고구려 王后 于氏에 대하여

윤상열(Yoon Sang-Yul) 역사실학회 2007 역사와실학 Vol.32 No.-

Queen Wu of Koguryo lived between the latter half of 2th century A.D. to early 3th century A.D.. She was a remarkable woman who became the wife of two kings, King Gogukchun and his younger brother, King Sansang through the means of levirate. This kind of royal life is a historian's dream to uncover its hidden truth. Interestingly, a comprehensive study on Queen Wu's life based on the 'Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms' (HRTK) has previously never been conducted, thereby giving the justification for this paper. Queen Wu married King Gogukchun in 180 A.D.. She was from the nabu(那部) of Je. 'Nabu' was one of the regional groups of Koguryo, The Queen seemed to enjoy certain power in Koguryo court until one of her relatives revolted against the king during A.D 190~191 period, when the king tried to punish him for corruption. The revolt failed, which brought about the ultimate downfall of major noblemen in Koguryo. Then followed the major purge by King Gogukchun, who wanted to use this opportunity to strengthen his royal power. Queen Wu survived this political challenge, either because she was not directly involved in the conspiracy or because she was already all too powerful for the king to handle or both. However, the queen did suffer some political setbacks and she had to wait for her day. When King Gogukchun died in 197 A.D., Queen Wu hesitated no more to win back her lost power. Since the king left no heir, the candidacy went to his two younger brothers, Balki and Yonwu. First Queen went to older brother Balki to test his royal will, but Balki flatly refused her offer. Then the Queen went to Yonwu, who was clever enough to sense her intentions and almost instantly accepted her invitation to be the new king of Koguryo, hence King Sansang. Balki was furious when finding out the harsh reality, so that he took his army and surrounded the royal palace to reclaim his legitimate crown. However, the tide was against him and Balki was forced to flee with his family to Han China. Balki came back with the Chinese army, only to be beaten again to his death. Then the new king married his older sister-in-law, a levirate marriage. Some Korean scholars thought that the early stage of Koguryo history was characterized by brother-to-brother royal succession. However, after analyzing the lineage of Koguryo' s royal family, it is evident that the hereditary lineage was the fundamental rule throughout the whole Koguryo' s history. Brother-to-brother succession only took place in an emergency situation. Some interesting facts were discovered while studying the levirate of Queen Wu. First, Yonwu had a wife and offspring(s) before he became king, but it is inferred that they were killed during a civil war between Yonwu and Balki. This made everything more smooth for both Yonwu and Queen Wu to carry out the levirate. Second, the general levirate custom of Koguryo was to marry her first brother-in-law, not her second, like Queen Wu did with Yonwu. Queen Wu was the primary contributor to King Sansang' s succession, and she dominated the Koguryo court with utmost political power. She seemed to have utilized Sansang' s illegitimate background, since he took Balki' s place, to prevent the likes of King Gogukchun again. Even when the king tried to have a second queen to have heir, Queen Wu simply ignored the king' s wish by sending the soldiers to kill this soon-to-be second queen. It was only after the pathetic begging of the king and some political concessions to the queen that both the second queen and a new son were kept alive. Queen Wu, now ever more powerful, tested new King Dongchun, again like she tested Sansang, to give him a political message never to challenge her authority. Such circumstances soon made her Empress Dowager(王太后). Queen Wu managed to stay in power for almost 40 years. Her political success could mainly be attributed to her own talents, talents never to miss the right opportunity to

‘母王’으로서의 新羅 神睦太后

金台植(Kim, Tae-shik) 신라사학회 2011 新羅史學報 Vol.0 No.22

신목은 신라 제31대 왕인 신문왕의 두 번째 왕비이면서 신문왕의 뒤를 차례로 이은 효소왕과 성덕왕의 어머니이기도 하다. 이런 그는 첫째 아들 효소왕이 재위하던 서기 700년에 세상을 떠난나. 따라서 그는 당시 신라를 포함한 동아시아의 정치 관례에 따라 남편인 왕이 죽고 그 아들이 즉위함에 따라 태후가 되었다. 이 글은 이런 신목과 관련한 여러 가지 의문점을 해명하고자 했다. 그 결과 다음과 같은 결론을 도출할 수 있었다. 첫째, 신목은 왕비로 책봉될 때 나이가 적어도 서른 살 이상이었다. 신목은 죽은 해(700)가 밝혀져 있지만, 언제 태어났는지는 알 수가 없다. 다만, 그의 아버지가 사망한 시점은 역사기록에 보이므로, 이를 근거로 추산할 때 왕비로 책봉될 당시 나이가 적어도 서른이 넘었다는 것은 확실하다. 이는 일부 역사연구자도 지적했다. 당시 사회 풍속으로 서른 살이 넘도록 여성이 싱글로 남아있기는 대단히 곤란하다. 이 때문에 어떤 연구자는 신문왕과의 결혼이 신목에게는 재혼이었다고 주장하기도 했다. 둘째, 신목이 신문왕비로 책봉되었다는 역사기록은 신목이 이 때 신문왕과 재혼했다는 뜻이 아니라, 그의 후궁에서 왕비로 격상된 일을 지칭한다. 다시 말해, 신목은 몇 살 때인지는 확실치 않으나 신문왕이 왕자로 있을 적에 이미 그의 후궁으로 들어갔다가 나중에 신문이 왕으로 즉위하고, 그의 정식 부인이 어떤 사건으로 그 자리에서 쫓겨난 뒤에 정식으로 왕비로 책봉된 것이다. 셋째, 신목은 남편인 신문왕이 죽고 아들 효소왕이 즉위하면서 태후가 된 뒤에는 왕을 대신한 신라 왕국의 통치자였다. 기록에 의하면 효소왕은 692년에 즉위해 10년을 왕으로 있다가 702년에 사망했다. 한데 그와 관련한 기록을 분선하면 효소왕은 즉위할 때(692) 6살에 지나지 않았으며 죽을 때(702)도 16살에 지나지 않았다. 이른바 소년 왕이었던 것이다. 이런 그를 대신해 그의 어머니이자 태후인 신목은 적어도 700년에 그 자신이 사망할 때까지 왕을 대신해 신라를 통치한 것이다. 어린 왕을 대신해 왕의 어머니가 그 왕국을 통치하는 제도를 전근대 동아시아에서는 垂簾聽政이라 한다. 넷째, 그런 점에서 신목태후는 제4의 신라 女主에 견줄 만하다. 신라는 建國主인 박혁거세 이래 마지막 경순왕에 이르기까지 천년 동안 모두 56명에 달하는 왕이 있었으며, 그 중 女王은 세 명이 확인되지만, 신목은 효소왕 시대 초반기 약 8년 동안 신라를 통치했다는 점에서 또 한 명의 女主라 불러도 손색이 없을 것이다. 다섯째, 따라서 고대 일본의 연대기인 《續日本記》가 그의 죽음을 전하면서, 그를 신라의 ‘母王’이라 적은 것은 오류가 아니다. 많은 역사학자가 ‘母王’을 ‘王母’, 즉, ‘왕의 어머니’의 오류로 간주했다. 하지만 ‘母王’은 글자 그대로 ‘어머니로서의 왕’, ‘어머니 같은 왕’이라는 뜻이므로 이는 신목태후가 남편이 죽은 뒤에는 사실상 신라의 왕으로서 그 왕국을 통치했다는 사실을 잘 보여주는 말이다. Queen Dowager Sinmok was the second wife of King Sinmun, 31st King of Silla, and the mother of Kings Hyoso and Seongdeok who reigned after their father. According to the political customs of East Asia, she was made Queen Dowager after her husband died and her son became the next king. She died in AD 700 during the reign of her first son King Hyoso. This article is intended to clarify various disputed points about Sinmok, and the following are the conclusions. First, Sinmok was at least over 30 years old when she was invested as queen. The year of her death (AD 700) is known, but her year of birth is unknown. However with records documenting the death of her farher it can be conjectured that she was over 30 when she was invested as queen. This fact has also been pointed out by a few other historians. In the social customs of Silla it would have been very difficult for a woman to remain single until she was over 30, and that is why some insist that her marriage with King Sinmun was the second one for Sinmok. Second, the historic records of Sinmok being invested as queen does not imply that she remarried King Sinmun at this age, but rather her level being upgraded as queen from a concubine. In other words, although it is uncertain when she became the concubine of the prince who later became King Sinmun, she became his official queen after he acceded to the throne and after his official wife was somehow driven out frhom the post of queen. Third, Sinmok was the ruler of Silla after her husband died and her first son became King Hyoso. According to records, King Hyoso claimed the throne in 692 and reigned for 10 years, dying in 702. However it is also documented that he was only 6 years old in 692 and was 16 years old when he died in 702 showing that he was a boy king. His mother and Queen Dowager Sinmok ruled Silla instead of him until her own death in 700. The system of the mother ruling the country instead of her young son is called regency by the queen mother in East Asia. Fourth, in this respect Sinmok can he claimed as the fourth queen of Silla. From the founding father of Bak Hyeokgeose to the last ruler King Gyeongsun, Silla had 56 kings and out of them 3 were queens. But as Sinmok ruled Silla for 8 years during the reign of King Hyoso she bears comparison with the other queens of the dynasty. Fifth, it is not a mistake that she is documented as the ‘Mother King (母王)’ in the records of 〈Shoku Nihongi〉, the chronicles of ancient Japan, that bears record of her death. Many historians have thought it to he a mistake in writing the ‘King’s Mother (王母)’. However the expression literally shows that she was the ‘King as a mother’, which is a fine proof of showing that she was the actual ruler of Silla after the death of her hushand.

신라의 여왕과 여성성불론

조경철(Jo Gyung-cheoul) 한국역사연구회 2009 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.71

There are three Queens in Korean History. All are queens of Silla(新羅, BC 57~AD 918). The first is Queen Sundeuk(善德女王), the second is Queen Jindeuk(眞德女王), and the third is Queen Jinseong(眞聖女王). One way of explaining the background of the three queens coming to the throne is by understanding the Golpum(骨品, bone-rank) system. Due to the fact that Queen Sundeuk and Queen Jindeuk are from Seonggol(聖骨, hallowed-bone) lineage, this qualifies them to come to the throne. But another explanation of Queens' enthronement is the theory of Yeoseongseongbul(女性成佛論, a theory for woman to achieve the buddhahood). This theory supported them to become queens. Sundeuk's Yeoseongseonbul was based on the Byunseongseongbul(變性成佛), transforming herself into a man to achieve the buddhahood shown in the Beupwha Sutra(法華經). But in the case of Jindeuk, her position was developed. Jindeuk was based on the Geugsinseongbul(卽身成佛), achieving the buddhahood with a woman's body shown in the Seungman Sutra(勝蔓經). King Haegong(惠恭王) of Unified Silla(統一新羅) might have become a queen. However, Haegong was transformed as a man before he was born. According to confucianism, only a man can become a king. The last Queen is Jinseong. In spite of Confucianism, due to the tradition of two previous queens and Yeoseongseongbul, she came to the throne. But she later retired due to the confucianism based ideology in politics during her period.

조선후기 인현왕후 언간(諺簡)을 통해 본 왕실여성의 생활세계

이남희 한국국학진흥원 2018 국학연구 Vol.0 No.37

This article reviews the letters written in Hangul that Queen Inhyeon, the second Queen of King Sookjong of Joseon Dynasty, sent to Princess Sukhwi. In SukhwiSinhancheop, there are five letters of Queen Inhyeon. Princess Sukhwi, the third daughter of King Hyojong, was Queen Inhyeon’ shusband’s aunt and was 25 years older than the Queen. Queen Inhyeon and Princess Sukhwi exchanged the letters privately in the royal court. In the Annals of Joseon Dynasty or other materials, it is hard to search any records about the relationship between Queen Inhyeon and Princess Sukhwi who were influential in the royal family. For this reason, the letters written in Hangul that Queen Inhyeon sent to Princess are significant. When reviewing Queen Inhyeon’s Eongan(Hangul letter), we can easily find that they also suffered from the four-phases of life. Specifically, Queen Inhyeon sent a letter to celebrate for Sukhwi’s son to pass the national examination called Guageo, and to ask the Princess to meet at the royal court. Also, the Queen wrote a letter to comfort the Princess whose son had died, and to send medicines when she heard that the Princess was sick. Queen Inhyeon was deposed by Jang Hui-bin and was brought back to the palace. After the reinstatement of Queen Inhyeon, she lived carefully and quietly in the royal court. In this regard, Queen Inhyeon, unlike other royal ladies, wrote letters mainly dealing with her personal life rather than political issues. Queen Inhyeon was distinguished from her mother-laws, Queen Myeongseong who was the queen of King Hyeonjong. Queen Myeongseong sent Eongan with political intentions to Song Si-yeol. She made Song Si-yeol get back to the court and asked him and Seoin to support the King. On the contrary, Queen Inhyeon wrote Eongan on the basis of her personal life. It shows how the royal women of Joseon Dynasty lived quietly in the royal court where power and politics were concentrated. 이 글에서는 숙종의 계비 인현왕후가 숙휘공주에게 보낸 언간을 검토하고 있다. 인현왕후의 한글편지는 『숙휘신한첩』에 실려 있다. 숙휘공주는 효종과 인선왕후의 딸로, 인현왕후의 시고모(숙종의 고모)가 된다. 인현왕후의 편지는 왕실 내부에서 주고받은 편지로서 조카며느리가 시고모님께 보낸 편지이다. 인현왕후와 숙휘공주 두 사람 사이의 관계 등에 대한 기록은 조선왕조실록 등 연대기에서는 찾아보기 어렵다. 때문에 인현왕후의 언간이 갖는 의미는 크다고 하겠다. 인현왕후의 언간을 보면, 숙휘공주의 아들이 과거 초시에 합격한 것을 축하하는 내용, 궁중에 들어와 만나기를 청하는 것, 젊은 나이로 세상을 떠난 아들의 죽음을 위로하고, 약처방전을 내려 약을 조제해서 보내는 내용 등을 담고 있다. 인현왕후는 폐위되었다가 다시 왕비가 되는 드라마틱한 삶을 살았다. 복위한 후 그녀는 궁궐에서 한층 더욱 스스로 삼가고 조심하면서 지냈다. 그 때문인지 현존 하는 인현왕후의 언간에서는, 다른 왕비와는 달리 정치적인 성격이 담겨 있는 언간이 보이지 않는다. 일상적인 삶과 생활세계와 관련해서 쓴 편지글이 주축을 이루고 있다. 인현왕후의 시어머니 명성왕후(현종의 비)와는 구별되는 측면이다. 명성왕후는 송시열을 조정으로 불러 들여서 서인 세력을 아들 숙종의 지지 기반으로 삼기 위해 정치적인 의도가 담긴 언간을 보내기도 했다. 인현왕후 언간의 이 같은 일상성이야말로 정치와 권력의 한 가운데 있으면서도 경계하며 지냈던 왕실여성의 삶과 생활의 한 단면을 여실히 말해준다고 하겠다.

中宗妃 廢妃 愼氏의 처지와 그 復位論議

한희숙(Han Hee-Sook) 한국인물사연구소 2007 한국인물사연구 Vol.7 No.-

This paper covers the family and marriage relationships of Joongjong's first wife, the deposed Queen Shin, and her situation as well as the Joongjong Reformation and the progress and results of the debates regarding her restoration. The deposed queen Shin, who shared his adversity, was the daughter of Shin Soo Geun. During the first half of the Chosun Dynasty, the Geo'chang Shin family had become the most powerful family of the time through repeated marriages with the royal family. Shin Seung-Sun's daughter was married to King Yeonsan'gun and became the queen, and Shin Soo-Geun's daughter married Prince Jinsung'daegun, Yeonsangun's brother. However, both women became deposed through the Joong jong Reformation, and the power of the Geo'chang Shin family plummeted as well. Joongjong's deposed queen Shin became queen through the Joongjong Reformation. However, immediately following the enthronement of Joongjong, the vassals of merit asserted that Shin be deposed. As a result, Shin could not rise to queen and was expelled from the royal palace within 7 days. The reason of her deposal was that her father, Shin Soo-Geun, had been executed because he opposed the Joongjong Reformation. The vassals of the Reformation opposed Shin's installment as queen because they were afraid of Shin's revenge against them once she became queen. Joongjong, who rose to throne with the support of the Reformation vassals, was reluctant to depose his wife, but lacked the power to oppose the vassals' voices. Despite the fact that Joongjong and Shin were an extraordinarily loving couple, Joongjong had no choice but to ban his wife Shin from the royal palace. Shin's empty place was filled by Jang'kyung Wanghoo Queen Yoon, who was the niece of Park Won-Jong, the leader of the Reformation. However, the place of queen became empty once again in year 10 of Joongjong. Queen Yoon gave birth to the crown prince (who would become King Injong) and died. Consort Park, who was the mother of Joongjong's first child Prince Boksung'gun, wished to become the queen. However, this would cause severe problems, as the order of heir needed to be changed should Park become the queen. Understanding the consequences should such an event occur, Damyang deputy delegate Park Sang and Soonchang governor Kim Jeung asserted the restoration of the deposed queen Shin on August of year 10 of Joongjong. They asserted that this solution would relieve the injustice done to Shin, prevent a consort from becoming the queen, and that the vassals who banned Shin be punished. However, their efforts could not bear fruit due to the opposition of the Daegan. The new queen was to be Moonjeung Wanghoo Yoon. Although deposed queen Shin shared Joongjong's adversity, she could not be restored to queen due to political reasons, her being the daughter of a criminal and the justification of having to protect the crown prince. She lived a lonely life and died in year 12 of Myungjong, at the age of 71. Deposed queen Shin could not be restored in her era, but assertions regarding her restoration came up again in the Sookjong era, and was finally restored to queen in year 15 of Youngjo(1739), 232 years after her deposal. She was given the posthumous epithet of Dankyung Wanghoo, and her ancestral tablet was moved to Jongmyo.

고려전기 후비(后妃)의 칭호에 대한 제문제(諸問題)

이정훈 역사실학회 2022 역사와실학 Vol.77 No.-

The purpose of this study is to examine the diverse title types given to the queen and concubines during the reigns from King Hyeonjong to King Wonjong and the reasons for using the various titles. In the Goryeo dynasty, which advocated Confucian ruling ideology, the king-led outward governing 外治 and the queen-led internal governing 內治 were very important. However, the king was polygamous 一夫多妻. By combining these governing ideology and marriage system, title of Lady 主系列 稱號 and title of queens 妃系列 稱號 were given to the queen and concubines at the same time. Thus, the titles of Lady of Palace 宮主 or Lady of Hall 院主 were given to the legitimate wives 嫡妻 through the same official procedure as accepting a queen 納妃. Among the legitimate wives, one was chosen as prime queen 王妃, who was empowered to rule over the the system of woman lived in the palaces, and the rest legitimate wives were appointed as the other queens 諸妃. If a legitimate wife was a princess, a prime queen or a Lady of Palace, she was given the title of the Queen 王后 after her death. During the reigns of King Hyeonjong and King Deokjong, an important criterion for judging whether she was a queen or concubine was whether she had maintained a marital relationship with the king. As a result, during the reigns of King Hyeonjong and King Deokjong, not only the prime queen, the other queens, Ladies of Palace and Ladies of Hall, but also the court maids who were in marital relationship with the king were recognized as the queen and concubines. From the reign of King Jeongjong, the women who were married through official procedure such as accepting a queen or those who received the titles Lady of Palace or Lady of Hall were recognized as the queen and concubines. Accordingly, even a disposed queen 廢妃, if she had been a Lady of Palace or Lady of Hall before being disposed, she was recognized as a queen and concubines. 본 연구는 현종대부터 원종대까지 후비들에게 주어졌던 칭호의 종류 및 다양한 칭호를 사용하게 된 이유를 고찰하였다. 유교적 통치이념을 표방하였던 고려왕조에서 국왕이 주도하는 외치(外治)와 더불어 왕후가 주도하는 내치(內治)가 매우 중요하였다. 그렇지만 국왕은 일부다처(一夫多妻)가 용인되었다. 이러한 통치 관념과 결혼제도를 결합하여, 후비들에게 비계열 칭호와 주계열 칭호를 동시에 부여하였다. 그리하여 납비(納妃)와 같은 공식절차를 통해 결혼한 적처(嫡妻)들에게 궁주 또는 원주 칭호를 부여하였으며, 적처(嫡妻) 중에서 1인을 왕비로 책봉한 뒤 내직(內職)을 총괄하게 하고 나머지 적처들을 제비로 책봉하였다. 적처가 공주 출신이거나 왕비로 책봉되었거나 궁주였던 경우에는 사후에 왕후 시호를 부여하였다. 현종 및 덕종대에는 국왕과의 혼인 관계를 유지하였느냐가 후비의 여부를 판단하는 중요한 기준이었다. 그 결과 현종 및 덕종대에는 왕비, 제비, 궁주, 원주만이 아니라 궁인 중에서 국왕과 혼인 관계에 있던 여성을 후비로 인정하였다. 정종대부터는 납비와 같은 공식절차를 거쳐 결혼한 여성, 즉 궁주 또는 원주 칭호를 받았던 여성을 후비로 인정하였다. 이에 따라 폐비(廢妃)도 폐비가 되기 전에 궁주나 원주였을 경우에는 후비로 인정되었다.

조선시대 『謄錄』을 통해 본 왕비의 親迎과 권위

임민혁(Yim, Min-hyeok) 한국사학사학회 2012 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.25

This study examined the process, background, and detailed procedures in implementing Chinyoung(king's personal welcoming his queen), which was the core of practice in line with the customary formalities of a family, and its subsequent rite with focus on Deungrok while comparing to the customary proprieties of a family. Through this research process, this study intended to make clear the elements of authority possessed by a queen consort who externally attained a position equal to the king. The marriage custom during the early Joseon Dynasty period-Namkwiyeo gahon(a bridegroom goes to his bride' house to have a matrimonial ceremony) was done in the manner in which Yang(bridegroom) followed Ŭm(bride), so this manner ran counter to the idea of Confucianism. The Joseon Administration developed its steady effort to correct this matrimonial custom, finally preparing detailed rite procedures and at the same time holding the personal welcoming formalities(Chinyoungrye)at Taepyeongkwan. The acceptance of "Chinyoungrye" is interpreted as the recovery of Gorye(old manners) and it was carried out with the aim of setting anti-Confucian form of marriage right and establishing the propriety-based social order. In addition, it is assumed that the king and royal family's display of practising "Chingyoungrye" might serve to perform their responsibility for edifying the people while greatly contributing to the stability and retention of royal authority and royal family. "Chinyoung" at a temporary lodging for traveling officials had been held at Taepyongkwan even during the 35th ruling year of king Sukjong, and with "Eouidongbongung" designated as a detached palace during the 16th ruling year of king Injo, this palace was mostly used for "Chingyoung." The king welcomed his queen with the manners of a master of guests, and the guest(queen) fully observed the propriety as a subject. The king didn't use to carry out "Chogyerye" as he was already an orphan, nor did carry out it for his queen; however, the king asked his queen to completely do her filial duties by performing "Gyerye"(a rite of a woman's doing her hair up in a chignon as a symbol of a wife of the king). The king and queen performed "Dongryaeyeon"(a banquet in which the king and queen exchanged cups after doing the manners of bowing down to each other on the floor); however, instead of doing the manners of bowing down to each other, the king welcomed his queen with the manners of a master of guests by doing the manners of making a deep bow with two hands together, and there came up the symbolism in which the king and queen became equal in the distinction of rank through the manners of exchanging cups with each other. As for their first wedding night right after such matrimonial procedures were done, the dignified and majestic king's having sex was almost a taboo with the establishment of only the detailed rite procedures for entering the king's bed where blanket and pillows were laid. Afterwards, the queen performed the manners of a morning audience with the queen mother and with Royal Ancestral Shrine. Making "Chinyoung" as an orthodox propriety indicates the practice of "Garye"(an auspicious ceremony), and its completion was done by performing this rite. This rite, which was first during the 12th ruling year of king Jungjong, and the 29th ruling year of king Sukjong respectively, was the manners in the capacity of one's wife, in which the status as a daughter-in-law was certified by ancestors. However, the procedures symbolizing the established generation of the queen wasn't carried out. It's because the queen was already vested with the authority as a homemaker of the eldest son of a head family simultaneously with the installation of the queen. 이 글은 조선 건국 이래 당시 지배층들이 예치사회를 구현하고자 노력하는 가운데, 국왕 嘉禮에서 家禮대로의 실천의 핵심인 친영과 그 이후의 의례를 시행하게 된 과정과 배경 및 구체적인 절차를 『謄錄』을 중심으로 家禮와 비교하면서 살펴본 것이다. 이를 통해 외형적으로 국왕과 동등한 지위를 획득한 왕비의 권위를 宗統에 의해 정당화함으로써 왕권과 왕실의 안정을 도모하고자 고심했던 측면들을 밝혀보고자 했다. 조선정부에서는 선초부터 유교 이념에 배치되는 혼속(男歸女家婚)을 고치고자 꾸준한 노력을 전개하여, 중종 12년에 드디어 친영의주를 마련함과 동시에 태평관에서 친영례를 거행하였다. 친영례의 수용은 古禮의 회복으로 반유교적인 혼인형태를 바로잡고 예의 사회질서를 확립하고자 하는 목적에서 단행되었다. 그리고 가례의 원리를 실천함으로써, 敎化의 책임을 다하는 국왕의 권위를 높이고 왕권과 왕실을 안정되게 유지하는데 기여하는 바가 컸다. 館所에서의 친영은 선조35년에도 태평관을 이용하다가 인조 16년부터 어의동본궁을 별궁으로 사용했다. 국왕의 친영은 지정된 관소를 전용하는 것이 원칙이었다. 親迎儀에서는 가례와 달리 왕비가 참석한 상태에서 전안례를 거행하였는데, 왕비에 대해 국왕은 賓主의 예를 행하고 주인은 군신의 예를 행하였다. 그리고 국왕은 이미 고아여서 醮戒禮를 행하지 않았으며, 왕비에게도 역시 초례는 행하지 않았으나 계례는 행하여 왕실의 며느리로서 효경을 다할 것을 당부했다. 입궐한 국왕과 왕비는 同牢宴을 거행했다. 교배례는 행하지 않고 국왕이 왕비에게 역시 읍례로 대하고, 합근례를 통해 尊卑가 같아지는 상징적인 절차를 행하여 새로운 부부 관계의 형성을 표현했다. 직후 소위 첫날밤은 이불과 베개가 놓인 御幄에 들어가기까지의 의주만이 제정되어, 존엄한 국왕의 성은 금기시하다시피 하였음을 알 수 있다. 그 뒤에 왕비는 朝見禮와 廟見禮를 거행했다. 친영을 正禮로 삼은 것은 가례의 실천을 가리키며, 그 완성은 이 의례를 거행함으로써 이루어졌다. 각각 중종 12년과 숙종 29년에 처음 행해진 이 의례는 조상들로부터 며느리로서의 지위를 공인받는 成婦禮였다. 조종의 예의에 부합하는 혼사를 거행했음을 고하고 효충을 다할 것을 다짐하는 자리이며, 이로써 왕실의 며느리로서의 종통을 계승하였음을 대내외에 포고하는 공식적인 행사였다.

통일신라시대의 王과 王妃

李泳鎬(Lee, Young-ho) 신라사학회 2011 新羅史學報 Vol.0 No.22

통일신라시대의 국왕은 이혼과 재혼이 빈번하였다. 원래의 왕비를 폐하고 새 왕비를 맞이하는가 하면, 元妃 외에 次妃가 존재하였다. 나아가 왕의 첩 인 後宮도 여럿 존재하였다. 여기서는 이들의 혼인 문제를 검토하였다. 국왕의 일상적인 삶은 왕자로서의 출생, 태자책봉, 혼인, 즉위의 순서로 이행하였다. 먼저 태자 책봉 의례를 살폈다. 태자 책봉의식과 이를 축하는 의례가 왕궁에서 성대히 베풀어졌음을 확인하였다. 국왕의 혼인에서는 중국식 의례가 행해졌으며, 궁궐에 들어오기 전의 부인 책봉, 궁궐에서의 왕비책봉, 그리고 왕후 책봉의 단계가 있었다. 한편 王母나 王妃가 당으로부디 책봉 받은 사례가 있었다. 신라에서는 태후, 왕후라 불렀으나 당에서는 대비, 욍비로 책봉하여 인식의 차이가 있었 다. 또한 책봉서에 나타난 이들의 성씨는 실제가 아닌 가공의 성씨였다. 이는 신라가 君子國으로 중국에 인식되면서, 동성혼인 사실을 숨기고 중국식 예제에 맞추기 위해 실제와 다른 정보를 제공했기 때문이었다. 후궁은 욍비가 아니지만, 욍비의 범주로 파악하였다. 후궁은 1명 혹은 그 이상이 존재하였으며, 신분은 원칙적으로 진골이섰다. 따라서 욍실의 풍경은 중대에는 1명의 왕비가, 하대에는 1명 혹은 복수의 왕비가 존재하였고, 거기다가 다수의 후궁이 공존하였다. 이로써 국왕과 왕비, 후궁이 어우러진 왕실 구성원들의 모습을 살필 수 있었다. In the unified Silla period, kings frequently experienced divorcement and remarriage. A king often deposed the original queen to take a new queen. He also had a second queen along with a first queen. In addition, he had several royal concubines in his palace. This study seeks to examine royal marriage in unified Silla. The life of a king included his birth as a prince, his investiture as the crown prince, his marriage, and his enthronement in order. When he was invested as the crown prince, an impressive investiture ceremony was followed by a celebration with a large attendance. In the marriage of a king, a Chinese-style ceremony was performed. His queen was invested first as his consort outside the palace, then as his queen in the palace, and finally as his queen consort. There have been found some instances in which Tang China invested mothers or consorts of the Silla kings. They were called empress dowagers or royal consorts in Silla, but were invested as queen dowagers or queens in Tang. This means the downgrading of terminology related to the international status of Silla. Also, their family names appeared in the investiture roster were all not genuine but fictitious names. This was due to the fact that Silla, recognized as a nation of courtesy in China, provided fabricated information on them to Tang in order to hide marriage between the same surnames and conform the marriage to Chinese rites. Royal concubines could be classified as “queens”. A king had one or more concubines who were most of true-bone lineage. While a king had only one queen in the middle period, his counterpart in the late period had a first queen and a second queen. Both period witnessed a number of royal concubines in the palace. In sum, the royal household of unified Silla consisted of kings and their queens and concubines.

조선시대 왕비·대비의 언문교서 작성과 수렴청정시 변화

임혜련 한국사학회 2023 史學硏究 Vol.- No.151

This paper is a study of the nature of documents written in Korean by Queen and Queen Mother during the Joseon Dynasty. The changing nature of the character was also studied in relation to the status and authority of the Queen and Queen Mother. The Hangul documents written by the Queen and Queen Mother were wide-ranging Eonmun Gyoseo(諺文敎書). The meaning of this is, ‘write Gyo(敎) in Hangul and giving’. Eonseo(諺書) and Eongyo(諺敎) are like Eonmun Gyoseo(諺文敎書) In Joseon, women were not allowed to hold political office. However, Regency was an officially sanctioned political activity. When not playing Regency, Eonmun Gyoseo(諺文敎書) was an official document addressed to the government. The content of the Eonmun Gyoseo(諺文敎書) was the Succession of Kings, the management of the King's inner quarters(內命婦), and the state of affairs. However, Eonmun Gyoseo(諺文敎書) was not a decision-making document. It is the written will of the Queen and the Queen Mother to make a decision. It was political in a limited sense. The Grand Queen also wrote and handed down an Eonmun Gyoseo(諺文敎書) When playing Regency. The Grand Queen's status was like that of a king, and she gave orders to Seungji(承旨). Eonmun Gyoseo(諺文敎書) were exchanged between the Great Queen and Seungji(承旨). At this time, the Eonmun Gyoseo(諺文敎書) was a political decision by the Grand Queen. And the functionality has changed to formally declaring what you've decided. It is significant that a woman of the royal family wrote documents in Hangul and engaged in political activities.

『페어리 여왕』5권의 이시스:브리토마트의 신화적 변용의 정치성

이진아 한국중세근세영문학회 2008 중세르네상스 영문학 Vol.16 No.2

Britomart's repeal of the female rule in Radigund's amazonian kingdom, probably one of the most controversial episodes in Book 5 of The Faerie Queene, happens right after her transformation into Isis in her dream vision of marriage in the Temple of Isis. Her action seems to be quite contradictory to her images as a queen regnant-to-be. From a contextual point of view, the figure of Isis seems to be crucial to the understanding of the allegorical inscrutability of Britomart's action. This paper explores the political implications of the myth of Isis and their relations with Britomart's repealing of female rule. It also aims to illuminate how Spenser's concerns with the issue of Elizabeth 1's marriage are engaged in Britomart's transfiguration into Isis and her vision of marriage. The two queens regnants, Mary and Elizabeth 1 in early modern England respectively posed urgent political problems: the problem of the authority of a married queen regnant to her husband, her social and political superior, in the case of Mary whose husband tried to gain control over the internal and diplomatic affairs of the realm, and the problem of the dynasty without an heir in the case of the virgin queen Elizabeth. Spenser seemed to find a role model of female ruler in the figure of Isis in his attempts to solve the problems of female rule. Isis was established in the Egyptian and the Greco-Roman myths as the loving and faithful consort and the dynastic mother. She resuscitated the dead Osiris who was killed by his brother Setth in their power struggles, helped her son Horus to regain the kingship from his uncle, and so was worshipped as the dynastic mother of all the pharaohs in Egypt. She also ruled Egypt on behalf of her husband, when Osiris was away from his country. In Spenser's representation of Isis, she shares the power of justice with Osiris and suppresses the violent aspects of his power. However, she reveals herself more prominently as the loving and all-embracing mother and the faithful spouse than female ruler. Britomart's identification with Isis as wife and mother has the effect of reducing her role of a queen regnant, suggesting that her regal power could be considerably transferred to her consort Artegall after their marriage. Her repeal of female rule and her making all the Radigund's magistrates subject to Artegall strongly imply her future uxorial subjection to Artegall, and anticipate her share of the regal power with her husband, which Elizabeth 1 would never have had hoped. Britomart's roles as the ancestral mother of the Tudor dynasty and more a queen consort like Isis than a queen regnant seem to be the ones that Spenser expected the queen should have chosen for the future of England. Britomart's repeal of the female rule in Radigund's amazonian kingdom, probably one of the most controversial episodes in Book 5 of The Faerie Queene, happens right after her transformation into Isis in her dream vision of marriage in the Temple of Isis. Her action seems to be quite contradictory to her images as a queen regnant-to-be. From a contextual point of view, the figure of Isis seems to be crucial to the understanding of the allegorical inscrutability of Britomart's action. This paper explores the political implications of the myth of Isis and their relations with Britomart's repealing of female rule. It also aims to illuminate how Spenser's concerns with the issue of Elizabeth 1's marriage are engaged in Britomart's transfiguration into Isis and her vision of marriage. The two queens regnants, Mary and Elizabeth 1 in early modern England respectively posed urgent political problems: the problem of the authority of a married queen regnant to her husband, her social and political superior, in the case of Mary whose husband tried to gain control over the internal and diplomatic affairs of the realm, and the problem of the dynasty without an heir in the case of the virgin queen Elizabeth. Spenser seemed to find a role model of female ruler in the figure of Isis in his attempts to solve the problems of female rule. Isis was established in the Egyptian and the Greco-Roman myths as the loving and faithful consort and the dynastic mother. She resuscitated the dead Osiris who was killed by his brother Setth in their power struggles, helped her son Horus to regain the kingship from his uncle, and so was worshipped as the dynastic mother of all the pharaohs in Egypt. She also ruled Egypt on behalf of her husband, when Osiris was away from his country. In Spenser's representation of Isis, she shares the power of justice with Osiris and suppresses the violent aspects of his power. However, she reveals herself more prominently as the loving and all-embracing mother and the faithful spouse than female ruler. Britomart's identification with Isis as wife and mother has the effect of reducing her role of a queen regnant, suggesting that her regal power could be considerably transferred to her consort Artegall after their marriage. Her repeal of female rule and her making all the Radigund's magistrates subject to Artegall strongly imply her future uxorial subjection to Artegall, and anticipate her share of the regal power with her husband, which Elizabeth 1 would never have had hoped. Britomart's roles as the ancestral mother of the Tudor dynasty and more a queen consort like Isis than a queen regnant seem to be the ones that Spenser expected the queen should have chosen for the future of England.