이라크의 민주화에 관한 연구

이성수(Lee, Seong soo) 동아시아국제정치학회 2010 국제정치연구 Vol.13 No.2

This paper is to analyze three parliamentary elections in the process of Iraqi democratization. After American attack in 2003, Iraq was under U.S. control. In three parliamentary elections after 2005, the United States has strongly promoted democracy in Iraq. The U.S. struggled to form the coalition of Shi"a sect and Kurds and to compose a council between them, and made efforts to stabilize the Iraqi coalition. However, under the U.S. military government there are the conflict between Shia sect and Sunni sect and that between Arabs and Kurds in Iraq. In addition, it is not easy to solve the conflict between people in leadership class and general people. They are the problems that have an effect on the democratization of Iraq. How to solve these conflicts in Iraq is the key to the democracy of Iraq. In the past, Iraq was ruled by a dictator, Saddam Hussein. During his regime, there were the variety of political and social problems in Iraq, and these problems have still remained in Iraqi society. The United States attacked Saddam Hussein"s regime and collapsed the regime in 2003. Then, the new administration based on Shi‘a sect and Kurds was established. However, the present situation in Iraq after five years is still in a state of disorder. This paper is to research the content of three parliamentary elections in Iraq after 2005. Also, this paper is to analyze how Iraqi democracy is progressing.

Incomplete Sovereignty in Iraq and Manifestation of Proxy Warfare-Forced Alternatives and Iraq’s Choice-

( Nam Ok Jeong ) 단국대학교 GCC국가연구소 2022 걸프지역연구 Vol.6 No.1

Recently, Iraq appears to be isolated in the trilateral relations of Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United States, despite Iraq's regional diplomatic achievements in mediating reconciliation between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Because reconciliation between Saudi Arabia and Iran appears to depend on their will. Since the geopolitical situation is changing due to the complete withdrawal of the US military following the US’ contraction strategy, it is necessary to look at it from a tripartite relationship including US. It may seem that Iraq lacks the capacity to exercise some kind of influence in the Saudi-Iran-US triangle. Nevertheless, it can be regarded as a turning point in which Iraq, which was pushed out of its role as a balancer of power in the Gulf region after the Iran-Iraq War, declared its return to a major player in the region. This could help restore Iraq's incomplete sovereignty and avoid the risk of getting caught up in a proxy warfare. It is also worth paying attention to the change in the role of Iraq in that it prioritizes safeguarding its sovereignty, securing legitimate political power, securing trust from the international community, and escaping from isolation.

이라크 재건시장 전망과 진출 방안

권기정 ( Gee Jung Kwon ) 국제지역학회 2006 국제지역연구 Vol.10 No.3

본 연구에서는 이라크 전쟁을 계기로 이라크의 정치?경제적 상황을 살펴보고 이를 통해 정부와 국내 업체 및 전문기술자가 이라크 재건시장에 진출할 수 있는 방안을 정부, 기업, 기술자의 3가지 측면에서 제시하고자 하였다. 본 연구에서는 정부가 해야 할 역할로서는 크게 다음의 3가지 방안을 제시하였다. 첫째, 정부는 이라크에 대한 정치?사회?문화적인 지원을 해야 할 것이다. 둘째, 정부는 이라크에 진출하려는 우리 나라의 기업체와 기술자들을 전폭적으로 지원해야 할 것이다. 셋째, 정부는 우리 나라의 기업과 기술자들의 안전을 적극적으로 지원해야 할 것이다. 다음으로 본 연구에서는 기업체가 해야 할 구체적인 방안과 역할을 제시하였다. 첫째, 이라크에 진출하려는 업체의 적극적인 참여의지가 필요하다. 둘째, 이라크 현지 기업과 연계가 필요하다. 셋째, 현지 인맥을 구축해야 한다. 넷째, 이라크 진출업체는 장사꾼으로서의 이미지가 아닌 한국에 대한 좋은 이미지와 신뢰감을 심어주어야 할 것이다. 다섯째, 정보적인 관점에서 정부와의 연계를 이루어야 한다. 여섯째, 재건을 주도하고 있는 미국과 영국의 대기업들과의 전략적 제휴 및 연계를 적극적으로 추진해야 할 것이다. 일곱째, 이라크에 진출하려는 국내 업체들간의 경쟁이 아닌 서로 보호해 줄 수 있는 정보네트워크 구축이 필요하다. 마지막으로 본 연구에서는 이라크에 진출하는 기술자들의 역할을 제시하였다. 기술자들의 역할은 여러 가지 측면이 있지만 본 연구에서는 신변안전의 문제를 강조하였다. 첫째, 기술자 개인들의 자발적인 참여의지와 노력이 필요하다. 둘째, 개인의 신변 안전을 위한 적극적인 노력가 대처를 해야 한다. 셋째, 이라크 현지인들과의 친목 도모를 통해 이라크 인들과의 장기적인 유대관계를 가져야 한다. This paper reviews current iraq`s political and economical environment and suggests the policy options how to make inroad into iraq reconstruction markets to the Korean government, enterprises, and engineers. In this paper we suggests following policies and advice to the Korean government, enterprises, and engineers; The Korean government should take following policies ; First, Korean government should give an support to iraq government and civilian in the social and cultural dimensions. Second, the Korean government should aid Korean enterprises and engineers in the business and security dimensions to make inroad into iraq construction markets. This paper is giving following advice to Korean enterprises; First, Korean enterprises should have the indomitable pioneer spirit. Second, they should make friendship with iraq enterprise and civilian. Third, they should make a closer alignment with multinational enterprise. Forth, they should make network with Korean enterprises which making its way into iraq construction markets. The Korean engineers should take following advice; First, Korean engineers who branching out into iraq should pay attention to their personal securities. Second, they should promote close friendship with iraq civilian.

이라크 전쟁과 정보의 실패

이근욱 국가안보전략연구원 2011 국가안보와 전략 Vol.11 No.2

In 2003, the United States invaded Iraq in the name of Iraq’s WMD program and building democracy in Iraq. However, the Bush Administration failed in intelligence. On the one hand, the NeoCon believed that it would be almost impossible to deter Iraq’s expansionism once Saddam builds the nuclear weapons. On the other, the Bush Administration estimated that order and stability would be restored with no difficulties and that democracy in Iraq would be easy to build. The problem is that the NeoCon-the core of the Bush Administratioin-made a decision to invade Iraq with no serious intelligence analysis. Instead, the Administration manipulated intelligence for its already-made choice of war. The result is the 8 year mess in Iraq and more than 100,000 deaths in Iraq. 이라크 전쟁이 시작되는 과정에서 부시 행정부 내부에서는 심각한 정보의 실패가 발생하였다. 우선 미국은 후세인 정권이 핵무기를 개발하려고 노력하고 있으며, 일단 개발하는 경우에는 이라크의 공격적인 행동을 억지할 수 없다고 보았다. 이러한 비관론과 함께, 이라크를 침공한다면, 이라크 국민들은 침공하는 미군을 해방군으로 환영하고 전후 처리 및 민주주의 정권 수립은 수월하게 이루어질 것이라는 낙관론이 작용하였다. 이러한 낙관론과 비관론의 기묘한 조합이 가지는 문제점이 정보 분석에서 적극적으로 부각되지 않았다. 또한 부시 행정부의 핵심을 차지하였던 네오콘은 그나마 부각된 문제점을 무시하였으며, 자신들의 편견과 선입견에 기초하여 전쟁을 결정하고 정당화하기 위해서 정보를 선별적으로 사용하였다. 그 결과 이라크 전쟁은 초기 단계에서 엄청난 어려움에 직면하였고, 전쟁의 명분이었던 대량살상무기는 발견되지 않았으며 이라크 민주주의 수립은 침공 8년이 지난 현재에도 많은 어려움에 직면한 상황이다.

연구논문 : 이라크의 쿠르드인 집단학살과 국제사회의 대응에 관한 사적 고찰 -안팔 작전을 중심으로-

김성례 ( Sung Rye Kim ) 아시아문화학술원 2015 인문사회 21 Vol.6 No.2

본고는 이라크의 쿠르드인 집단학살에 관한 인권문제를 다루었다. ‘안팔(Anfal)’이라는 단어는 코란의 8장 1절에 들어있는 단어로 ‘성스러운 전쟁의 전리품’을 의미한다. 바스당의 군사기구가 1988년 봄부터 여름까지 이라크 쿠르디스탄에 대한 8차례의 군사공격을 언급하기 위해 이 단어를 사용하였다. 이라크 쿠르드족의 목표는 독립국가의 수립이다. 쿠르드 지도자들은 이라크 정부를 상대로 치열한 독립운동을 전개해 왔다. 이라크는 쿠르드 독립운동의 주요 핵심세력이었던PUK와 KDP의 근거지를 섬멸하고, 쿠르드 민간인들의 지원을 끊겠다는 명분하에 안팔작전을 감행했다. 안팔 작전은 민간인을 대상으로 화학무기와 가스를 사용했음이 입증되었다. 이는 1949년 이라크가 제네바협약에 자발적으로 비준한 국가임에도 불구하고 제네바협약의 준수 의무를 위반했음을 알 수 있다. 하지만 안팔 작전이 있었던 당시의 국제사회는 거의 대책을 간구하지 않았다. KDP의 마스우드 바르자니만이 이라크의 화학무기 사용을 중단시켜줄 것을 UN에 요청했으며 이에 UN안전보장이사회는 1988년 8월 26일에 화학 무기 사용을 규탄하는 결의안 620을 통과시켰다. 이후 쿠르드 인권문제는 걸프지역의 지정학적 중요성으로 인해 국제사회의 주목을 받게 되었다. 2003년 이라크 전쟁이후 국제평화를 유지하겠다는 취지로 이라크 특별재판소가 설치되었다. 이라크 특별재판소는 사담 후세인 체제 하에 실시된 안팔 작전이 쿠르드인을 상대로 한 반(反)인도주의적 집단학살임을 밝혀냈다. 최근 IS(Islamic State)는 이라크뿐만 아니라 시리아, 터키에서도 반인륜적 만행을 자행하고 있다. 국제사회는 과거 쿠르드인을 대상으로 한 집단학살을 기억하며 아랍지역의 인권유린과 소수민족 또는 종교적 소수자에 대한 집단학살 문제에 더욱 적극적인 자세로 대응책을 간구해야 할 것이다. The word ``Anfal`` is a word contained in verse 1, chapter 8 of the Koran, which means "sacred spoils of war." A military organization of Bath party used this word to refer to 8 times of military attacks on Iraq Kurdistan from spring to summer in 1988. Iraq``s Kurds had the goal to establish an independent state. Kurdish leaders have developed fierce independence movements against the Iraqi government. Iraq carried out an Anfal operation under the pretext of exterminating the base of PUK and KDP as main core forces of Kurdish independence movement and cutting the support of Kurdish civilians. Unlike other military operations, it proved that the Anfal operationused chemical weapons towards the civilians and attacked by using gas. It shows that Iraq violated against the observance of 1949 Geneva Convention which it signed voluntarily. However, the international community which held the Anfal operation at that time scarcely asked for any measure. Merely Masood Barzani requested to stop the use of chemical weapons in Iraq to the UN, and so the UN Security Councilpassed a resolution 620 condemning the use of chemical weapons on August 26, 1988. Hereafter, Kurdish human rights issue has been given the attention of the internationalcommunity due to the geopolitical importance of the Persian Gulf security. Since 2003, the year of the war in Iraq, Iraqi Special Tribunal was established in Iraq at the aim of keeping the international peace through a trial because of the exceptional circumstance due to the collapse of the Iraqi national system. Iraqi Special Tribunal found that the Anfal operation having been carried out under the system of Saddam Hussein was an anti-humanitarian genocide against Kurdish people. Recently, the IS has perpetrated crimes against humanity in Syria as well as in Iraq. Thus, the international community should remember the genocide against Kurdish people in the past and will have to ask for more aggressive steps in response to the human rights abuse and the genocide issue of ethnic or religious minorities in the Arab region.

Iraq since 2003: Reflections on 20 Years of Political Change

Bewar Lateef,서정민 명지대학교(서울캠퍼스) 중동문제연구소 2023 중동문제연구 Vol.22 No.1

Twenty years ago, U.S. forces invaded Iraq in March 2003, under claims that Saddam Hussain owned weapons of mass destruction. The fall of the Baath regime had been a distant hope for many in Iraq, who believed the regime would survive for many more years. The invasion produced winners and losers, and Iraq was unprepared for what would unfold in the following years. This paper investigates the aftermath of the U.S. invasion of Iraq, considering how and why U.S. forces changed Iraq's political fabric and the whole region. The article explores the different factions within Iraq and their attitude toward the U.S. occupation. It mainly compares how events played out differently in the north and southern regions of the country, arguing that the different outcomes resulted from Iraq's previous political culture, including past systems of government, grievances, a politics of mistrust, and a suppressed identity crisis.

이라크 전쟁 중 대반란작전(COIN Operations) 사례 연구 - 1ㆍ2차 팔루자 전투(2004)를 중심으로 -

나종남,박일송 육군군사연구소 2014 군사연구 Vol.- No.137

The two battles at the Iraqi city of Fallujah in 2004 were the turning points in US efforts to stabilize the country during the Iraq War. Since the collapse of Saddam Hussein's regime, various anti-American groups came to this small city that soon became a symbol of anti-American insurgency in the entire Iraq. US authorities in Iraq attempted to eliminate the treats before it became a serious matter. However, the insurgents that were controlled by Al Quader terrorists' organization made the initial move by killing four Americans in March 31, 2004. This incident soon fuzed to US responses to suppress the armed insurgents in Fallujah. Although two battalions from the 1st US Marine Division came to this city to solve the Fallujah Issue in early April, they failed to put the insurgents down. About 4,000 armed insurgents resisted fiercely against US forces who suffered from lack of intelligence on the enemy. The outcome of the first battle became favorable factors for the insurgents to maximize their power. However, US officials would not admit the existences of these threatening insurgents. They soon sent larger and stronger troops to the city in early November in order to solve the Fallujah Issue permanently. When Operation Al Fajr began, US troops were able to dissolve the insurgents from the city by successful combined operations with the new Iraq troops. With successful results from the second battle at Fallujah, the stabilization operation in Iraq received positive effects, along with significant momentum in the US policy towards the ‘Iraqization of the Iraq War.’ 이라크의 작은 도시 팔루자에서 2004년 4월과 11월에 발생한 두 차례의 전투는 이라크 전쟁 중 안정화 작전의 성공 여부가 달린 전환점이었다. 사담 후세인 정권이 붕괴한 이후 이라크 전역에서 반군 세력이 팔루자로 몰려들었고, 이들은 이후 알카에다 테러 조직과 연계하여 더욱 위협적인 세력으로 성장하였다. 미군은 이들을 해산시키려 하였으나, 오히려 2004년 3월 말에 반군 세력이 미국인 네 명을 살해하는 등 팔루자의 상황은 더욱 악화되었다. 팔루자에 집결한 반군 세력을 진압하기 위해 2004년 4월 초에 이 도시에 투입된 미 해병부대는 약 4천여 명에 달하는 반군의 저항에 부딪쳐 도시 장악에 실패하였다. 이후 미군의 공격을 막아내고 첫 번째 전투에서 승리한 팔루자의 반군 세력은 이라크 내부에서 강력한 반미 세력의 상징으로 부상하였다. 하지만 이들이 이라크 안정화 작전의 걸림돌이 될 수 있다고 판단한 미국은 2004년 11월에 두 번째 공세에 나섰다. 첫 번째 전투의 실패를 분석하여 압도적인 병력과 장비를 동원한 미군은 이라크 보안군과 원활한 연합작전을 수행하여 반군 세력 제압에 성공하였다. 이로써 이라크 안정화 작전 수행에서 최대 걸림돌이었던 팔루자 문제가 해결된 것이다. 두 차례의 전투에서 미군과 이라크 보안군이 반군을 성공적으로 진압한 것은 단순한 군사작전의 승리 이상의 함의를 갖는다. 모든 반군 세력이 축출된 팔루자는 2007년까지 연합군의 지원을 받아 전후복구에 매진하였고, 그 결과 이라크에서 가장 안정된 도시이자 ‘새로운 이라크’를 상징하는 도시로 성장하였다. 이러한 맥락에서 이라크 안정화 작전의 중요한 전환점이었던 팔루자 전투를 대반란작전과 4세대 전쟁의 한 양상이라는 측면에서 살펴보는 것은 중요하다.

민주주의 확산과 전후 재건의 한계와 교훈: 미국의 이라크 전쟁 수행을 중심으로

이종철 ( Jong Chel Lee ) 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 2009 국방연구 Vol.52 No.3

What is going on Iraq and what is the implication from Iraq war and reconstruction? The main poor judgement of U.S. lies in the factors that U.S. suffered sagging growth and profits in Iraq. First, U.S. was not able to expect enough regarding aggressive aspect of the terror resistance influence. Second, like the fact anti-Hussein influence centering in Shia turned his back on anti-America atmosphere, contrary to American expectation, an anti-America atmosphere in Iraq was formed with a burst speed, and it built steadily toward a climax. Third, the extreme valley of religious and racial trouble between Shia, Sunni and the Kurds was deeper and their compromise was difficult more than American expectation etc. The lesson and implication from Iraq war and reconstruction is as follows. First, the case of Iraq war and reconstruction let us confirm the importance of justification revealing the wrong of counter-nation in war again. Second, U.S. should have tried more positive effort to form sympathy for `Iraqi democratization`. Third, the effort for integration `after the fact` organizing agreement or cooperation of UN or international society is important. Forth, the more thorough preparation, plan and examination about reconstruction of counter-nation is necessary so on.

이라크 석유법을 통해본 자원 개발 전망과 시사점

송무헌(Song, Moo-Houn),박찬국(Park, Chan-Kook) 한국중동학회 2009 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.29 No.3

According to the 2008 BP Statistical Review of World Energy, Iraq is proven to have the third largest petroleum reserves of the world, next to Iran and Saudi Arabia. Moreover, its E&P costs are amongst the lowest in the Middle East. However, Iraq’s oil production has not being matched even half as much as its potential. The Iraqi Council of Ministers approved the draft of the Oil and Gas Law in February 2007 that would set guidelines for controling natural resource E&P's as well as foreign investment in Iraq. The draft law also sets a stage for a debate over how to manage the country's vast oil wealth, which Iraq desperately needs to finance the reconstruction of the country. However, Iraqi parties concerned in the law have strongly different positions on some key issues, including the appropriate role of the Federal Oil and Gas Council, the oil revenue sharing system, the proper distribution of authorities in regulating oil and gas industry between federal and regional governments, etc. Not surprisingly, the law has not been approved by the Iraq Parliament, yet. This study reviews issues and concerns surrounding the draft of the OGL. Furthermore, using the scenario analysis, it forecasts how the political milieu of the law would change in near future and discusses implications for Korea's foreign policy goals in Iraq. In result, this study suggests Korea should focus on building images that Korea is willing to actively support successful reconstruction of Iraq. The current disorders in Iraqi situations can give an opportunity for Korea to obtain stronger trust from the people in Iraq.

Corruption, Terrorism and the Stock Market: The Evidence from Iraq

ASAAD, Zeravan Abdulmuhsen,MARANE, Bayar MohamedRasheed Korea Distribution Science Association 2020 The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Busine Vol.7 No.10

The current study explains how corruption, terrorism, political stability and oil price has an effect on on the Iraq stock exchange utilizing corruption perception index as a proxy of corruption, global terrorism index as proxy for terrorism, political stability and oil price with ISX60 index as proxy of stock market for the period (2005-2019) using Ordinary Least Square method. The results show that the level of corruption, terrorism activities and political stability coefficient is significantly positive with Iraq stock exchange. In contrast, the oil price coefficient is significantly negative with Iraq stock exchange, which means that lower levels of corruption, less terrorism activities and more stability in political system have strong influence on stock market development in Iraq. The study concludes that the explanatory variables are important for Iraq stock exchange. Hence, the study suggests the policy makers to develop stock market by implementing policies and strategies to overcome high level of corruption, terrorism activities especially after ISIS/ISIL announcement has been made public. There is a need for transparency and creating stable political environment through good governance practices in order to attract more foreign investment and promote economic development. Factors like terrorism and corruption make economic and political systems unstable and has an adverse effect on on Iraq's stock exchange performance.