중일관계 변화의 배경과 전망

소영화 중국지역학회 2023 중국지역연구 Vol.10 No.1

In 2022, China and Japan celebrated the 50th anniversary of normalization of diplomatic relations. The normalization of diplomatic relations between Japan and China in 1972 brought the long-standing abnormal relationship back to normal and opened a new chapter in history. Since the normalization of diplomatic relations, Sino-Japanese relations have changed dynamically over the past 50 years, moving back and forth between “conflict” and “friendship” centered on past historical issues and economic cooperation. However, unlike Sino-Japanese relations when diplomatic relations were normalized, Sino-Japanese relations have changed competitively due to the “transfer of power” between the two countries. In particular, the U.S.-China conflict has affected Sino-Japanese relations in various ways. In order to understand the changes in Sino-Japanese relations more accurately, it is necessary to look back on the past transition process of Sino-Japanese relations and explore the factors behind the changes in the relations. Therefore, this paper reviews the historical context of the 50 years of normalization of diplomatic Sino-Japanese relations and analyzes the factors that have caused changes in the bilateral relations. Finally, it provides Japan’s response measures and the position that Sino-Japanese relations should take in the future. According to the results of this study, regarding Sino-Japanese tension, the international factors such as the U.S.-China strategic competition and the Taiwan issue, and the domestic factors such as changes in the two countries’ identities and threat perceptions, worked independently or in combination to influence the bilateral relationship. This phenomenon is a challenging factor in the positioning of new Sino-Japanese relations. Therefore, a new set of norms is required on how to recon figure the bilateral relations in the future. 2022년 중국과 일본은 국교정상화 50주년을 맞이했다. 1972년 중일수교의 실현은 오랫동안 비정상적이었던 중일관계를 정상궤도로 되돌려 새로운 역사의 장을 열었다. 중일관계는 국교정상화 이후 과거사 문제와 경제협력을 축으로 ‘갈등'과 ‘우호' 사이를 오가며 지난 50년 동안 역동적으로 변화해왔다. 그러나 수교 당시의 중일관계와 다르게 양국 간의 '세력전이'가 발생하면서 중일관계는 경쟁적으로 전환되고 있다. 특히 미중 갈등은 다양한 형태로 중일관계에 영향을 미치고 있다. 중일관계의 변화에 대해 보다 정확히 이해하기 위해서는 과거 중일관계의 변천과정을 되돌아보고 이를 통해 관계 변화의 요인을 살펴볼 필요가 있다. 따라서 본문은 중일수교 50년의 역사적 맥락을 되돌아보고 중일관계의 변화요인을 분석해본다. 마지막으로 양국의 대응방안과 향후 중일관계가 어떠한 위상을 정립해야 하는 지 제시할 것이다. 본문이 검토한 결과에 따르면 중일관계의 갈등은 미중전략경쟁과 대만문제와 같은 국제요인, 양국의 정체성 및 위협인식 변화와 같은 국내요인이 단독 혹은 복합적으로 작용하며 양국관계에 영향을 미쳤다. 이에 따라 중일 간의 전략적 대치도 상당히 지속될 가능성이 크다. 이러한 현상은 새로운 중일관계의 위상을 정립하는 데 도전요인이 되고 있다. 따라서 향후 양국관계를 어떻게 재구성할 것인지에 대해 새로운 준칙이 요구된다.

이승만의 『청일전기』 번역.간행과 자주독립론

오영섭(Oh Young Seob) 한국사학사학회 2010 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.22

Syngman Rhee spent his adolescence in the transition period from the Chinese centered confucian society to the U.S. centered Christianity society. During this period, the Sino-Japanese War played crucial role in breaking Korean’s ceno-centric point of view of the world. Moreover, influenced by the Sino-Japanese War, Syngman Rhee decided to learn about modern studies after giving up his study in confucianism. Syngman Rhee considers the Sino-Japanese War that altered his life path as an important incident that determined the fate of modern Korea. Syngman Rhee’s translation work of The Sino-Japanese War History was part of the movement by intellectuals who were trying to follow up with the modern civilization during The Greater Korean Empire. Moreover, in the period of The Greater Korean Empire, Enlightenment Movement texts and Christian texts imported from the Ch’ing Dynasty were distributed to the public, which contributed to the transition of Korean people’s thoughts. The books were published as the original version or translated in Korean Chinese and were widely distributed to the public. Publication of modern texts as well as translation activity continued to persist even in the negative condition when national sovereignty of Korea was being taken over by the Japanese imperialism. Therefore, translation work of the Sino-Japanese War history was part of acceptance movement of modern civilization by Koreans during the transition period of civilization. The Sino-Japanese War History contains variety of contents. It contains numerous articles including editorials of enlightenment campaign, royal edict, telegraphic news, all types of treaty and protocol, news articles, epistolary composition, etc. The time period the book covers is from prior to the Sino-Japanese War when there was disputes over withdrawal of troops between the Ch’ing and Japan to January, 1898 when a letter was sent to Emperor Kojong from the emperor of Ch’ing. Therefore, it would be more accurate to consider the Sino-Japanese War history as a text that deals with the history of international relations of East Asia before and after the Sino-Japanese War rather than as a text that records merely the history of the Sino-Japanese War The Sino-Japanese War History is not a work of Syngman Rhee alone but it was a work contributed by reform minded political prisoners who were imprisoned in Hansung prison. For approximately three months, Syngman Rhee contributed his time in translation work. However, due to his illness, translation work of religious texts, and other office work, he could not devote all of his time and energy into the translation work of The Sino-Japanese War History. Therefore, he had to receive aid from the politicians who were imprisoned, and at the time, Soonman Jung as well as several fellow imprisoner helped Syngman Rhee's translation work. Therefore, The Sino-Japanese War History could be considered as group work by politicians who were seeking independence and advancement of Korea, and civilization and improvement of the people. The Sino-Japanese War History had limited influence on Koreans in Korea as well as abroad. Nonetheless. it is the first book that contains Syngman Rhee’s desire to achieve civilization and independence of Korea. Syngman Rhee grieved over the fact that Korea was destroyed and lost independence due to the Sino-Japanese War. He claimed that we should be warned against Japanese who reorganized the battle line for hundreds of years after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 and took away the independence of Korea using the opportunity offered by the Sino-Japanese War. Therefore, he insisted that Koreans should be well aware of the reason. process, and results of the occurrence of the Sino-Japanese War in order to build the basis for sustaining the independence of Korea.

아베-시진핑 이후 중일관계의 변화 중일 간 정치 갈등은 경제관계에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는가?

김지영,박성빈 한국외국어대학교 일본연구소 2022 日本硏究 Vol.- No.94

In the existing studies on Sino-Japanese relations, studies analyzed focusing on the interaction between political and diplomatic relations and economic relations are not sufficient. This paper analyzes how the political conflict between Japan and China affected the economic relationship from a political economic perspective, focusing on its continuity and closeness rather than considering the political relationship between Japan and China as separate areas. Although it is true that political and historical conflicts between Japan and China adversely affected the Sino-Japanese economic relationship, the deterioration of political and social relations cannot necessarily be considered to have a negative impact on the Sino-Japanese economic relationship. Rather, it emphasizes that during the Abe-Xi period, Sino-Japanese relations recognized the need for continuous economic cooperation and sought a new Sino-Japanese relationship. To this end, the political aspect focuses on the rise of political conflict during the Abe-Xi period, and the economic aspect focuses on trade, investment, and individual industrial cases (especially the automobile industry) during this period. Although the economic gap between Japan and China has narrowed and China's economic dependence on Japan has narrowed relatively, the two countries emphasize that they will continue to manage political relations so that they do not freeze excessively as long as they recognize the need for economic cooperation.

중미 경쟁시대 중일관계의 재정립: 중국내 국제정치학자의 인식을 중심으로

이정남 ( Lee Jung-nam ) 현대중국학회 2018 現代中國硏究 Vol.20 No.2

이 글은 2010년 중국과 일본의 경제력 전환이 중국학계에서 일본과의 관계를 바라보는 시각에서 커다란 전환점이었다는 점에 주목하면서, 2010년 이후 중국학계의 중일관계에 대한 학자들의 인식을 살펴봄으로써 중일관계에 대한 중국의 인식의 전환을 분석하고 있다. 글로벌 강대국으로서의 정체성 전환이 이루어지면서, 중국의 학계에서는 중미관계의 성격과 위상을 어떻게 정립할 것인가에 대한 논쟁이 뜨겁게 전개되었지만, 중일관계의 성격과 위상에 대한 논쟁도 뜨거운 쟁점이 되고 있다. 그것은 2010년 중국의 GDP 규모가 일본을 초월하면서 중국학계에서 중강일약(中强日弱)이라는 시각에 기초한 일본에 대한 인식의 전환이 나타나고, 일본 역시 중국의 부상에 직면하여 중국위협론과 중국견제에 대한 목소리가 커지면서, 양국 사이에 영토, 역사, 군사문제 등을 둘러싼 장기간 긴장상태가 지속되고 있기 때문이다. 중국의 학계는 새로운 국제질서 수립이라는 측면에서 미국과의 경쟁을 가장 중요한 쌍무적 관계로 보는 것과 달리, 중일관계는 동아(혹은 아태)지역 차원에서의 경쟁관계로 규정하고 있다. 그리고 2010년 GDP 규모의 역전을 통하여 동아시아지역에서 일본과의 경쟁에서 국력의 역전이 이루어진 것으로 보고 있다. 그러나 중국이든 일본이든 중국이 종합국력(경제, 군사, 소프트파워)에서 압도적으로 일본을 초월하지 못했다는 인식이 존재하고 있어, 중일 간의 국력전환에 의해 새롭게 변화된 권력 구도에서 양자 간 상호 위치설정 및 그것에 대한 수용이 아직 이루어지지 못한 과도적인 상황으로 처해있다. 이런 상황에서 일본은 미국을 이용하여 중국을 견제하고자 하고, 미국 역시 부상하는 중국을 견제하기 위해 일본의 군사대국화를 지원하는 양상을 취하면서 상황은 훨씬 더 복잡해지고 있다. 따라서 중일관계는 현재와 같은 과도적 상황이 상당기간 지속되면서 현 상황을 관리하는 데 초점이 맞추어질 것이고, 중미관계가 어떻게 전개되는가에 따라서 영향을 받을 것이다. 그리고 장기적으로 양자 간에 수용 가능한 지역질서에서의 쌍방의 지위에 대한 합의가 이루어지면 안정적 국면으로 진입할 것이다. While China's identity has been transformed into a global power, the debate on how to establish the character and status of the US-China relationship has been fiercely evident in the Chinese academic community. At the same time, debate over the nature and status of Sino-Japanese relations has also become a hot topic. This was because China's GDP exceeded Japan in 2010, and Chinese academia began to show a change in perception of Japan. In other words, Chinese academia started to recognize that China's national power began to grow stronger than Japan with 2010 as a turning point. Also in Japan, China's threat theory has been re-emphasized and the strong claim that China's rise needs to be checked has been raised. As a result, the tensions surrounding the territory, history, and military affairs between two countries have exploded. The Chinese academic community, in terms of establishing a new international order, regards the competition between the United States and China as the most important bilateral relationship; however, defines the Sino-Japanese relationship as a rivalry at the East Asia (or Asia - Pacific) level. And they believe that the reversal of the GDP between China and Japan in 2010 have led to a reversal of national power in the competition with Japan in East Asia. However, there is a perception that China, whether in China or in Japan, is not overwhelmingly superior to Japan in total national power (economy, military, or soft power). In the newly changed power structure by the reversal of the national power between China and Japan, it is in a transitional state where the mutual positions of the two sides have not been agreed and accepted. In this situation, Japan is trying to control China by using the United States, and the United States is also taking an attitude to support Japan's military power to check China. This is making the development of Sino-Japanese relations even more complicated and difficult. Therefore, Sino-Japanese relations will inevitably remain in a transitional situation, like it is today, for a considerable period of time. In this situation, China will focus on maintaining the current situation steadily, rather than pursuing dramatic development of bilateral relations. And in the long run, if acceptance and consensus on the status of both parties in the regional order between the two sides is achieved, Sino-Japanese relations will enter a stable phase.

China`s Handling of Anti-Japanese Popular Nationalism in its Efforts to Ease Strained Relations with Japan

( Su-jeong Kang ) 한국외국어대학교 중국연구소 2016 中國硏究 Vol.67 No.-

After Koizumi stepped down as Japanese prime minister in mid-2006, China moved towards a more moderate and cooperative approach to Japan in order to ease strained relations with the country. First, this article explores the Chinese government``s moves to improve relations with Japan from mid-2006 to late-2008 during which we had witnessed a considerable relaxation of tension between the two countries. Next, this article explores Beijing``s attempts to promote a positive image of Sino-Japanese relations and to ease anti-Japanese sentiments among the Chinese populace in line with its efforts to improve relations with Japan. Lastly, this article explores how the Chinese government``s efforts to improve strained relations with Japan and rein in popular nationalism against Japan mitigate the role of popular nationalism in China``s relations with Japan. It provides some examples of nationalist criticism of the Chinese government``s moderate handling of Japan and related issues and reveals the Chinese government``s sophisticated attempts to avoid or minimise such public criticism of its words and actions. To demonstrate how nationalist criticism can limit Beijing``s cooperation with Japan, this part includes an analysis of online public opinion against the 2008 China-Japan consensus on the East China Sea issue and the Chinese government``s response to such criticisms. This study argues that, when Beijing displays its willingness to improve relations with Tokyo, popular nationalism has little room to have any influence on China``s approach to Japan. Despite such limitations, it is shown that popular nationalism can be an obstacle to China maintaining its moderate and cooperative attitudes towards Japan when the Chinese public perceive such moves as too weak to uphold their core national interests or as hurting their national pride and feelings.

中日关系的演变与第二次和解

劉傑 ( Liu Jie ) 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 2019 중국사회과학논총 Vol.1 No.2

进入21世纪以后,历史问题和领土问题依然是困扰中日关系的两大难题。在本文中,我把自1972年中日邦交正常化以来的47年划分为3个时期。第一个时期是自1972年到1996年的24年。这个时期是中日两国透过中日经济合作,努力克服战争创伤的时期。第二个时期是从1996年到2018年的22年。这个时期中日关系的一个重要特征是,日本希望将政治外交问题与历史认识问题脱钩,从而摆脱外交受历史问题制约的被动局面。第三个时期始于2018年。这个时期中日关系迅速改善。这个变化起因于中美关系的骤变。中国曾经一度构想过与特朗普政权构建“新型大国关系”,但是特朗普总统改变了历届政府的游戏规则,对中国发动了大规模的贸易战争。这场贸易战争不仅涉及工农业产品,更扩大到以5G技术为代表的新科技领域。在政治方面,美国加强同台湾的各个层次的往来,扩大对台军售,给试图以一国两制的方式解决台湾问题的中国造成了巨大的阻力。国际环境的变化倒逼中国与日本重新思考和解问题。但是,这种策略性的和解,不是一个可持续的和解过程。中日双方需要摸索新的路径以实现和解的可持续性。 After entering the 21st century, historical issues and territorial issues are still the two major problems perplexing Sino-Japanese relations. In this article, I divide the 47 years, since the normalization of Sino-Japanese diplomatic relations in 1972, into 3 periods. The first period was 24 years from 1972 to 1996. It was a period when China and Japan were striving to overcome the trauma of the war through Sino-Japanese economic cooperation. The second period was 22 years from 1996 to 2018. An important feature of Sino-Japanese relations during this period was that Japan hope to decouple the issue of political diplomacy from the issue of historical understanding and thus get rid of the passive situation in which diplomacy is constrained by historical issues. The third period began in 2018. Sino-Japanese relations improved rapidly during this period. This change was due to a sudden change in Sino-US relations. China once conceived the concept of building a “new-type of major country relations” with Trump’s regime, but President Trump changed the rules of the game of the previous government and launched a large-scale trade war against China. This trade war not only involves industrial and agricultural area, but also extends to the new science and technology field represented by 5G technology. On the political front, the United States has strengthened exchanges with Taiwan at all levels, expanded arms sales to Taiwan, and creating tremendous resistance to China’s attempt to solve the Taiwan issue by one country, two systems. Changes in the international environment have forced China and Japan to reconsider the issue of reconciliation. However, this strategic reconciliation is not a sustainable reconciliation process. Both China and Japan need to explore new paths to achieve the sustainability of reconciliation.

중일전쟁의 연속·확장성: 태평양전쟁과 평화조약에 대한 상관관계

김숭배(Soongbae Kim) 한국정치외교사학회 2018 한국정치외교사논총 Vol.39 No.2

이 연구는 수많은 인류사 속의 전쟁들에서 중일전쟁을 다루고, 이 전쟁과 태평양전쟁의 상관관계를 시간, 공간, 인간 영역을 통해 밝힌다. 한편, 아시아-유럽-태평양에서 연속적으로 발발한 복합연쇄전쟁은 1945년에 종료되었으나, 공식적으로는 전쟁을 종료시킨 평화조약들로 마감되었다. 따라서 평화조약을 통해 과거의 전쟁을 역행적으로 성찰함으로써 중일전쟁과의 상관관계를 검토할 필요가 있다. 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 비록 영미권에서 중요한 것은 유럽에서의 전쟁에 따른 제2차 세계대전이나 태평양전쟁이었으나, 중일전쟁은 이에 앞서 발발했고, 전쟁당사자였던 중국과 일본은 중일전쟁과 태평양전쟁의 연속성을 크게 의식했다. 둘째, 일반적으로 중일전쟁은 1937년부터 1945년까지의 전쟁이라고 간주되지만, 이는 더욱 과거까지 거슬러 올라간 역행적 확장성을 지니고 있었다. 중국은 1945년 이후 중국 본토와 타이완을 근거지로 하는 두개의 중국이 등장했다. 이에 따라 전쟁을 공식적으로 마감시킨 샌프란시스코평화조약 서명국으로서 두 중국은 자격을 부여받지 못했다. 그러나 샌프란시스코평화조약에는 전쟁 와중에 연합국의 일원으로서 확고한 위치에 올라간 중국에 대한 명시적·암시적 조문들이 규정되었다. 여기에는 1931년 만주사변부터 중국에 대한 일본의 전쟁행위를 중시하는 시각뿐만 아니라, 청일전쟁까지 거슬러 올라간 측면들을 보였다. 중일전쟁은 태평양전쟁과의 연속성이 있었고, 평화조약을 통해 확장성을 지니게 되었다. This study deals specifically with the Second Sino-Japanese War amidst the countless wars in the history of humanity, and reveals the correlation of this war and the Pacific War through the spectrums of time, space and humans. Meanwhile, the compound serial war that broke out continuously in Asia, Europe and the Pacific ended in 1945, but officially, it was finished with peace treaties that ended the war. Therefore, it is necessary retrospectively examine past wars through peace treaties to review the correlation with the Sino-Japanese War. The research results are as follows. First, while the Second World War and the Pacific War that began in the wars in Europe are important in Britain and the United States, the Sino-Japanese War broke out before the said wars, and China and Japan that fought each other in the war were highly conscious of the continuity of the Sino-Japanese War and the Pacific War. Second, while the Sino-Japanese War is commonly viewed to be a war from 1937 to 1945, this actually has a retrospective extensions that dates back further into history. In 1945, China was divided and there were two Chinas – one in mainland China and one based in Taiwan. Accordingly, the two Chinas were not given eligibility as signing nations of the San Francisco Peace Treaty that officially ended the war. However, the San Francisco Peace Treaty prescribed implicit and explicit provisions on China that rose up to a firm position as a member of the Allied Forces during the war. This included not only Japan’s actions of wars against China starting from the Manchurian Incident in 1931 and even as far as the First Sino-Japanese War(1894-1895). The Second Sino-Japanese War possessed continuity regarding the Pacific War and gained extensions through the peace treaty.

中日“第三方市场”合作: 困境与挑战

ZHANG MUHUI 동북아시아문화학회 2022 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.72

In the wake of the intensifying Sino-Japanese rivalry in Asia, a new third-party market cooperation (TPMC) framework between the two countries emerged in late 2018. TPMC has been considered as a landmark event that signifies the resilience of the Sino-Japanese relation. It was initially proposed by China side, and it aims to facilitate business and industrial cooperation in developing countries between China and Japan. The new mechanism was inaugurated around the time of former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s visit to Beijing, signifying the resilience of Sino-Japanese relations. Despite of prevailing optimism among scholars in China and Japan, this paper raises skepticism towards the TPMC, as it remains at a concept stage and has not achieved tangible cooperation outcomes. Furthermore, this article presents a two-level analysis on the obstacles and challenges ahead. First, there appears to a asymmetry between the two governments in a way that Japan’s policy passiveness starkly contrasts with China’s proactive leadership taking. Second, this paper also sees the contradiction of business management models between the two countries’ enterprises. Chinese state-owned enterprises are abundant in capital, and can accommodate the demands of local governments in the third-party countries better than Japanese counterparts do. In contrast, Japanese enterprises are far more cautious and calculative in oversea investments, and are particularly careful in assessing the risks of infrastructure investments. For these two reasons, the bilateral agreements on the facilitation of TPMC in 2018 has not been materialized in the implementation stage. This study also endeavors to propose several policy recommendations for the future prospect of the TPMC.

전후(戰後) 보상의 측면에서 본 중-일 관계

천자현 한국동북아학회 2014 한국동북아논총 Vol.19 No.1

Sino-Japanese relations are crucial in maintaining peace in Northeast Asia, however, historical and territorial issues occasionally cloud bilateral ties almost 70 years after the war. In this article looks at the two countries’ relations from an international reconciliation perspective to forecast if they will remain as rivals in conflict or become cooperative partners. The aim of this article is not to answer a simple research question of whether China and Japan have reconciled, but to perform an in-depth diagnosis of how far the two countries have come. This chapter introduces a framework that divides international reconciliation into three staged-process and applies it to analyze the status quo of Sino-Japanese relations. Material reconciliation and compensation issues are at the forefront of the analysis, which have been two of the most serious bottlenecks in improving bilateral ties. This article focuses on how Japan compensated for China’s losses, as true reconciliation can only be achieved when individual victims are fully compensated. This work breaks down material reconciliation into three parts–economic cooperation, Asian Women’s Fund, and post-war compensation lawsuits–and evaluates its progress and outcomes. The article ends with a brief outlook into the future of Sino-Japanese reconciliation. 현재의 중일관계는 협력과 갈등을 넘나드는 복잡한 양상을 띠고 있다. 양국은 1970년대부터 국익이라는 명분 아래 관계 개선을 이뤄왔고, 지금은 동북아시아 지역 평화의 키를 쥔 주요 국가로 자리매김하고 있다. 그러나 전쟁이 종료되고 약 70년이 지난 지금도 때때로 역사 문제, 영토 문제 등으로 위기를 겪고 있는 것이 중일관계의 현재이다. 이렇듯 복잡하고 미묘한 양국 관계를 화해했는지 그렇지 않은지로 분석하는 것은 역동적인 국제정치와 국제관계를 지나치게 단순화한 연구가 될 수 있다. 그런 이유로 본 연구는 중일관계가 어디쯤 위치하고 있는지를 분석하기 위해 양국의 가장 큰 걸림돌로 작용하고 있는 물질적 보상 문제에 초점을 맞춰 현재의 중일관계를 설명한다. 본 연구가 중국의 피해에 대한 일본의 보상을 중심으로 검토하는 이유는 국가 간 배상을 넘어, 개인 피해자에 대한 보상이 제대로 이루어지기 전까지는 중일 간 진정한 화해가 이루어지기 힘들기 때문이다. 따라서 본 연구는 물질적 화해를 경제협력 및 대외원조, 전쟁배상 및 청구권, 그리고 개인에 대한 보상으로 구분하였다. 그리고 이를 엔차관, 아시아 여성 기금(Asian Women’s Fund), 그리고 전후보상소송으로 중일관계에 적용하여 어느 정도의 조건을 충족시키고 있는지 검토하였다. 그리고 결론에서 간략하게 중일관계의 미래를 화해라는 측면에서 살펴봄으로써 향후 동북아시아의 정세를 예측하고 있다.

中日渔业谈判历程与中日关系:1955∼1985

俞敏浩 한국외국어대학교 중국연구소 2018 中國硏究 Vol.74 No.-

This article addresses the negotiation process between China and Japan over the management of the fishing areas in the East China Sea and the Yellow Sea for thirty years and seeks to clarify the diplomatic motivation behind the change in the Chinese fishery policy toward Japan. Before the resumption of diplomatic relations between China and Japan, the two countries belonged to hostile camps in East Asia respectively. The Chinese government promoted people to people diplomacy to establish diplomatic ties with Japan, and in this context, cooperation in the field of fisheries was advanced. After the resumption of diplomatic relations, the anti-hegemony strategy and the necessity to maintain a good relationship with Japan profoundly influenced China's fisheries policy toward Japan. In conclusion, when China needs to approach Japan diplomatically, it has adopted a more moderate attitude in fishery issues and taken stringent measures when it is dissatisfied with the Japanese government. Examining the post-war fishery relations between China and Japan will not only help us deepen our understanding of the history of Sino-Japanese relationships, but it may also have important implications for further research in China's neighboring diplomacy. 本论文从国际关系史的视角,梳理了中日两国之间就东中国海、西海(黄海)渔区管理问题长达三十年的交涉过程,阐明了中国对日渔业政策变化背后的外交动机。中日复交前两国分属东亚敌对阵营,中国政府试图维护东中国海、西海上渔业权益的同时把中日民间渔业合作视为“以民促官、渐进积累”的对日外交工作之一环。复交后,中国的对日渔业政策中反对霸权主义外交与维护中日友好关系的考量占据重要地位。总的来讲,中国在外交上需要接近日本时,对日渔业问题上采取了比较温和的态度,对日本政府不满时采取了强硬的措施。审视战后中日渔业关系,不仅有助于我们加深对中日关系史的理解,对展望中国的周边外交也具有重要的启示。