nowadays Chinese dream connected with the idea of the modernization movement of China.

戰後 東北亞 國際關係와 在日韓人

金太基(Kim, Tae-Ki) 한일민족문제학회 2008 한일민족문제연구 Vol.15 No.-

この論文は解放以後から阪神教育闘争が起きるまでの在日韓人の民族教育に対するGHQの政策について実証的に考察したものである。GHQの民間情報教育局は基本的に民族教育に対し否定的な立場を持っていた。解放された民族としての在日韓人の権利は考慮しないで、｢少数民族｣に対する民族教育は日本社会の混乱を惹起させるということであった。一方、在日韓人の法的地位と関連して、マッカーサー将軍の政治顧問であり、外交局長だったアチソン局長は1945年12月の時点では ｢政治的な理由｣を取り上げ、在日韓人を連合国民として見做すべきべきであると国務省に提案した。在日韓人を連合国民として取り扱えば、日本国内の秩序が不安定になるかも知れないが、韓半島における米国の信頼を高めるのに、それが有利だと判断したのである。だが、アチソンは1946年5月になれば、在日韓人を日本国民として見做すべきであるとして、従来の立場を変えたのである。解放された朝鮮との関係よりは日本国内の秩序維持を優先することになったのである。このようなDS局長の提案に対してGHQも米国務省も同意した。韓米関係より日米関係が重視されたのである。国人登録令では｢外国人｣として取り扱いながらも、朝鮮人学校と児童を日本の教育基本法と学校教育法の枠に強制的に入れようとした。当然ながら、これに在日韓人は激しく抵抗した。在日韓人の抵抗が激しく、日本の地方行政当局は在日韓人を日本の教育法に服従させることができなかった。ついに、1948年にGHQが関与して、文部省は1·24通牒を発した。それでも朝連を中心とした朝鮮人学校関係者は徹底的に抵抗した。南朝鮮での5·10総選挙が近づき、焦りを見せ始めた占領軍は朝鮮人学校と共産主義者が結びついていて、朝鮮人学校で共産主義教育が行われていると問題にし始めた。そして、ついに阪神教育事件が発生すると、その責任を全部共産主義者の仕業であると公言した。解放された民族の純粋な教育闘争が｢権力｣によって、歪曲され始めたのである。 This paper examined the GHQ’s policy on the national education of Korean Japanese from 1945 to Hanshin Education Struggle 1948. The Civil Information and Education Section of GHQ basically had a negative attitude toward the national education of Koreans. They thought that that kind of education might disturb the Japanese society without considering their national right of the Korean minority. George Atcheson, D. MacArthur’s political advisor and the chief of the diplomatic section, suggested that the Korean Japanese should be regarded as the United Nations national. If the idea had been adopted, it could have lead the unstability of domestic order in Japan but could certainly have worked in strengthening the American position in Korea. However, by May 1946, Atcheson changed his own opinion and said that the Korean Japanese should be considered as retaining their Japanese nationality. He thought that it was more important to maintain domestic order in Japan than to construct desirable relations with the liberated Korea. GHQ and the State Department agreed to the idea, emphasizing the US-Japan relationship. In 1947, GHQ began to carry out the policy that forcibly put the Korean Japanese into the frame of the Japanese education legislations, which, in turn, faced Koreans intense resistance. As the municipal authorities could not crack down all their struggles, Japan’s Education Ministry, assisted by the GHQ, gave an ultimatum of January 24, 1948. Howeber, Korean Japanese continued to fight against the GHQ policy. In response, the occupation forces questioned that there were communists, who taught the communist ideology in the Korean schools. As the Hanshin Education Struggle broke out, the GHQ blamed only on communists, without taking any responsibility themselves. The Korean Japanese, as a liberated nation, struggled to establish their national education on their own but their efforts were distorted by GHQ.

米國의 對日占領政策과 在日韓人의 経濟的 權利

金太基(Kim, Tae-Ki) 한일민족문제학회 2012 한일민족문제연구 Vol.23 No.-

この硏究は(1)米國政府の解放後在日韓人に對する保護および生活に關する経濟政策, (2)SCAPの在日韓人の経濟的な權利(持參金, 雇用, 特別配給, 生活保護法, 財産稅など)に對する政策について考察した。 米國政府の在日韓人経濟政策において, 日本の植民地支配の犠牲者としての在日韓人に對する経濟的配慮を見つけることができない。米國政府の政策的な立場が明確であったならば, 在日韓人の経濟的な權利に對するSCAPの態度も変わったはずである。しかし, 米國政府の在日韓人に對する経濟政策は在日韓人に決して友好的なものではなかった。 結局, SCAPが在日韓人を経濟的にどのように認識したかということが重要であるが, 最も重要な担当部局であるESSの担当者は, 在日韓人の植民地支配からの解放がどのような意味を持っていたのか理解しようとしなかった。むしろ在日韓人は日本の侵略戰爭に積極的に協力し, 富を蓄積したという認識を持っていたし, 在日韓人は植民地支配の犠牲者ではなく, 日本人と同じ侵略者であり, 解放された後, 自分たちの立場を急に変えた裏切り者と見なした。解放初期の無秩序な狀況の中で, 敗戰に失望に陷っている日本人とは對照的に解放を喜んで, 日本社會から解放された民族として, 自由に行動し, 場合によっては, 日本の公權力さえ無視する在日韓人をSCAPは否定的に見ていた。 SCAPに在日韓人は日本経濟にとって負担になる存在であり, 経濟的に特に配慮する価値のない存在であった。在日韓人という解放民族が長い間日本の植民地支配を受けてきた被害者であるという認識と政策が彼らに完全に欠けていたため, SCAPは現實的な立場のみに立って, 日本を統治する支配者, すなわち日本政府を代弁する統治者の立場から在日韓人問題を見, 経濟的な權利についてもそのような立場で對處した。彼らの政策のの基準は日本の政治, 経濟, 社會秩序の維持であり, 反共という政策であった。 これらのSCAPの方針が反映されて, 在日韓人の持參金は制限され, 雇用は差別され, 特別配給も受けられなかった。生活保護法も限られた人々のみ對象となり, 財産稅を納付しなければならなかった。結局, 在日韓人の生活は改善されず, 日本社會の中で安定した生計手段を見つけることができなかった。結局多くの在日韓人は生計のため占領後も違法な商行爲をした。日本政府はこれを彈壓し, 在日韓人はこれに抵抗した。 This paper is to review (1) the U.S. government’s basic recognition and policy about the economical problems of Koreans in Japan after World War Ⅱ and (2) SCAP(General Headquarters of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers)’s policies concerning the economical rights(Property Individuals to carry on Living Japan, Employment Supplementary, Ration, Livelihood Protection Law, Capital Levy etc.)of Koreans in Japan during Occupation Period. First of all, the policies of U.S government over economical problems of Koreans in Japan was limited to only in basic protection and support. In addition, there were no consideration of economical rights of Koreans in Japan who were liberalized after Japan’s colonization. U.S. government’s economical policy to Koreans in Japan was not amicable at all to Koreans in Japan. If U.S. government had ordered specific direct on the employment and public assistance toward Koreans in Japan, SCAP would have handled economical rights of Koreans in Japan based on U.S. government’s keynote. Based on no specific direct, SCAP in the end, decided economical rights of Koreans in Japan based on their own judgement. After all, how SCAP perceive Koreans in Japan and economical rights of Koreans in Japan became important. Related to economical rights of Koreans in Japan, the most profound Section ESS(Economic and Scientific Section), never tried to understand the existence of Koreans in Japan who were liberated from colonization of Japan. Rather, they had a prejudice that Koreans in Japan positively cooperated Japan’s invading war and accumulated wealth, that they were not the victim of colonization, that they were the same invader as Japan, and regarded them as apostates who changed their footings post liberation. SCAP looked negatively at Koreans in Japan who were congratulating the liberation and who, as a independ

798예술촌, 도시의 흔적과 기억의 공간

김태만 ( 金泰萬 ) 현대중국학회 2012 現代中國硏究 Vol.13 No.2

3천년의 역사를 지닌 고도(古都) 베이징(北京), 현대화의 이름으로 과거와 전통이 ``철거`` 당하는 과정에서 베이징 사람들의 기억도 사라져 가고 있다. "중국=전근대=악"에 맞서 "서구=근대=선"의 이분법적 도식에 대한 강박과도 같이 철저하게 전통을 배제하고 지워가려는 욕망의 극대화 과정이 베이징의 모습을 왜곡하고 있다. 대표적인 것이 전통 고건축의 훼멸과정과 상반된 베이징 CBD의 건설은 베이징의 전통과 현대에 대한 극명한 대비를 보여준다. 그러한 속에서도 사회주의 이전과 이후의 결절점을 그대로 보여주면서 베이징의 기억을 간직한 공간인 798예술촌은 모순과 모순들로 엮여진 하나의 스토리로 부활하는 폐허의 꿈을 보여준다. 미국의 SOHO나 첼시와 다를 바 없이 ``버려진 공장의 예술적 부활``이긴 마찬가지이나, 798의 특징은 바우하우스(Bauhaus)라는 독일의 건축양식이 어떻게 21세기 베이징을 상징하는 하나의 문화 아이콘으로 부활하는 지를 보여준다. 베이징의 현대화는 올드(Oid)와 뉴(New)를 경계 짓는 주요 표지인 사회주의의 전(前)과 후(後)를 대비하면서도 크고, 높고, 넓게를 추구하는 베이징 건축의 현대적 욕망에 묻혀버릴 지도 모른다. 하지만 이와 달리 바우하우스를 리뉴잉하는 과정에 담아낸 사람들의 기억과 정서가 고스란히 녹아 있는 798공간의 예술적 부활을 재조명함으로써, 현대화 도시의 원도심 재생의 바람직한 방향에 대한 실마리를 찾고자 한다. Beijing has 3000 years of history but people in Beijing`s memories are disappearing because Beijing is getting modernize so the traditions are getting forgotten. Chinese separate like "China=Premodern=Evil" and "the West=Modern Times=Goodness" so modern Beijing is distorted. Especially the traditional buildings are disappearing and the CBD`s buildings are shows the differences between traditional buildings and the modern buildings. 798 has before and after of bad things of Socialism and memories of Beijing. And also 798 shows the ``Dream of reborn of ruin``. SOHO and Chalsea are in America and they are also the reborn of a factory that was derelict. But 798`s feature is Bauhouse and the style of Baohouse is from Germany and it shows how the 21st century`s cultural icon of Beijing reborn. Beijing people want to make big, high things that represents boundary of old and the new, contrast of before and after of socialism. But 798 ishad reborn as an Art center and it has memories and emotions of Chinese about renewing the Bauhouse. And that is the right wayRegeneration Method of Old Downtown in Modern China.

의료보험 급여제도의 경로의존에 관한 연구

김태일(金泰逸),김선희(金善喜) 한국정책과학학회 2006 한국정책과학학회보 Vol.10 No.4

본 연구에서는 의료보험제도가 도입된 후 25년이 지났지만, 제도 도입 이후 지금까지 줄곧 문제점으로 지적되었던, 낮은 보험급여율 정책이 지속되는 원인을 역사적 제도주의 관점에서 제도의 경로의존성이라는 개념틀로 분석하였다. 이를 위하여 우선 의료보험 도입 당시 저급여정책의 형성 내용과 그 이후 정책환경의 변화를 살펴보고, 환경변화와 급여정책 변화라는 계기가 있었음에도 불구하고 저급여 정책이 지속되고 있음을 보였다. 다음으로 이러한 저급여정책 산출의 기반이 되는 제도로서 정부정책지향과 국민의식ㆍ행위의 경로의존성을 살펴보았으며, 역사적 제도주의의 관점에서 향후 의료보험 급여정책의 변화 방향을 모색하였다. 본 연구의 의의로는 우선 이론적인 면에서는 건강보험 정책현상의 분석에서 정책구조를 내생변수로 도입, 분석함으로써 기존 연구들의 한계를 보완하였다고 점을 들 수 있다. 다음으로 정책적 측면에서는 건강보험 저급여제도의 지속성 및 경로의존성을 밝힘으로써, 향후 정책방향을 가늠해 볼 수 있게 한 정책적 함의를 갖고 있다고 볼 수 있다.

초기 魯迅의 문예사상

김태만(Kim Tae Man)(金泰萬) 대한중국학회 2017 중국학 Vol.61 No.-

Lu Xun was dispatched to Japan as an overseas student in 1902. Then he went on to a medical college thanks to his knowledge of natural sciences learned in China. One day, however, both the desperation of overseas students from Qing Dynasity(淸朝) and the so-called “Stereopticon event(幻燈機事件)” forced him to drop out of school and turn to literature. This change resulted from his awareness that the rotting Chinese spirit could not be saved even though medical education could save one or two patients. In Tokyo, he launched a literary magazine titled XinSheng with his younger brother, Zhou Zuo-ren(周作人), a friend, Xu Shou-chang (許壽裳) and other friends, and tried to rush into the literary movement. He did not make it due to a loss of writers, funds, and public indifference. Nonetheless, a continuing sensation was created after his world point of view was published in a magazine titled Henan(河南). His overseas life did not last for long, and he was back in China where he should withdraw into ‘a room made of cast iron’. While the anti-imperialist and anti-feudalist movement was actively spreading, the XinQingnian(新靑年) was inaugurated, and Lu Xun broke his silence and published his writings. As a result, the ideas and philosophy of his youth were resurrected, and encountered the world again. Finally he was able to walk as “a full-fledged warrior of the spiritual world”. Here I attempt to analyze the meaning of the failure and resurrection of XinSheng through the process and content of Lu Xun s ideological consciousness, before and after the publication of XinSheng. 1902년 루쉰은 일본유학생으로 파견되어 국내에서 학습한 자연과학 지식을 바탕으로 의학전문대학에 진학해 의학도의 길을 걸었다. 그러던 어느날, 청국 유학생에 대한 멸시와 이른바 ‘환등기 사건’으로 돌연 자퇴하고 문학의 길로 전향한다. 의술이 한두명의 환자를 구할 수 있을지언정 썩어 있는 중국인의 정신을 구할 수 없다는 자각에서 였다. 토쿄에서 동생 저우쭤런(周作人)과 쉬서우창(許壽裳) 등 친구들과 문예잡지 『신생』을 창간해 본격적인 문예운동에 뛰어들고자 했다. 하지만, 상황은 녹녹지 않았고 필진, 자금 등의 고갈과 주변의 냉대로 인해 실패로 돌아가고 말았다. 그러나, 그가 그리고자 한 세계와 내용은 우연한 기회에 연결된 『허난(河南)』이라는 잡지에 발표되면서 일정한 반향을 일으켰다. 하지만, 유학생활은 오래가지 않았고, 귀국해 오랫동안 ‘무쇠로 만든 방’에 갖혀 침잠해야 했다. 반제반봉건 운동이 활발히 전개되는 가운데, 『신청년(新靑年)』이 창간되었고, 루쉰은 침묵을 깨고 글들을 발표해 나간다. 이로써 그의 청년기 사상과 철학은 고스란히 부활해 다시 세상과 만나게 되었고, 본격적인 ‘정신계의 전사’로 걸어 나갈 수 있었다. 본 논문은 『신생』 출간을 전후한 루쉰의 사상의식 전변과정과 내용을 통해 『신생』의 실패와 부활과정 등의 의미를 분석해 보고자 한다.

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소재용,금태일,이윤수,박이순 한국공업화학회 2008 한국공업화학회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.2008 No.1