МИГРАЦИОННОЦЕССЫ В СОВРЕМЕННОЙ РОССИИ

티호노프 한국외국어대학교(글로벌캠퍼스) 러시아연구소 2008 슬라브연구 Vol.24 No.1

During the last fifteen years migration has become one of the most emphatic issues in Russia alongside with the ones, which have lately been included into four Russian national Projects. The flow of immigration turned out to be so strong that it became almost impossible to put the whole migration process under statistical control. The statistics of Russian immigration is of a “scattered” character and varies from 5 to 12 million people who during that period came to live in the country both legally and illegally. The questions related to the Russian immigration issue and which are usually posed at frequent public and academic discussions within the country may be interpreted as follows: What are the reasons of intensive immigration into post-soviet Russia? What are the factors that stimulate the immigration process? Can Russia juggle both – the powerful immigration flow and the accomplishment of national Projects? Is immigration instigating further inter-ethnic tension and religious confrontation? These as well as many other questions and doubts usually come to the surface when discussing the immigration issues. This paper is dedicated to identifying the approaches which are offered by the social and political sciences in understanding the migration process with all its advantages and drawbacks. Demography, for example, looks upon migration as a necessary element for sustaining the population dynamics; demographers consider this process as a very positive solution for the countries (including Russia) which have lately been experiencing some dangerous mismatch between birth and death rates. Due to that kind of disparity the annual reduction of population in Russia has reached 0.65 percent, and the natural loss amounted to 10 million people. With all these facts taken into account, demographers would ascertain that migration is a real blessing for some nations as well as inevitable process in the globalizing world. And this process, furnished with well-developed integration programs, is able to successfully solve a whole number of demographic problems in Russia. Economists, on the one hand, regard migration as a positive influence on the Russian work-force balance and thus a necessary means to developing country’s economy. But they, on the other hand, clearly understand some negative consequences of it: migration factor brings about changes in the interethnic balance, increases competition at the local labor and other markets, land ownership, creates financial burden for the local authorities as well as potential target group for organized crime. Jurisprudence is not only dealing with the negative sides of migration but also working out the necessary preventive measures to reduce the scope of law infringement. During the last several years Moscow signed a number of agreements on migration, the most important of which are with the European Union and Ukraine. Cultural analysis of migration makes it clear that the process is usually followed by interethnic tensions and collisions. Hidden cultural differences often make cooperation difficult. In many other cases immigrants are not at all prone to integrate into the mainstream of a foreign culture. Political paradigms or approaches offer their own perception of migration. Russian political realists consider the outside world as the grounds for continuous fight as well as part of global competition and perceive migration (directed both into and out of the country) as a serious danger to national security. The liberal paradigm does not share the concerns of realists about the dangers of migration flows. The liberals claim that Russia, as part of the globalized world, should not oppose or limit the migration process because this kind of resistance may bring about the isolation of the country and hamper its further development. The next political paradigm – globalism – is close to liberal understanding of migration, but the supporters of this approach go even further in ... 소연방이 해체되고 러시아연방이 출범한 이후부터 오늘날에 이르기까지 이주문제는 러시아의 중요한 사회적 현상이자, 해결해야만 하는 시급한 이슈로 등장하였다. 통계상으로 전체 이주자의 수는 적게는 약 오백만명에서 많게는 천이백만명 가량으로 추정되고 있다. 이 숫자에는 합법적 이주자, 불법 이주자들이 포함되어 있으나, 공식적인 통계가 불가능하기 때문에 수치는 무의미하다고 볼 수 있다. 그래서 러시아의 주요 사회문제로 대두된 이주문제를 분석하기 위해 이주의 원인은 무엇인가, 이주과정의 대내외적 동인은 무엇인가, 사회현상으로서 이주문제의 해결책은 무엇인가 등등을 밝히는 것이 본 논문의 목적이다.

이주인권과 이주법제의 현실

서윤호(Seo, Yun Ho) 건국대학교 인문학연구원 2014 통일인문학 Vol.57 No.-

세계화와 더불어 오늘날 도처에서 국경을 넘는 국제이주가 계속 증가하고 있다. 세계경제의 글로벌화가 본격적으로 진행되면서 바야흐로 국제이주의 증가는 가히 폭발적인 수준에 이르렀고, 새로운 ‘이주의 시대’에 진입했다고 해도 과언이 아닌 상황이 되었다. 점차 증가하고 있는 국제이주의 시대에 ‘인권보장’의 문제가 중요해지는 까닭은 이주자들이 소수자의 지위에 놓여 있어 인권보장이 취약한 집단으로 분류되기 때문이다. 이주자들은 그들이 거주하고 있는 나라의 시민이 아니어서 거주국의 법률적 보호를 받기 어려울뿐더러 이민 수용국 사회의 이방인으로서 낯선 언어, 법률, 사회적 관습에 적응하며 살아가야 한다. 또한 이주자들은 직장을 비롯한 일상생활에서 차별과 부당한 대우를 받기 쉽고, 특히 미등록 이주자의 경우는 훨씬 더 열악한 상황에 처해 있다. 세계화의 시대적 추세에 따라 자본과 노동이 국경 없이 넘나드는 오늘날의 현실에서 이주와 인권의 문제는 우리 사회에서도 중요한 의제로 떠오르고 있다. 이주자에 대한 논의는 이제 더 이상 일시적 현상으로서가 아니라 우리 사회의 구성과 관련해서도 진지한 논의가 필요하다. 이 글은 우리의 이주법제에서 이주인권이 어느 정도 보장되고 실현되고 있는지 살펴보고 있다. 먼저 국제인권규범에서의 이주인권 보장에 대한 고찰로부터 시작하여, 국제인권기구들이 이주인권과 관련하여 우리 정부에 어떠한 권고를 제시했는지 살펴보고 있다. 이어서 국내의 이주법제에 대한 고찰과 평가를 통해 우리 사회에서 이주인권과 관련하여 문제되는 쟁점과 개선방안이 무엇인지 살펴보고, 마지막으로 이주인권과 관련하여 국제인권규범과 국내 이주법제의 고찰에서 제기되는 문제들을 정리하면서 이주법제에서의 이주인권의 실현가능성에 대해 살펴보고 있다. Nowadays, international migration has continuously increased all over world as a result of the globalization. As the world economy has become globalized, the increase of international migration has reached at a peak point and the world has entered into ‘the age of migration’. In this age of international migration, the reason why the protection of human rights has become an important issue is that migrants are the minority of a society and they are a group whose human rights are unsecure. Migrants are not the citizens of a country where they stay so that it is difficult for them to secure the protection of the laws of the country. Also they have to adapt themselves to foreign language, law and social custom. In addition, migrants are vulnerable to discrimination and unfair treatment: especially, unregistered migrants are suffering under far more unfavorable situation. As the globalization has become a trend of the modern world where capital and labor move freely across national borders, the issues of migration and human rights have become important agenda in our society. The discussion on migrants is necessary in relation to the composition of our society; it is not a temporary phenomenon anymore. This article reviews how much the migration human rights are well protected in our legal system of migration. First, the author considers the protection of the migration human rights provided by international immigration laws. Also, the suggestions to our government made by international human rights organizations are considered. Next, the author considers the issues with regard to the migration human rights and the solutions to them through the review and evaluation of the legal system of migration in our society. Finally, while considering the issues arising in international and domestic legal systems of migration in relation to the migration human rights, the author explores on the implementation of the migration human rights in our legal system of migration.

Migration Processes in Central Asia - Key Trends and Challenges. A Glance from Kazakhstan

( Leila F. Delovarova ) 건국대학교 이주사회통합연구소 2022 Journal of Migration and Social Integration (JMSI) Vol.7 No.1

Migration processes in Central Asia have been part of the global process of transformation of modern international relations and contribution to the development. Migration and mobility in the region have undergone significant changes during last three decades. Reflecting almost all of the global migration trends this space have their own characteristics and features. Considering the general trends in the region, it should be noted that all types of migration are active - seasonal labor migration, forced migration, frontier migrations and transit migrations, repatriation. The main trends in Central Asia are labor migration, the steady growth of irregular migration, educational migration, feminization and family migration. The key focus of this article is the international immigration situation in Kazakhstan in the field of low-skilled and unskilled labor migration with some overview the whole migration profile including some aspects of immigration policy and international cooperation. One of the key trends is labor migration - low-skilled or unskilled labor migration which is mostly directed to Russia and Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan has a diversified migration profile and it is an active participant in regional and extra-regional migration processes. Kazakhstan is mostly perceives itself as a host state. The fundamentals of migration policy are focused on attracting compatriots “kandas”, on attracting highly skilled labor and on balancing internal migration. Along with the official involvement of foreign labor, the situation on the labor market has evolved in such a way that there has been and continues to be a need for foreign labor at various levels. The main challenges of labor migration processes lie in the situation and status of migrants, ensuring their rights, integration into the local community and decent working conditions. The pandemic, which has swept all over the world, has most affected vulnerable groups of the population, including migrants with an unprotected legal status. To review and analyze these aspects, it seems important to look at such aspects as the cooperation of all involved countries, the analysis of national, international legislation and international interaction, including the role of the non-governmental sector and the migrant networks themselves.

지역 간 시계열 인구이동의 정량적 특징 분석 및 인구이동 네트워크의 연결중심성 분석

이상현,오윤경,Lee, Sang-Hyun,Oh, Yun-Gyeong 한국농공학회 2017 한국농공학회논문집 Vol.59 No.5

In this study, we visualized the regional migration in Korea from 2001 to 2015 using the Chord diagram which can represents amount of migration and flows at the same time. In addition, we constructed a migration network and analyzed the degree centrality of each region for identifying the main regions linking to various regions. In 2001~2005, most of population moved into Geonggi from various regions. However, the capital function was transferred to Sejong in 2011~2015, and population moving into Sejong and Chungnam was increased significantly. The main outflow of population in migration network were shown at the regions in Jeonbuk and Gyeongbuk province in 2001~2004, and recently the regions in Gyeongnam, Gyeonggi, and Seoul were identified as the main nodes in terms of outflow of population. We also focused on migration in rural area through degree centrality, and cord diagram in Chungnam, Jeonbuk, and Jeonnam where include the representative crop area. In 2015. there was the significant increase of migration from Gyeonggi to Chungnam, and internal migration within Jeonbuk increased rather than cross-border migration. In addition, migration from Jeonam to capital area decreased in 2015 but migration among cities within Jeonman increased. In particular, Yesan-gun showed the significant migration to other cities in Jeonnam. Population is necessary to develop community and sustain economic growth in rural regions. Therefore, migration is important for the transfer of manpower. The strength of this study is to approach the temporal change of migration from the viewpoint on quantitative and structural characteristics.

“트랜스내셔널 전환”과 새로운 역사적 이민연구

이용일 ( Yong Il Lee ) 한국서양사학회 2009 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.103

Migration is a historical phenomenon which is older than the settlement. So the history of migration is as old as the history of mankind. However, the migration began to acquire a social attention in the era of the industrialization and the urbanization of Europe. The systematic research on migration began even later, exactly in the 1920s of the 20th century in the United States as the typical immigration country. The chicago school of sociology which focused upon the migrants and the ethnic minorities in the metropole of the United States led this new wave of the research. From the 1920s and recent times, most migration research focused upon the adjustment of migrants to the society of immigration rather than upon the relation of migrants with the homeland. The classical theories of migration analyzed the international migration as a change from one national space to another national space. Since the early 1990s `the transnational turn` triggered a paradigm shift for migration research, many migration researcher recognized that migrants maintain a special relationship and strong networks with peoples in their homelands and the human migration means a circular flow of persons between the countries of origin and destination. Especially some of cultural anthropologists who were concerned primarily with the latin american migrants in the United States were the pioneering group of the transnational migration research. They defined transnationalism as the `process by which transmigrants, through their daily activities, forge and sustain multi-stranded social, economic, and political relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement, and through which they create transnational social fields that cross national borders`. While the new perspective on migration catalyze a boom of transnational migration studies in almost all disciplines, there are critics of transnational migration research: most empirical transnational migration research which focus in particular on a certain ethnic group cannot generalize all diverse forms of migration. In other words, not all immigrants are transmigrants. In addition, the core issue of diasporas is still the adjustment of migrants to a new situation in land of destination. Therefore, the research on migration should always be operated in historical context. This is a reason for the rise of new historical migration research in the future that combines the transnational perspective and the historical context.

이주와 디아스포라― 중국영화에 재현된 뉴욕의 중국인

임춘성 한국중국현대문학학회 2008 中國現代文學 Vol.0 No.44

This paper focuses on the representation in Chinese films of the Chinese immigrants in New York as a part of the Chinese ‘global migration.’ The global-scale migration of Chinese has first concentrated in Southeast Asia during the pre-modern era and then in North America in the modern and contemporary periods. Whereas immigrants to Southeast Asia departed directly from their hometown, the immigrants to North America arrived in New York via San Francisco, passing through cities of ‘regional migration’ such as Shanghai and Hong Kong. Sometimes, they also passed through Taipei. Thus, we can draw an itinerary line of modern Chinese global migration from their hometown, via Shanghai, Hong Kong and Taipei, and finally to New York. This itinerary falls into two stages: the journey from their hometown to Taipei falls into the regional migration stage and the one from China to North America belongs to the global migration stage. In retrospect, most Chinese immigrants to New York have in fact departed from Shanghai and Hong Kong. Indeed, Shanghai and Hong Kong, once well-known cities for domestic immigrants, functioned as gateways for international migration. This means that the Chinese who migrated to New York had two migration experiences: first from their hometown to Shanghai or Hong Kong and then the second to New York. As a representative city of global migration, New York has been a destination for European immigrants from England, Ireland, Germany, France and Italy, followed by African-Americans, Hispanics, and Asians. Although all of them flocked into New York in search of the ‘American Dream,’ settling down in New York was a story of continuous hardship. Especially, the hostility and conflict among different immigrant communities in their attempts to overthrow the existing ‘hierarchial structure of power’ were interspersed with feud and violence. Diaspora is related to the nostalgic behavior of those who do not forget their hometown and preserve their native customs (or practices considered to be customs), notwithstanding their physical existence away from home. Though it has generally been regarded that the diaspora began with the migration of Jews, there has long been a global migration of Chinese and Indians, followed by contemporary global migration of Koreans. Wang Gungwu points out that the ‘Chinese nationalist identity’ that was formed among overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia after 1911 developed as the ‘local national identity’ after 1950. However, ‘Chineseness’ is still problematic. This is because Chinese immigrants did not think of themselves as deserting their homeland, but believed that they would someday return home in glory. Even though they acquired a new citizenship, they still thought that they were only staying there temporarily, rather than settling down permanently. Here we need to take a look at Stuart Hall’s notion of ‘migrant-hood.’ According to him, each and every immigrant faces two questions: “Why are you here?” and “When are you going back?” The immigrant cannot realize the fact that he or she is not going back until being asked the second question. Migration is a one-way trip. We should pay attention to the dual consciousness: still dreaming for coming back in glory while knowing that he or she is not going back. The Chinese immigrants in New York, as a representative type of modern Chinese migration, embody this dual consciousness. As for the first generation, they have the experience of moving first to Shanghai or Hong Kong from their hometowns (‘regional migration’) and then again ultimately to New York (‘global migration’). Because of this dual experience, they possess a different diasporic identity from the one shared by overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia. Since they immigrated directly from their hometowns, the overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia have maintained a strong group identity based on dialect. However, Chinese immigrants in New ... This paper focuses on the representation in Chinese films of the Chinese immigrants in New York as a part of the Chinese ‘global migration.’ The global-scale migration of Chinese has first concentrated in Southeast Asia during the pre-modern era and then in North America in the modern and contemporary periods. Whereas immigrants to Southeast Asia departed directly from their hometown, the immigrants to North America arrived in New York via San Francisco, passing through cities of ‘regional migration’ such as Shanghai and Hong Kong. Sometimes, they also passed through Taipei. Thus, we can draw an itinerary line of modern Chinese global migration from their hometown, via Shanghai, Hong Kong and Taipei, and finally to New York. This itinerary falls into two stages: the journey from their hometown to Taipei falls into the regional migration stage and the one from China to North America belongs to the global migration stage. In retrospect, most Chinese immigrants to New York have in fact departed from Shanghai and Hong Kong. Indeed, Shanghai and Hong Kong, once well-known cities for domestic immigrants, functioned as gateways for international migration. This means that the Chinese who migrated to New York had two migration experiences: first from their hometown to Shanghai or Hong Kong and then the second to New York. As a representative city of global migration, New York has been a destination for European immigrants from England, Ireland, Germany, France and Italy, followed by African-Americans, Hispanics, and Asians. Although all of them flocked into New York in search of the ‘American Dream,’ settling down in New York was a story of continuous hardship. Especially, the hostility and conflict among different immigrant communities in their attempts to overthrow the existing ‘hierarchial structure of power’ were interspersed with feud and violence. Diaspora is related to the nostalgic behavior of those who do not forget their hometown and preserve their native customs (or practices considered to be customs), notwithstanding their physical existence away from home. Though it has generally been regarded that the diaspora began with the migration of Jews, there has long been a global migration of Chinese and Indians, followed by contemporary global migration of Koreans. Wang Gungwu points out that the ‘Chinese nationalist identity’ that was formed among overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia after 1911 developed as the ‘local national identity’ after 1950. However, ‘Chineseness’ is still problematic. This is because Chinese immigrants did not think of themselves as deserting their homeland, but believed that they would someday return home in glory. Even though they acquired a new citizenship, they still thought that they were only staying there temporarily, rather than settling down permanently. Here we need to take a look at Stuart Hall’s notion of ‘migrant-hood.’ According to him, each and every immigrant faces two questions: “Why are you here?” and “When are you going back?” The immigrant cannot realize the fact that he or she is not going back until being asked the second question. Migration is a one-way trip. We should pay attention to the dual consciousness: still dreaming for coming back in glory while knowing that he or she is not going back. The Chinese immigrants in New York, as a representative type of modern Chinese migration, embody this dual consciousness. As for the first generation, they have the experience of moving first to Shanghai or Hong Kong from their hometowns (‘regional migration’) and then again ultimately to New York (‘global migration’). Because of this dual experience, they possess a different diasporic identity from the one shared by overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia. Since they immigrated directly from their hometowns, the overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia have maintained a strong group identity based on dialect. However, Chinese immigrants in New Yo...

특집 : 이주민과 다문화주의 ; 트랜스내셔널 공간으로서 이민박물관(Migration Museum)

이용일 ( Yong Il Lee ) 한국서양사학회 2012 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.112

This paper attempts to analyse migration museum representing migrant`s culture and remembrance. The establishment and development of migration museums are the worldwide phenomenon. The first initiator was the Ellise Island Immigration Museum that opened in 1990. The former gateway to America for 12 million european immigrants from 1892-1954 became one of the most famous tourist attractions in New York. This success led to the current trend of the immigration museums in the countries of immigration. The immigration museums, above all the Ellise Island Immigration Museum became the place for a new patriotism representing the multicultural nation identity in the United States. Unlike the typical immigration countries, there is still no immigration museum in Germany, although it has relatively long history of immigration. But a small group of migrants had founded a self- organization that should preserve the heritage of immigrants and present his history of migration as a part of German History, which led to a migrant initiative for the establishment of a migration museum in Germany, the Documentation Centre and Museum of Migration in Germany (Domit,. Domit tried to present the history of immigrants through the exhibitions. The exhibitions for the history of immigrants needed for close cooperation between immigrants and native Germans, which means a transnational progress with interaction and interconnection. The first cooperation was the exhibition "Homeland Abroad. A history of immigration from Turkey" that happened in 1998 at the Ruhrland Museum in Essen. This presented the history of turkish migrants from the labour recruitment agreement in 1961 to the settlement of the first generation in the early 1980s. The highlight of the transnational cooperation was the "project migration" that presented a grant exhibition for the history of German labour migration on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the recruitment-contract between Italy and Germany on December 20th, 2005. Despite many exhibitions the national historical narrative hinders still the founding of the Migration Museum in Germany. The migrant initiative failed also to overcome the national historical narrative and to present a transnational perspective, because they would present his immigration history as a part of German history. is it impossible then to establish the museum as a transnational space that means cultural connection and interaction, thus hybridity? The new founded immigrations museum still remain as the institution that produces a new national identity for the integration. The migration museum as a movement is just strong influenced by the national historical narrative. Nevertheless migration museum as a transnational space is a future vision that the initiative for founding the migration museum must not lose.

북한이탈주민의 가족이주 특성과 유형

진미정 ( Chin Meejung ),김상하 ( Kim Sangha ) 대한가정학회 2018 Family and Environment Research Vol.56 No.3

Objectives: This study explores the characteristics of family migration for North Korean defectors and classifies family migration by examining who initiated the migration and who followed. Method: We analyzed the family migration using detailed stories from fifty-five North Korean defectors who were interviewed between 2005 and 2011. Results: We found that 43 out of 55 cases were family migration and the remaining 12 cases were single person migration. We also found several characteristics typical of migration. First, family migration followed the process of step migration, which indicated a serial migration in numbers. Second, migration relied heavily on informal social networks. Finally, the process of earlier migration by North Koreans was incidental and unexpected; however, unexpectedness has diminished in recent migration. Looking at who initiated the migration, the most common type was ‘mother-initiated’ cases (14 cases) followed by ‘child-initiated’ cases (10 cases). The third most common type was ‘mother-child accompanied’ cases (7 cases). The migration process was various; however the most common type was when a married woman initiated the family migration process. This is most likely because married women have the responsibility to support families in the informal economy of North Korea. According to the range of family migrated, the most common type was ‘nuclear-family only’ cases (22 cases) followed by ‘maternal extended family migration’ cases (12 cases). Conclusions: The findings of this study provide information on the family dynamics of North Korean defectors.

중앙아시아 국가들의 국제이주: 현황과 요인

김성진 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2014 중소연구 Vol.37 No.4

The purpose of this study is to review the patterns and determinantfactors of migration in Central Asia. Return migration in Central Asia thatprevailed in the 1990s has gradually replaced by labor migration. Migrationin Central Asia showed a couple of features. First, migration has stretchedout beyond the post-socialist space and the number of migrants reached to12.3 million in 2010. Second, migration within Central Asia has increased. More migrants have arrived in Uzbekistan, as well as in Kazakhstan, inline with the global patterns of South-South migration. Thirdly, regionaldisparities are also apparent in migration and remittance patterns inCentral Asia. More than 70% of emigrants from Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan arrived in Russia, while the proportion dropped to less than50% in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. Remittances appeared to have crucialimportance to the Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan economies, which is not thecase in Kazakhstan. Finally, increasing population, economic push-pullfactors, physical and non-physical vicinity including migration network haveinfluenced on the migration patterns in Central Asia. Growing intra-regional migration and interdependency of Central Asiancountries demand further regional cooperation, suggesting that migrationissue will be a critical factor in the future economic development, andbilateral- and multilateral-cooperation among Central Asian countries. 이 글의 목적은 중앙아시아 국가들의 이주의 현황과 요인을 분석하고 그 의미를살펴보는데 있다. 구소련의 해체와 함께 급속하게 진행된 이 지역의 이주는 1990년대 말부터는 귀환이주에서 노동이주로 전환되었으며, 다음과 같은 특징을 보여주고 있다. 첫째, 중앙아시아 이주는 2010년 유출입 인구 1,230만 명 수준으로 증가하였으며, 이주지의 다변화가 나타나고 있다. 둘째, 카자흐스탄 및 우즈베키스탄으로의 이주가 증가하면서 역내이주 비율도 증가하고 있으며, 이는 전형적인 ‘남-남 이주’의 성격을 가지고 있다. 셋째, 이주와 관련해 역내국가 간의 차이가 나타나고 있다. 카자흐스탄과 키르기스스탄의 이주는 대체로 러시아를 도착지로 하는 경우가 많으며, 타지키스탄과 우즈베키스탄은 그 비율이 50%미만으로 나타나고 있다. 송금에 있어서도 카자흐스탄은 GDP 대비 송금비율이 0.1%에 미만인 반면,타지키스탄과 키르기스스탄은 세계 1, 2위 수준으로 가계는 물론 국가경제의 송금의존도가 높다. 끝으로 중앙아시아 이주는 인구 압력이나 경제적 필요와 함께 물리적․비물리적 거리의 인접성과 이주네트워크가 이주에 커다란 영향을 주고 있는것으로 보인다. 중앙아시아 국가들의 이주는 역내이주 증가로 인해 상호의존적 측면이 강화되고 있으며, 향후 중앙아시아 국가들의 경제발전은 물론, 쌍무 및 다자관계에 중요한 변수가 될 것으로 전망된다.

The Paradox of Circular Labor Migration : A Case Study of Keate’s Drift Town, South Africa

Seol Byung-Soo(설병수) 한국아프리카학회 2010 한국아프리카학회지 Vol.32 No.-

본 논문의 목적은 키츠 드리프트의 사례를 통해서 남아공의 노동 이주현상이 어떤 의미를 지니고 있으며, 이것이 가족생활과 지역 공동체에 어떤 영향을 미쳐 왔는지를 검토해보는 데 있었다. 이를 위해 필자는 첫째, 키츠 드리프트 타운과 조사 대상자를 개관했다. 둘째, 노동 이주의 사회 · 경제적 의미를 살펴보았다. 셋째, 노동 이주가 가족생활과 지역 공동체에 미치고 있는 부정적 영향을 고찰했다. 생태적 압박이 심한 키츠 드리프트에서는 경제활동 인구의 상당수가 일거리를 찾기 위해 대도시나 보다 큰 타운으로 떠난다. 그들의 노동 이주는 개인의 ‘자발적 선택’이라기보다는 식민지 시대를 거치면서 형성된 사회구조에 의해 ‘강요된 선택’이라는 측면이 강하다. 키츠 드리프트 주민들 중의 대다수는 가족의 생활수준을 향상시키고자 고향을 떠나 타지에서 경제활동을 해 왔다. 그들에게 있어서 노동 이주는 통과의례, 아비투스, 생존 전략, 보험 등의 복합적 의미를 지닌다. 그들은 노동 이주를 통해서 가족 경제와 지역 공동체의 발전에 일정 부분 기여하기도 한다. 그러나 노동 이주의 또 다른 모습에는 부정적 측면이 도사리고 있다. 수많은 사람들이 누대에 걸쳐 노동 이주를 해 왔음에도 불구하고, 그들이 빈곤의 사슬을 끊어내는 것은 요원한 일로 보인다. 어쩌면 노동 이주는 그들의 삶을 옭아매는 ‘하나의 덫’일지도 모른다. 장기간의 노동 이주는 남편이나 부인의 부정을 부채질하고, 자녀 양육 과정에서 적잖은 문제를 야기하며, 부모와 자식 간의 정서적 유대에도 부정적인 영향을 미친다. 공동체 수준에서 볼 때 송금에 대한 의존은 주민들을 타성에 젖도록 하고, 청 · 장년층의 이출은 지역 개발에 필요한 추동력의 상실을 초래한다. 그리고 노동 이주로 인해 개별 가족에서 발생하는 문제는 주민들 간의 불화로 종종 이어지기도 한다. 특히 빈곤과 애정 결핍에 시달리는 아동들의 문제는 지역 공동체 수준에서의 논의와 각성이 절실히 요구된다. 이와 같이 빈곤의 재생산, 부부간의 문제, 부모와 자식 간의 정서적 유대 약화, 공동체 수준의 문제 등은 노동 이주의 어두운 자화상이다. 게다가 순환적 노동 이주 체계에 따른 농촌 지역(주변부)의 피폐화는 도시 지역(중심부)의 ‘지배’와 ‘착취’라는 성격을 강하게 띠고 있다. 그래서 전체적인 맥락에서 볼 때 남아공에서의 노동 이주는 하나의 ‘역설적 현상’으로 보인다. 이러한 현상은 남아공의 사회 · 경제 · 정치적 문제가 어떤 식으로 해결되느냐에 따라서 그 빛깔을 달리할 것으로 보인다. The purpose of this paper was to examine the meanings of labor migration in South Africa and its influences on family life and local community through the case of Keate’s Drift, Province of KwaZulu-Natal. Because of ecological pressure, many of the economically active population in Keate’s Drift depart for urban areas or bigger towns to get a job. Their labor migration strongly has the character as a life process enforced by the social structure which was formed through the colonial epoch. Most residents have been involved in various economic activities in other areas to improve the living standard of their families. For them, labor migration has complex meanings, including rite of passage, habitus, survival strategy and insurance. They partly serve both their household economy and the development of the local community. However, we are able to find negative aspects from another face of labor migration. It seems that it is still far off for them to cut the chain of poverty, although many people have determined and carried out labor migration over generations. Labor migration may be a trap which ties up their lives. Long labor migration stirs up husbands’ or wives’ infidelity, brings about diverse problems in the process of raising children, and has negative effects on the emotional bonds between parents and children. In the community level, the dependence on remittances hinders people in escaping from their inertia, and the outflux of both young and middle-aged people is resulted in the loss of the pivotal manpower necessary for local development. Furthermore, several problems, which come about in each family due to labor migration, are often linked to the disharmony between the dwellers. Especially, the problem of those children who are afflicted with poverty and lack of affection demands urgently the discussion and awakening in the local level. The reproduction of poverty, conjugal problems, the weakening of the emotional bonds between parents and children and the problems in the community level are a dark self-portrait of labor migration. Moreover, the impoverishment of the rural area (the periphery), which results from the labor migration system, strongly has the character of domination and exploitation by the urban area (the center). Hence, in the whole context, labor migration in South Africa can be considered as a paradoxical phenomenon.