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趙成千(조성천),趙得昌(조득창) 중국문화연구학회 2015 중국문화연구 Vol.0 No.29
This study is a set of translations and annotationsin a consecutive order on poem 11 to 16, from the 8th volume ‘Presented Poems(贈詩)’ of Libai(李白)’s 『a collection of Litaibo(李太白)´s works』, which specifically covers 6 poems. The original text is given for each of the subject poems, which are translated, commented in a consecutive manner. Compare, comparison and correction on the given texts, detailed explanations follows. The 11th poem is the poem written by Li Bai after meeting Di Botong(狄博通), and explains the deep relationship with Di Botong in much detail. The poem is full of the poet’s concerns, worries, and prayers for the poet’s friend. In the 12th poem, Li Bai has been exiled from position, and coincidently met Wei Canjun(韋參軍), who has been pardoned to weep at his hardships and feel heartbroken at his state. In the 13th poem, the region where Wei Canjun is pardoned and starts to work at has magnificent view that they console him not to be saddened, and to enjoy at a place with a great view if they have the opportunity. In the The 14th poem, Li Bai meets Zhou Chushi(周處士) to describe the view where Zhou Chushi lives, and also the life and the hearts of Zhou Chushi, to depict his wishes to be a Taoist hermit with miraculous powers with Zhou Chushi. In the The 15th poem, where the fall grows on and the rainy season rains on, the anguish and the depression accumulated from not achieving the goals in Changan(長安) and also the hardships of life are depicted. The 16th poem depicts the depressing political reality and his own poor situations, and expresses his will and hope even within the agony and the disappointments of the reality.
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조성천 중국어문연구회 2019 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.93
Wang Fuzhi’s JiangZhai WenJi(薑齋文集)⋅JiuZhao(九昭) is an important work of his old age, originally at the end of ChuCiTongShi(楚辭通釋) which is completed in 1635. The motive of Wang Fuzhi for this work is that he imitated his work and write this work, because his career and enthusiasm for serving the government of Nanming(南明)is Similar to Qu Yuan(屈原) in the process of interpreting ChuCi. Therefore, this work adopts the method of confession and adds his interpretation behind the poem. Reffering to Qu Yuan is to express his emotions with him. It is a very important document to understand the spirit of Qu Yuan & Wang Fuzhi and to understand ChuCi & ChuCiTongShi. “XiaoXu(小序)” of JiuZhao is a description of the motive for writing JiuZhao, One is that Song Yu(宋玉, 298~222 B.C.) and Liu Xiang(劉向, 79~8 or 77~6 B.C.) did not fully understand the spirit of Qu Yuan, so he tried to reveal the sprit of Qu Yuan through JiuZhao. Another one is that he had gone through a great deal of hardship in the late Ming and early Qing China, but the regret which had no choice but to regain his own will, was worse than that of Qu Yuanf, because he wanted to describe his mind through JiuZhao. “Gu Zheng(汨征)” is the expression that Qu Yuan was sent into the Jiang Nan Province and felt sadness and depression when he saw that the different land of country between Yuan Xiang(沅湘) and Ying(郢), and so he expresses feelings that can not forget the country with sorrow. “Shen Li(申理)” is the expression of the feelings that the Qu Yuan is loyal to the king, angry with the courtesans and the feelings that Qu Yuan can not tell express yet. Wang Fuzhi’s JiuZhao represented himself through Qu Yuan.
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왕부지(王夫之) 『방부명(放符命),역사(繹思)』에 대한 고석(考釋)
조성천 한국중국학회 2012 중국학보 Vol.65 No.-
符命是通過對天降符瑞及君王功德的描述來證明王權的合理性, 合法性的文章. 將"符命"作爲壹種文體名稱, 最早見於梁朝蕭統的『昭明文選』, 除『文選』 以外, 將"符命"作爲壹種文體單獨列出的不多, 少見有單獨的此"符命"類目. 在歷代詩文總集之中, 惟明代徐師曾『文體明辨』, 賀復徵『文章辨體彙選』有 "符命"類. 淸代吳曾祺的『涵芬樓古今文초』將"符命"列入``頌贊``類, 近代章炳麟的 國故論衡·文學總略 將此歸入``雜文``類. "符命"隨詩文總集編者的看法, "符命"不能確保其穩定的文體的地位, "符命"文體名 目及其文體的體制洋式之下, 所創作的作品也不多. 本稿對於王夫之『薑齋文集』的「放符命·繹思」進行了考釋, 其成果在於通過本稿, 探究了文體的壹 種"符命"文體的內容和體制洋式. 王夫之運用"符命"這洋的文體形式, 通過比喩、象征、隱喩等藝術手 法, 成功地表現了對祖國和民族的强烈祈願. 由此他繼承"符命"斷絶的傳統, 堅固了타的地位, 把"符命" 作爲寫作的體裁, 將타重新複活幷再誕生. 其分段、 標點、字句校勘部分是慘考嶽麓書社出版的『薑齋文集』, 至於本稿的不足之處, 今後將進行更深入細致的硏究和修改.
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王夫之 『連珠二十八首』의 明朝에 대한 志操⋅忠貞사상과 反淸의식 고찰
조성천 한국중국학회 2010 중국학보 Vol.62 No.-
‘連珠’是一種特殊的文體,与赋及骈文都有极深的渊源。 (晋)傅玄、 (梁)沈约、 劉勰、 蕭統、 (宋)李昉、 (明)吳訥、 徐師曾等人曾探讨其涵义和发生发展的情况。 ‘連珠’萌芽於先秦諸子散文, 興盛於漢魏六朝, 衰弱於唐宋, 復興於明淸。本文以王夫之<連珠二十八首>为主要对象, 着重从句式、 用韵、 表现手法与修辞等方面入手, 探讨分析王夫之<連珠二十八首>的文体特点以及其价值和意义。 王夫之<連珠二十八首>通过对自然和人文现象的精细观察和深入思索, 使用嚴格而整齐的句式, 運用大量的典故、 對偶、 比喩、 對比等表現手以及論理推理手法來表達事理, 寓事理於具體鮮明的形象之中, 造成一種婉曲而又有勸誡的表現效果。 其勸誡是以效忠明朝, 抵抗淸朝爲主要目的。 王夫之的<連珠二十八首>在含蓄性, 諷刺性, 象徵性, 藝術性等方面都極爲豐富。 這些特點是由他的學問基礎、 藝術素養、 時代精神以及環境影響綜合而成的結果。 其價値和意義在於, 面臨漢魏六朝以來'連珠'體日漸衰落的狀況, 王夫之将這一文體從新復興於淸代以維持其命脈, 由此也可以窺知‘連珠’的特點, 體制, 面貌等。
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번역(飜譯) 및 주석(註釋) : 왕부지(王夫之) , 강재문집(薑齋文集)ㆍ척독십수(尺讀十首), 역해
조성천 고려대학교 중국학연구소 2014 中國學論叢 Vol.46 No.-
王夫之不僅悉心敎導自己家族的子女, 對侄子的敎育也頗具匠心. 作爲一個大哲學家,思想家, 他留下十封寫給子侄的書信. “尺牘十首”,正是王夫之寄給族中弟侄們的書信,表現他對弟姪們的殷切期望. 其主要內容是談立身之道與家族風範,講修族譜的事. 通過這些書信,他希望他們光明正大,和睦孝順,讀書敎子,以保持王氏家風,也希望他們對家族中曾發生的不快,乃至訴訟,引以爲警戒. 在“尺牘十首”中,第七首<示子姪>就是在中國歷代家訓及勸學詩之中屈指加數的名篇. “尺牘十首”在長短形式上比較自由,但第七首<示子姪>與≪薑齋詩剩稿≫中的<示姪孫生蕃詩>是以詩體寫的, 而且以〔i〕造成韻尾, 足以見其特色. “尺牘十首”偶李引用≪莊子≫的故事或杜甫的詩句,來增加說服力,感染力. 他含有“修身齊家”的思想,而且描寫與家族交流的生活感情. 我們從中可以了解王夫之個人的人生足迹及眞摯的生活感情,這就是“尺牘十首”的價値和意義.
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