개정 선거법과 공명선거

호광석 동국대학교 사회과학연구원 2004 사회과학연구 Vol.11 No.1

The purpose of this article is to study the fairness in the 17th parliamentary elections. This article is composed of 4 parts which the voters' consciousness of clean election during the last 2 elections, the characteristics for fair election in the revised election law, election law violations during the 17th parliamentary elections and activities to implement fair election. The voters' consciousness of clean election is rising gradually. We can find this fact in the National Election Commission(NEC)'s investigation reports during the 16th parliamentary election in 2000 and 4 local elections in 2002. Election for Public Office and Election Malpractice Prevention Act is revised on March 12, 2004. The revised election law contains the new articles such as precandidacy and preelection campaigning, means of election campaign, voting system, and restrictions and punishment on illegal electioneering activities. Many of these intended for the fair election. Despite this revised election law, the cases of election law violations showed more than a twofold increase from those of the 2000 general elections. A total of 4,088 illegal campaigning cases have been reported from the beginning of this year to the day before voting day according to the NEC. And some 53 winners of this election are under investigation for violations of election law. But during the official 13-day electoral campaign period, the cases of election law violations showed a decline more than the last. Therefore it is regarded as appropriate that the 17th parliamentary elections are more cleaner than the former elections in essence. Although the fairness in elections is rising gradually, various activities to implement clean elections are needed more and more. All subjects related elections, which government and the NEC, parties and candidates, the press and civil groups, and voters, must carry out its own duties to take fair elections.

트위터(Twitter)를 이용한 선거운동의 공직선거법 적용방안에 관한 공법적 연구

김재선 ( Jae Sun Kim ) 고려대학교 법학연구원 2011 고려법학 Vol.0 No.62

People`s interest in election has increased as election issues directly related to policy were spread widely in short time through twitter in the 5th Local Elections in 2010. It is a phenomenon contrasting to the previous election, which main issues used to delivered through a method of advertising activities through mass media such as newspaper and broadcasting, or through personal homepage, internet cafe, and blog, or sending an email. And this shows increased influence of information and communication medium is also extensively appearing in election. Twitter is a medium that has contributed to fast delivery of information most significantly. Twitter is a sort of social connection service network where users can form a relation and communicate in real time through computer or mobile phone, and it is a system where a sender write a post within the range of 140 characters and a person who wants to receive the post register the sender as a follower without agreement or approval of the sender to receive information, and information quickly spreads in a short time as other individuals re-tweet this. However, public election law was applied same as other media as twitter is considered as means of communication using information communication media, and it caused controversy as civic groups have expressed their opinions and the constitution has been proposed. This is because regulations on election campaign under public election law became to be applied to people directly as general mass started to participate in election campaign as the main agent with appearance of information communication media such as twitter, but on the other hand, public election law which regulates election campaign activities, used to be a way to protect people from pluctocratic election and illegal election as existing election campaigns were mainly fulfilled through a method where a person who can run an election campaign provides information and voters receive this information. Constitutional Court has judged the Article 93 of current public election law as consitutional as a result of judging it based on principle of disclosure and principle of excessive prohibition even through unconstitutional opinion was majority with 5 people but it did not reach the quorum. It is difficult to exclude twitter from other media or other similar things or to interpret it as homepage or email under this current public election law. Therefore, it will be a practical alternative to include twitter into a range of other similar media but clarifying the standard of prohibited action clearly and minimizing it during the process of executing law. However in a long term, it is a task to be improved in order to promise freedom of expression and to increase rights and interests of people. Therefore, a standpoint of fundamental change about purpose, ideology, and system of current public election law must be introduced. According to these controversies, National Election Commission is pushing ahead with revision of law to expand freedom of expression by submitting a revision opinion about public election law to run an election campaign using all information communication media at ordinary times for 2011 election for assembly and president.

한국의 웹 캠페인 규제와 <선거법> 개정의 정치적 해석

송경재 한국정보화진흥원 2015 정보화정책 Vol.22 No.3

This study observes the fact that there exist restrictions due to the election-law-based regulations on web campaigns in Korea although web campaigns are widely spreading around the globe, and aims to analyze this aspect from the political context. As a result of the research, first, this study found out that Article 93, Clause 1 of the <Election Law> makes it possible to do permanent web campaigns on the strength of the Constitutional Court’s decision of limited unconstitutionality, whereas Article 59 and 254 of the same Law(Election Campaign Offence) differ from the above Article 93, Clause 1; thus, it is necessary to revise the relevant law. Second, as for the request for taking measures for the depletion of ISP, etc., it is necessary to reform the provisions of the <Election Law> and <Information Network Act> together. These provisions are excessive regulations of the <Election Law> on ISP, also having the possibility of dual punishment. Third, there is also the need to amend Clause 6 of Article 82 (Real Name Confirmation of the Message Board, and chat room of Internet Media) of the <Election Law> from a long term perspective. It is because this Clause also has much room for restrictions of the freedom of expression in the long term despite the Constitutional Court’s decision of its constitutionality in July, 2015. Lastly, this study is to reinterpret why it is difficult to revise the <Election Law>from the two sorts of political contexts and to propose the ‘<Election Law> Reform Multiple Governance’as the <Election Law> revision method for web campaign revitalization. 본 연구는 인터넷을 기반으로 하는 웹 캠페인이 전 세계적으로 확산되고 있으나, 인터넷 강국 한국에서는 <선거법> 규제로 인한 제약이 있다는 점에 주목해서 그 문제점과 해결 방안을 분석하고자 했다. 연구 결과, 첫째, <선거법> 제93조 제1항은 헌법재판소의 한정위헌 결정으로 상시적 웹 캠페인이 가능한데, 제59조와 제254조(선거운동기간위반죄)는 이와 달라 개정이 필요하다. 둘째, ISP에 대한 삭제 등 조치요청은 <선거법>과 <정보통신망법> 조항들을 같이 개정해야 한다. <선거법> 제82조의4 제3항과 <정보통신망법>의 게시물 삭제 또는 취급거부 등의 조치를 ISP에게 요청할 경우, 이중 처벌의 가능성도 있어 개정이 필요하다. 셋째, <선거법> 제82조의6(인터넷언론사 게시판∙대화방 등의 실명확인)은 2015년 7월 헌법재판소가 합헌이라 결정했지만 장기적으로 정치적 표현의 자유를 제한할 소지가 강해 보완 입법이 필요하다. 마지막으로, 연구는 <선거법> 개정이 왜 어려운지를 2가지 정치적 맥락에서 재해석하고 웹 캠페인 활성화를 위한 <선거법> 개정방식으로 정치인뿐 아니라 다수의 전문가와 시민사회 등이 참여하는‘<선거법>개정 다층 거버넌스’를 제안한다.

일본 재외선거제도와 그 시사점에 대한 연구

손형섭 한국공법학회 2011 공법연구 Vol.39 No.3

대한민국의 현행 공직선거법에서 재외국민의 선거를 인정하는 태도는 헌법적인 제반 원리를 구현에 있어 몇 가지 한계를 가지고 있다. 지역구 국회의원선거에서 해외 거주 재외국민에게 투표권을 부여하지 않고 국회의원선거에서 보궐선거나 재선거에서도 투표권을 부여하지 않고 있어 합리적인 이유가 없는 차별로서 헌법에 반하여 선거권을 침해할 수 있다. 일본도 1998년 개정 전의 일본 구 공직선거법 제42조 제1항, 제2항은 선거인명부에 등록되어 있지 않은 자 및 선거인명부에 등록될 수 없는 사람은 투표할 수 없는 것으로 정하고 있었다. 이러한 일본 구 공직선거법에 대해서 재외국민의 투표권 부여에 관하여 거주요건을 두는 것이 위헌이라는 일본 내 주장이 있었다. 일본 정부도 일찍이 1984. 4. 27. 재외국민 선거제도의 창설에 관한 ‘공직선거법의 일부를 개정하는 법률안’을 국회에 제출하였으나 폐안되었다. 결국, 1996년 10월 일본의 재외국민 중 일부가 일본 정부를 상대로 국가배상 소송을 제기한다. 1심 동경 지방재판소와 2심 동경 고등재판소는 “항소인의 위법확인은 단지 재외일본인이라는 이유로 공직선거법 규정의 일부 위법확인을 구하는 소송이라 해석해야 하므로, 이와 같은 소송은 구체적 분쟁을 벗어나 추상적, 일반적으로 법령 등의 위헌 또는 위법성 등에 관한 판단을 구하는 으로 법률상의 쟁송에 해당하지 않는다고 판시했다. 그러나 2005년 9월 14일 일본 최고재판소는 “재외국민에게 투표할 기회를 주지 않은 것에 필수불가결한 사유가 있었다고 할 수 없으며 평등권 위반이다.”, “본 판결 선고 후 처음으로 시행되는 중의원 의원의 총선거 또는 참의원 의원의 통상선거 시점에서 중의원 소선거구선출의원의 선거 및 참의원 선거구선출의원의 선거에 대해서 재외국민에게 투표하는 것을 인정하지 않는 것에 대해 필수불가결한 사유가 있었다고는 할 수 없으므로, 공직선거법 부칙 제8항 규정은 헌법에 위반한다.”라고 결정하였다. 이 판결을 통하여 현행 일본 공직선거법은 재외국민투표를 비례대표제 선거뿐만 아니라 지역구 의원 선거에서도 널리 인정하게 되었다. 투표방식도 재외공관투표와 우편투표 등을 선택할 수 있게 되었다. 재외국민에게 투표권을 불완전하게 인정하는 공직선거법은 헌법에 반하며 재외국민의 정치적인 권리를 박탁 또는 제한하는 것이 된다. 이것은 선거정책의 문제가 아니라 헌법상의 기본권인 선거권의 보장문제로 다루어져야 한다. 대한민국에는 재일교포뿐만 아니라 글로벌 사회의 발전으로 외국에서 장기 체재하는 재외국민이 늘고 있다. 앞으로는 재내, 재외의 국민 모두에게 실질적인 투표권을 실현케 하는 다각적인 방안이 모색되어야 할 것이다. Korea’s Election law has several adverse issues regarding its overseas citizens. It is unconstitutional that current National Assemblyman vacancy and recall elections in the Overseas Absentee voting. Korea’s Election laws and system are generally similar to that of Japan, sans expatriate the overseas absentee voting. Therefore, a related and relevant renovation plan would be well advised to observe and assimilate Japan’s election protocol evolution’s legal discourse and litigation. Before 1998, Japan’s Election Law [Article 42] excluding expatriate the overseas absentee voting was the subject of considerable criticism. In April 1984, legislation was proposed to amend related Election Law, pro-expat, but not enacted. October, 1999, a number of expats filed suit for related state compensation. Resultant Tokyo District Court decisions specified that expat absentee suffrage extant is solely at the discretion of the National Diet. By 1999, the National Diet amended related Election Law to grant expat the overseas absentee suffrage. And, November 2000, the Tokyo High Court determined that because “appellants demand the judgement of abstract law and regulation unconstitutionality or illegality regarding exclusively expatriate Japanese, it is not a general public lawsuit. Therefore, the legal decision given does not correspond to the litigation.”But, Finally, September, 2005, Supreme Court of japan decided that “① Expatriate national election suffrage cannot be based solely on the grounds of compelling interest. ② Japan’s former election law did not recognize expatriate suffrage. There cannot be “compulsory cause.” ③ Expatriate suffrage exclusion in the next election of the House of Representatives or the House is not of “compulsory interest.” Accordingly, Election Law Annex 8 violates the Constitution. Via these litigations and resultant current Japan election law, Japan now recognizes expatriate suffrage, as well as proportional electoral district representation in National Diet elections. In addition Japan recognizes voting by mail and embassy ballot. Korea has many expat citizens residing long-term in foreign countries i.e. Korean-Japanese. In August 1952, The Republic of Korea conducted gender-equality candidate elections. In the future, consideration should necessarily be applied to election suffrage expanding beyond domestic to expatriate the overseas absentee voting in a local election district.

선거법 개정에 따른 교과서의 선거교육 내용 진단

김명정 한국사회과교육학회 2020 시민교육연구 Vol.52 No.2

Election is the most important system of democracy, so it is regarded as important in political education. The level of election education should be such that voters can understand the current election system. From this point of view, this study examined whether the election education covered in textbooks is suitable for understanding the current election system. This study specifically reviewed whether major changes in the revised election law, the 18-year-old election age, and the Mixed-Member Proportional Electoral System were covered in textbooks. As a result, the elementary and middle school social studies textbooks do not have a election system. However, the part that marked the age of election as 19 must be corrected immediately. The most important high school 『Politics and Law』 covers all systems prior to the revision of the Election Act, but the newly introduced the Mixed-Member Proportional Electoral System is not covered in any textbooks. Election age is also marked as 19 in 3/5 of the textbooks it needs to be corrected. 선거는 민주주의의 핵심적인 제도이기 때문에 정치교육에서도 중요한 내용 요소로 다루어진다. 선거교육은 유권자가 경험하게 될 현행 선거제도를 이해할 수 있는 수준에 이르러야 한다. 이런 관점에서 교과서에서 다루어지고 있는 선거교육이 과연 현행 선거제도를 이해하는 데 적합한가를 살펴보았다. 특히 선거법 개정으로 인한 두 가지 중요한 변화인 선거 연령 18세 하향 조정과, 연동형 비례대표제를 교과서에서 다루고 있는지를 확인하였다. 분석 결과, 국정인 초등학교 『사회』와 검정인 중학교 『사회』8종 교과서에는 구체적인 선거제도에 대한 내용은 없었다. 대신 보통선거를 설명하는 내용에서 선거권 연령을 19세로 표기하고 있기 때문에 이 부분에 대한 수정은 필요하다. 분석의 주요 대상인 고등학교 『정치와 법』에서는 선거법 개정 이전의 제도는 모두 다루고 있지만 새로 도입된 연동형 비례대표제는 어느 교과서에서도 다루고 있지 않았다. 선거 연령 역시 3종의 교과서에서 19세로 표기하고 있어 수정이 필요하다.

소셜네트워크서비스(Social Network Service)가 선거에 미치는 영향과 선거법상 규제 : 미국과 캐나다를 중심으로

이상현(Sanghyun Lee) 대검찰청 2011 형사법의 신동향 Vol.0 No.32

SNS라고 불리는‘소셜네트워크 사이트’가 젊은 층을 중심으로 많은 인기를 누리는 상황에서 본 논문은 SNS가 미국의 공직선거에 미치는 영향과 미국 및 캐나다의 선거법상 SNS에 관한 규제 및 실무에 관해 조사하였다. SNS가 공직 선거에 미치는 영향에 관한 미국의 연구에 따르면, SNS는 이용자로 하여금 정치적 이슈에 관심을 갖게 하고 자신의 의견을 표현하게 하는 점에서는 효과적인 수단이었으나 투표장에서 자신이 선호하는 후보자에게 투표하게 하는 점에서는 기대에 미치지 못하는 결과를 보였다. 한편, 미국의 선거법에서는 SNS 이용에 대해 선거비용의 공개를 통해 선거재정규정에 의해 규제하도록 하며, 대가를 받고 SNS상 정치적 의견을 표명하는 경우는 정치광고로서 정치광고에 관한 규정을 적용하도록 하는 규제방식을 채택하고 있다. 선거운동이나 정치광고와 관련 없는 시민의 자발적인 정치적 의사표현에 관해서는 선거법상 면책을 인정하고 있다. 캐나다의 선거법은 SNS나 인터넷에 관해 대가를 받고 정치적 의견을 표현하는 경우 재정후원에 관한 규정을 적용하는 점에서 미국과 유사한 비용 규제적 접근법을 채택하였다. 그러나, 선거당일 투표종료시까지 투표결과 공표금지 규정을 SNS에 대해서도 적용하도록 하는 선거관리위원회의 해석에 따라 시민들이 자신의 투표결과를 SNS를 통해 공표하지 못하도록 하는 접근법을 채택하여 SNS를 직접 규제하도록 하기도 하였다. 우리의 선거법상 SNS에 대한 규제의 발전에 있어 미국과 캐나다의 선거법의 해석과 실무가 참고자료가 되길 바란다. Social network site (social network service in Korea, SNS), gaining popularity among people, particularly young generation, looks to have influenced public elections in the real world. This thesis studies researches regarding the impact of SNS and related provisions and practices under America and Canada election law. According to the researches in the United States, although it attracts SNS users to have interests in candidates and issues of election, its effectiveness in leading the users to vote for a candidate turned out to be still less than expected. On the other hand, election laws in the U.S. and Canada have taken similar approaches. Election law in the U.S., after taking historical flip-over, has taken expression on SNS as free speech protected under the 1st amendment unless the expression was made in exchange of money. Canadian election law has taken the approach that expression on SNS should be regulated as election advertisement if its expense is paid by a third party. A prohibition provision of the Canadian law where vote result should not be reveled on the election day applies directly to expression on SNS. On the whole, both in the U.S. and Canada, election law treats expression on SNS as advertisement, and requires total expense and financial support to be with disclosure sentence disclosed to the public and to be reported to a related election committee. It is noteworthy that expression on SNS has been regulated not directly but indirectly under financial regulation regarding political advertisement.

인터넷 선거운동에 관한 공직선거법의 규제체계 연구

황창근 ( Chang Geun Hwang ) 홍익대학교 법학연구소 2012 홍익법학 Vol.13 No.1

선거운동에 관한 공직선거법의 규정은 오프라인을 전제로 마련된 것이라는 점에서 온라인의 선거운동에는 적합한 구조가 아니다. 그런 견지에서 인터넷언론이라는 새로운 개념을 창설하고, 인터넷 선거운동을 장려하면서도, 한편으로는 그 역기능에 대한 규제대책을 마련하고 있는 이유이다. 그러나 인터넷환경은 비용이 거의 들지 않아 선거에서의 기회균등의 원칙이 실현될 가장 좋은 장점을 가지고 있다. 이것은 정치영역에서의 가장 위대한 발전이라고 할 만하다. 그런 점에서 보면 현재의 공직선거법의 규정은 인터넷 선거운동을 장려한다고 하지만, 세부적인 면에서 보면 매우 미흡하다고 하겠다. 최근 헌법재판소는 인터넷매체가 선거운동에 적합한 수단이라는 점을 인정하고 제한보다는 장려하는 쪽으로 방향을 선회하였는데, 이는 타당하다고 할 것이다. 인터넷 선거운동은 선거운동의 자유의 보장의 문제뿐만 아니라 인터넷 매체에 대한 규제의 시각과 철학이 정치적 영역에서 어떻게 반영되는 것인가 하는 점과도 깊은 관련이 있다. 이 논문은 현행법의 인터넷 선거운동 관련 규정에 대한 전반적인 문제점과 개선 방향을 다루었다. 이러한 측면에서 공직선거법의 획기적인 개혁이 시급하다. The current provision of the election law on the campaign is not a proper system in the online campaign, because that system was originally based on off-line situation. So the government Make a new conception of internet media in election law, and on the one hand encourage the online campaign, but on the other regulate the campaign. However, internet circumstances have good merits to make realize the principle of equal opportunity in election campaign because of the lowest cost than other campaign. This is the greatest advances in the political area, Therefore, although the current election aw Encourage the internet campaign, but that is poor in detail aspects. It is reasonable that Korea Constitutional Court recently turned the direction from the regulation to the encouragement in the point of the appropriatest means for election campaign. Internet election campaign is deeply associated with the freedom of election campaign, and how do the philosophy and vision on the internet regulation reflect in the political area. This article treats generally with several issues and reform directions on the internet campaign of current election law. In this respect, the election law is in urgent need of reform.

5대 지방선거와 트위터

임연희(Lim, Yeon-Hee) 경북대학교 사회과학연구원 2010 사회과학 담론과 정책 Vol.3 No.2

본 논문은 트위터 사용자가 50만 명을 넘어선 가운데 치러진 2010년 6·2지방선거 후보자들이 트위터를 선거에 어떻게 이용 충족했는지를 탐구했다. 또 선관위가 ‘선거관련 트위터 이용가능 범위’를 제시하며 규제에 나선데 대해 후보자들은 어떤 태도를 가지는지 들어 봄으로써 선거법 개정 논의의 토대를 제공하고자 했다. 본 연구는 대전·충남 시·도지사 후보자 7명을 대상으로 이용과 충족이론에 입각해 이들의 트위터 이용과 충족, 규제에 대한 태도의 두 차원으로 구분해 접근했다. 먼저 트위터의 이용과 충족에서는 웹과 모바일 중 어디서 어떤 형태의 글을 쓰는지와 글의 내용, 올린 글이 선거법에 저촉되는지를 공식선거 운동기간 전후 시기로 나눠 후보들의 트위터 계정을 내용분석했으며 트위터 이용 만족도와 규제에 대한 태도는 후보들과 트위터 상의 짧은 문답을 통한 설문으로 해결했다. 연구 결과 웹과 모바일에서 두루 트위터를 이용하며 다양한 소재의 글쓰기로 트위터 사용자들과 널리 소통하는 후보일수록 만족도가 컸으며 선관위의 트위터 규제에도 반대 뜻을 분명히 했다. 또 선거공약과 유세일정을 일방적으로 제공하는 후보보다는 자신의 이야기를 들려주고 다른 사용자들의 의견에 답을 하는 등 쌍방향 소통하는 후보들의 트위터 이용률과 만족도가 높았으며 이런 후보자의 트위터 계정에는 답 글이 활발했다. 지방선거 이후 트위터 사용자가 100만 명을 넘어섰으며 2012년 총선과 대선은 ‘트위터 선거’가 될 것이라는 예측이 나오는 가운데 선거법 개정에 대한 목소리가 높아지고 있다. 선거법 93조 개정에 대한 헌법소원이 제기되고 개정 법안이 국회 상임위원회에 계류 중인 상태에서 정치인들이 트위터를 선거에 어떻게 이용 충족하고 있는지와 규제에 대한 태도를 보여준 본 연구가 선거법 개정 논의의 기초자료로 활용되길 바란다. The purpose of this study is to investigate how the candidates of the local election on June 2, 2010-the time the Twitter users in Korea exceeded 500,000-, used and gratified Twitter, and to present foundation of discussion for revision of the Election Law by requesting opinions of the candidates on the fact that The Election Commissions took action of regulating the Twitter with "scope of using the Twitter related to election." In this study the author approached the purpose for seven candidates for mayors and governors in Daejeon and Chungcheongnam-do with two aspects of use and gratification of the Twitter and attitudes on the regulation, based on the use and gratification theory. As for the use and gratification of the Twitter, the Twitter accounts of the candidates were analyzed in contents for types of writing (web or mobile), contents of writing, and violation of the Election Commission of the writing before and after the public election campaign. As for gratification on the Twitter use and attitude on regulation, the candidates and the author conducted short questions and answers on the Twitter. Based on the results of this study, the more candidates were gratified the more they widely used the Twitter on web and mobile with the users by writing with various subjects, and they expressed clear opposition against the regulation of the Election Commissions on the Twitter. The candidates who told their stories and replied to opinions of other users, performing two-way communication, rather than those who one-sidedly presented their election pledges and schedules of campaign, used the Twitter more and expressed more gratification, and their Twitter accounts were active with replies. The number of the Twitter users exceeded a million after the local election, and there are growing more and more opinions on revision of the Election Law, under the expectation that the General Election and the Presidential Election in 2012 would be the "Election of the Twitter." As a petition on the revision of Article 93 of the Election Law was submitted and the revised bill is still pending in the National Assembly Standing Committee, this study may serve as basic data in discussion of revision of the Election Law by identifying the use and gratification of the Twitter and the attitude of the regulations of politicians.

휴대전화 문자메시지를 이용한 선거운동금지 규정에 대한 헌법적 평가 - 헌법재판소 2009. 5. 28, 2007헌바24 결정의 평석을 중심으로 -

이희훈 한국외국어대학교 법학연구소 2010 외법논집 Vol.34 No.4

The Constitutional Court decided in its 2007 Hun-ba 24 decision (May 28, 2009) that Clause 1, Article 93 of the Public Official Election Law did not violate the void for vagueness doctrine and the principle of balancing test. First of all, the Constitutional Court is correct in holding that the part ‘or the like’ in the same Article is a general provision and that the Article falls under the non-exhaustive (the methods in the Article are not exhaustive) legislative format and does not violate the void for vagueness doctrine. Also, the Constitutional Court is correct in that the Article, categorically prohibiting the transmission of all mobile text messages to voters for certain period of time in order to protect a peaceful and fair election, has a legitimate legislative purpose and since the means provided for in the Article at least contributes to achieving such purpose, they conform to the principle of suitability of means. But sending mobile text messages to voters as a means of election campaigning, since it is much less expensive and is easier and more effective in transmitting information on the election to the voters than any other campaign methods provided for in the Public Official Election Law, has to be protected in the Public Official Election Law in principle. And thus Clause 1, Article 93 of the Public Official Election Law, in denying such protection, does not conform to the framework of protecting basic constitutional rights as a principle and restricting them as an exception. And the Public Official Election Law does not minimize damage to a peaceful and fair election by restricting the total number of mobile text messages sent to voters or requiring the campaigners to obtain consent of the voters to receive the messages but categorically prohibit transmission of all mobile text messages on the election for certain period of time, which is an excessive restriction of the freedom of election campaigning and thus a violation of the principle of minimum infringement. For such reasons, the benefit of a peaceful and fair election obtained by the Article is exceeded by the benefit of the candidates' freedom of election campaigning damaged by the Article, so the Article violates principle of the balance of benefit and protection of the law. Therefore, the Constitutional Court's decision, which decided differently from this author regarding the above, is not correct.

인터넷 선거운동의 문제점 및 부정방지제도의 법제정비방안

김민호(Minho, Kim),최종선(Jongsun, Choi) 성균관대학교 법학연구소 2013 성균관법학 Vol.25 No.1

Elections under the political conditions of the modem age is an important institution that is accepted as inevitable reality cornerstone of representative democracy, it is a political process. The public offices election act was legislated in 1994 for fair management of election and for protection of illegal electioneering. As the development of the Internet, there were many changes in the electoral environment. The public offices election act had significant impact in both type of election campaign and government controls. In particular, the using social networking services, such as facebook, twitter, kakaotalk etc in internet electioneering brought about amendment the public offices election act. And congress has agreed to revise an the public offices election act so that most voters can be use internet for electioneering. This legislation reflects the changed circumstances of information and telecommunication In the electoral system. In this article, I'll be examine the problem of internet electioneering and proposed legislation on system of protection to illegal election as follows ; The public offices Election Law, internet election coverage deliberation system, some limitations to the fairness of the electoral system and the election, and to prevent the associated negative campaigning using the internet and internet campaign to prevent injustice, cyber election fraud monitoring system, the election broadcast deliberation system, election articles deliberation system, the operating system and anti-election fraud. In brief, this article consists of five chapters. Firstly it look over 'introduction' in the first chapter. Secondly it deals with 'electioneering using the internet' in the second chapter. Thirdly it deals with 'internet campaigning fraud prevention status' in the third chapter. Fourthly I'd like to suggest an alternative about 'internet election issues of regulatory and legal maintenance plan' in the fourth chapter. And lastly it deals with 'conclusion' in the fifth chapter.