16세기 서원(書院) 사액(賜額)과 국가의 서원 정책

신동훈(Shin, Dong-hoon) 한국역사연구회 2015 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.98

The Joseon government, determined to raise talents, authorized the Seoweon schools to take charge in enlightening the local community, and bestowed title boards to them, as signs of such authorization and acknowledgement. By such authorization, the Seoweon schools entered the so-called “Public Sector” regulated by the government and public interests. Yet due to their own origin, they were beings that were developed in the “Private Sector,” and were run by local scholars(‘士類’). More often than not, they were operated as private facilities and not as public ones. In such cases, their actions would only benefit the interests of local scholars, and not contribute to the fulfillment of a public need, and those situations were often construed as the main problem caused by Seoweon schools. People to be enshrined in those Seoweon schools were determined by the private deliberation of local scholars, and as more people wanted to push for the enshrinement of certain people as they believed the enshrinement of such specific individuals would enhance their private advantages, more Seoweon schools had to be opened. They sought for unofficial financial funding from the central which would have caused a strain on the government’s financial operations, and the Seoweon schools themselves neglected the importance of martial arts and valor. Yi Ih(李珥) suggested that the central government should intervene and play a more active role in solving the Seoweon problem. But his suggestion was denied because of many reasons: people believed that it would be too costful to intervene in [private facilities’] fiscal matters, that the overlapping nature of Hyanggyo schools should first be addressed, and that the central government’s intervention might be construed as an attempt to reduce local scholars’ autonomous functions. The government only felt content to employ short-term inhibitions. The government’s Seoweon policy was nothing but encouragement, using title board bestowals. It wanted to emphasize the fact that Seoweon was part of the public education system. It was the government’s intention to promote not only official education[官學] but also private education[私學] as part of that public education.

감로도(甘露圖)의 제명(題名) 문제(問題)에 대한 재고(再考)

박영아 ( Pak¸ Taylor ) 미술사와 시각문화학회 2021 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.27 No.-

감로도(甘露圖)는 한국의 불교미술 가운데 가장 다양한 제명(題名)으로 지칭되어 온 회화 장르이다. 1923년 세키노 타다시(関野貞, 1868-1935)를 시작으로, 한국 및 일본 학자들은 각자 감로도의 도상 내용과 가장 부합하는 것으로 판단한 제명을 사용해 왔다. 이 과정에서 화기(畵記)에 보이는 제명, 즉 〈하단탱(下壇幀)〉, 〈감로왕탱(甘露王幀)〉, 〈감로회(甘露會)〉, 〈감로탱(甘露幀)〉 혹은 〈감로탱화(甘露幀畵)〉 등은 물론, <시아귀도(施餓鬼圖)〉, 〈우란분경변상(盂蘭盆經變相)〉, 〈수륙회도(水陸會圖)〉 등 새롭게 고안된 제명이 각각 사용되었다. 이들은 이와 같은 제명 설정의 근거와 타당성을 강조하였다. 그리고 이는 결과적으로 감로도라는 회화 장르에 대한 일관된 이해를 어렵게 하는 요인으로 작용하였다. 본고는 이와 같은 감로도의 제명 문제를 조명한 글이다. 감로도에 대한 연구사적 검토는 학계에서 감로도의 제명을 다양하게 사용하게 된 각각의 경위를 파악하는 데 필요한 핵심적인 작업이다. 이를 통해 본고에서는 개별 작품의 도상 구성과 그 해석에 근거한 제명 사이에 나타나는 부적합성이 지적되었다. 이로써 본고는 다수의 제명이 갖는 다양성을 도상의 구성 요소가 아닌 감로도가 제단화(祭壇畵)로 사용된 사실에 초점을 맞추어 감로도와 조선시대 불교의 의례적 체계 사이의 관련성을 새롭게 조명하였다. The Gamnodo is a Korean Buddhist painting genre which has been subjected to scrutiny exceptionally under different titles in modern scholarship. Since its introduction in the early 1920s, Korean and Japanese scholars have adopted either or both of historically derived and newly reconstructed titles that they purport to represent its iconographic content. The varying appellations thus accordingly guided manifold iconographical interpretations. This has in turn impeded a coherent understanding of the genre in its entirety. This paper addresses the very issue of the Gamnodo’s viable connection to multiple titles. Through a careful examination of the historiographical trajectory of scholarship on the Gamnodo, it sheds light on the modern reception of the genre and the unwonted specificity of its attributed titles. As the paper reveals discordances between each title and iconographical capacity of the Gamnodo, the collective distinctiveness of the varied titles is found exclusively linked with the functional quality of the ritual altar on which the genre was installed from the sixteenth century onward. The Gamnodo’s appellations are observed essentially anew in the contemporaneous liturgical framework of Joseon Buddhism.

Diplomatic Priorities : Changes in the Tang Bestowal of Titles on Silla and Parhae

KIM JONGBOK 계명대학교 한국학연구원 2020 Acta Koreana Vol.23 No.1

A typical model explaining pre-modern international relationships in East Asia is the tribute system in which Chinese emperors granted office titles to monarchs of surrounding states who in turn paid tribute to the Chinese throne. This model, which depends on the historical records of the state bestowing titles, cannot fully explain the international relationships centering on China for it fails to account for the internal conditions of the surrounding states. This study examines changes in the Tang bestowal of titles to determine the position and status of Silla and Parhae in the world order for which Tang hoped. The Tang bestowal of titles reflected its intended world order and its policy for implementing that order. The bestowed titles had to be changed if Tang intentions were not realized. Changes in Tang titles reflect Silla and Parhae responses to Tang policy; Tang upgraded titles when Silla and Parhae accepted Tang policies and downgraded them when they resisted.

태조~성종대 왕실여성의 封號와 가문 현황 분석 - 大君夫人·君夫人을 중심으로

이미선(Lee Mi-Seon) 한국사학회 2024 史學硏究 Vol.- No.153

본고는 조선 초기 왕실여성 가문의 성격과 외척의 정치적 역할을 파악하기 위한 기초 연구로서, 태조∼성종대까지 간택후궁과 대군부인·군부인들의 가문 현황을 정리하는 데에 주된 목적을 두었다. 연구 대상은 無品인 王女를 제외한 간택후궁 25명과 왕자 부인 102명, 모두 127명이다. 이 여성들이 命婦의 爵號로 불렸던 만큼 그 정비 과정과 함께 公的칭호를 살펴보았다. 왕실여성의 칭호는 명부제도의 정비와 관련된다. 그들에 대한 칭호는 명부의 名號이자 封號였다. 명부는 나라에서 봉호를 받은 여성을 총칭하는 용어로, 명부의 수장인 왕비 아래에 內命婦와 外命婦로 나뉜다. 후궁은 내명부의 봉호를 받았고 왕자 부인은 외명부의 봉호를 받았다. 외명부제도는 1396년(태조 5) 吏曹에서 문무관 부인에게 내린 봉작을 정비하면서 처음 시작되었다. 이후 1417년(태종 17)과 1432년(세종 14)에 한두 차례 개정되었고 성종대 완성된 경국대전에 최종 수록되면서 대군부인·군부인의 호칭은 각각 정1품 府夫人과 郡夫人이 되었다. 왕자와의 혼인을 통해 정1품에 오른 부인들은 간혹 정치적 문제나 자신의 윤리적 이유 등으로 그 지위를 잃게 되면서 그에 따른 호칭도 변경되었다. 여기에 해당하는 24명은 왕위를 계승한 남편을 둔 대군부인이나 궁궐에서 쫓겨난 폐빈·폐비 또는 이혼당한 대군부인, 그리고 왕비로 승격된 간택후궁 등이다. 태조에서 성종대까지 왕실여성들의 가문 127명의 성관을 분석한 결과, 국왕 10명의 간택후궁 25명은 15개의 성씨와 19개의 관향으로 파악되었고 왕자 78명의 부인 102명은 32개의 성씨와 58개의 관향으로 파악되었다. 이때 대군부인의 집안은 28개 가문에서 40명이 배출되었던 비해 왕자군의 부인 집안은 47개 가문에서 62명이 배출되었다. 그런 만큼 이 시기에는 왕실의 통혼 범위가 매우 넓었다. 게다가 대군과 왕자군의 신분적 차별이 사대부 집안과의 혼인 관계에서 아무런 영향을 미치지 않았다는 사실을 확인하였다. This article contains a preliminary study that would hopefully contribute to further studies of the nature of certain houses to which the female members of the Joseon Royal family belonged in the early days of the dynasty, as well as studies of the role of the Royal family’s in-law houses. The goal of this article is to catalogue all the houses of the Daegun-Bu’in(大君夫人) and Gun-Bu’in(君夫人) figures of the Joseon Royal family, and the history of Selected Royal concubines(Gantaek Hugung, 揀擇後宮) from the days of the Dynasty founder(Taejo, 太祖) through the reign of King Seongjong(成宗). Examined here are total of 127 females, including 25 Gantaek Hugung figures (with the exception of Royal princesses who bore royal blood and thus had no Pum[品] ranks), as well as 102 females who were wives of the Royal princes. These females were addressed with their bestowed Myeongbu(命婦) titles[爵號], so their official titles are also examined here. Titles of the Joseon Royal family females were developed with the establishment of the Joseon Myeongbu system, which was compiled of official titles[名號] that were to be bestowed(or assigned, 封號) by the government to females married to the Royal family males or other governmental officials. The term Myeongbu itself was a generic term that referred to females who were officially designated by the state, while the system, under the leadership of the Queen, featured two tracks of females: the Inner Myeongbu figures(Nae-Myeongbu, 內命婦) and the Outer Myeongbu figures(We-Myeongbu, 外命婦). Royal concubines received titles associated with the former track, while wives of princes received titles associated with the latter. The latter track was initiated for the very first time in 1396(5th year of Founder Taejo’s reign) when the Ijo(吏曹, Office of Personnel Assignment) office decided to modify titles that had been bestowed to wives of governmental(civil and military) officials. Later the system was revised in 1417(17th year of the reign of Taejong/太宗) and 1432(14th year of the reign of Sejong/世宗), and was also documented in the Joseon Law Code Gyeongguk Daejeon(經國大典) compiled during the Seongjong era. The titles for Daegun-Bu’in and Gun-Bu’in became Bu-Bu’in(府夫人) and Gun-Bu’in(郡夫人) respectively, with both figures harboring the Jeong-1-pum[正一品] rank. Females who obtained this rank through marriages with the Royal princes sometimes lost their status due to political controversies or breach of moral conduct, and in those cases their titles were also adjusted or modified. Among the 127 figures examined here, 24 cases can be spotted, ranging from Daegun-Bu’in figures married to males who later became Kings, to Queens and Royal concubines who were stripped of their ranks and summarily dismissed from the palace, to Daegun-Bu’in figures who were forcibly divorced, and to Gantaek Hugung figures who were promoted to the status of Queen. Analysis of the household names of all 127 Joseon Royal family females from the era of Taejo to Seongjong reveals: 25 Gantaek Hugung figures—married to total of 10 kings—who collectively feature 15 last names[姓氏] and 19 hometowns[貫鄕], as well as 102 females married to 78 Royal princes featuring 32 last names and 58 hometowns. There were 40 Daegun-Bu’in figures from 28 houses, while 62 prince-wives from 47 houses. The Royal family of this time displayed quite a range in its marital network, and the unequal nature of the relationship between Daegun figures and other princes does not seem to have affected their marriages with Sa-Daebu(士大夫, Scholar/Official) households.

고려 후기 ‘師號’의 운영과 그 특징

朴胤珍(Park, Yun Jin) 역사교육연구회 2016 歷史敎育 Vol.139 No.-

In the late Goryeo period, especially after Yuan intervention period, Goryeo’s priests had ‘Saho(a title bestowed to a priest)’ along with its own priest ranks. ‘Saho’ was used based on the addition of Buddhist name to the appellation ‘Daesa(Great Masster)’, and it was also called ‘Sasaho(賜師號)’, which means giving Saho. ‘Saja(賜紫, to be awarded a purple robe)’ or ‘Sajasamun(賜紫沙門, Samun means a Buddhist monk)’ used in the early Goryeo period and ‘Saho’ or ‘Sasaho’ in the late Goryeo period were introduced from China. So, they were at first used as the title of priests who carried out international exchanges. ‘Saja’ was used a lot in the early Goryeo period, because it was used in place of ‘Saho’ not distinguished from Daesa, which was one of the priest ranks. There were examples where priest ranks were given to foreign priests in the early Goryeo period. As priest ranks were valued in Goryeo, it was rare to use ‘Saho’ not distinguished from Daesa, which was one of the priest ranks. However, since entering Yuan intervention period, ‘Saho’ was actively used in Goryeo amid exchanges between Goryeo and Yuan. Besides, it can be understood that as ‘Saho’ was given after ‘Saja’ by China, ‘Saho’ was relatively highly valued and preferred. Most of those who held ‘Saho’ title belonged to The Yuga Sect. It can be interpreted that The Yuga Sect used ‘Saho’ actively because it contacted and exchanged with Yuan before any other religious sects. Further, the status of Goryeo’s priest ranks was weakened in the relations with Yuan, while ‘Saho’, which was used in common with Yuan, was preferred and increasingly used.

고려 전기 法號의 사용과 그 운영의 특징

박윤진 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2020 民族文化硏究 Vol.87 No.-

In the early Goryeo era, a precept name (beopho) was part of the official status granted to a Buddhist priest, along with the duty and rank of the monk. The presentation of a precept name is related to China's eulogistic title system that included the title of ‘Great Master’ (dashi). However, as greater importance was laid on Goryeo’s own unique Buddhist priest ranks than to the Chinese-style eulogistic titles during the era, precept names and ranks were used in an interconnected way. A precept name, or ‘beopho’ was also referred to as ‘beopching’ or ‘uiho’, and had the same significance as ‘hunho’ or ‘gongho’, a title given to those who made great contributions to the nation. Based on the historical sources identified so far, the eligibility for these precept names was limited to Buddhist priests with the rank of ‘daedeok’, which was the lowest, or above. As precept names were sometimes granted to a large number of priests at once, some of them were given the same names while they were active during the same period of time. Also, from the fact that the same precept names were granted at a regular interval, it can be presumed that the state had the principle for the presentation of specific precept names for certain achievements. On the occasion of major state rituals such as the enthronement of the king or the appointment of the queen, or a decree of amnesty, government officials were often given awards while Buddhist priests were assigned with official duties or ranks. However, the granting of these rewards was restricted due to the limited numbers of the duties and ranks allowed to monks. On the other hand, precept names did not lead to any major problems even if they were granted many times. As long as the state was willing to create a social atmosphere where monks with a precept name were better treated and those who had been granted several precept names were respected, precept names had significance as an element determining a monk’s status. 고려 전기 법호는 僧職이나 僧階와 함께 승려에게 국가가 하사한 공적 지위였다. 고려 전기의 법호는 중국의 ‘師號’가 大師라는 직함과 법호를 하사하는 방식이었던 것과 관련된다. 다만 고려 전기는 중국식 ‘師號’보다 고려의 독특한 제도인 僧階를 중시했기 때문에 법호와 승계를 연칭하여 사용하였다. 법호는 法稱이나 懿號로도 불렸으며, 勳號⋅功號와 같은 의미를 가졌다. 현재 확인된 사료에 근거한다면 이들 법호 수여의 대상자는 최하위 승계인 大德 이상이었다. 최소 2자에서 최대 34자의 법호를 하사받은 사례가 있으며, 해당 승려의 덕행을 드러내기 위해 주어졌다고 한다. 한편 다수의 승려에게 일시에 법호가 사여되면서 동일한 법호를 가진 승려가 동시기에 활동하기도 했다. 국왕의 즉위나 태후의 임명과 같은 국가적 의례 참석자나 사면령이 내려지는 시기에 관료들에 대한 포상과 함께 승려에게는 승계나 승직을 주기도 했다. 그러나 이와같은 보상은 한정적인 승계의 단계와 승직의 수 때문에 한계를 가졌다. 반면에 법호는 여러 차례 하사된다고 해도 큰 문제가 생기지 않았다. 승계처럼 계위를 가지는 것은 아니었지만, 여러 개의 법호를 누적해서 사용하는 방식으로 승려의 공적 지위를 보증해주었다. 법호가 功號나 勳號와 같은 의미를 가진 만큼 국가에서 하사한 법호의 보유와 누적은 이를 가진 승려의 지위를 보장해주었다. 게다가 특정 법회에 참여한 이에게 특정 법호를 하사하는 방식마저 있었다면, 법호를 통해 해당 승려가 참여한 법회나 공로를 파악할 수도 있어 그의 공로를 확인하는 방법도 되었을 것이다.

18세기 후반 상주 玉洞書院 청액활동과 사액의 의미

김순한 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2019 민족문화논총 Vol.72 No.-

This study closely investigated the petitioning activity process, focusing on the Sangjumok Okdong Seowon’s (Confucian Academy’s) Seowonilrok (Daily Journal) and Socheongilgi (Diary of Reporting to the King). Immediately after King Jeongjo acceded to the throne, the government party implemented stable policies by granting a tablet to Daerosa, Yeojumok and Seogansa, Andong-bu. Also noteworthy was the fact that a title was bestowed to the Seonsan-bu Nakbong Seowon through a cooperative petition by the Nam-in (Southern faction) and Seo-in (Western faction) in an attempt to embrace Yeongnam. Later, the project of appointing the Nam-in (Southern faction) Leader Chae Jae-gong as the second vice-premier and reevaluating the loyalists in Yeongnam Musin Changeuirok was promoted in earnest. This policy was sufficient to shake Confucian scholars in Okdong Seowon and to result in joint signing by 326 persons, including the Chief of Reporting Cho Kyu-jin, through a general meeting and to trigger a decision to submit a report for a petition. The petitioning activity then began in earnest. Nevertheless, King Jeongjo pushed ahead with revenge for the loyalists in Musin Changeuirok and even with revenge for Jo Deok-rin and Hwang Ik-jae, so he was in sharp conflict with No-ron, which strongly opposed them. For this reason, Okdong Seowon’s petition was repeatedly suspended and resumed. In addition, the government party pointed to Yeongnam as a cause for the chilling of the political situation, so the petition reporting did not meet the threshold imposed by Seungjeongwon. Consequently, as King Jeongjo had planned, the political situation was slowly settled and the royal authority was restored. Meanwhile, the petition was resumed and was successfully completed, with title bestowal in eight months. Bestowing a title after the first petition activity was very rare. Of course, this was possible due to the help of Hwang Hui’s descendants, Chae Jae-gong and Hong In-ho, located in Hanyang. However, the most significant reason for bestowing the title was that Okdong Seowon understood King Jeongjo’s intention to broaden the foundation of his influence by appointing Nam-in. In addition, this can be viewed as a very special case of title bestowal to an able premier, corresponding to the then loyal and loyalist evaluation project, by systemic development of petition activity, using the chance. Okdong Seowon was operated by the clan, beginning with the enshrining of the portrait of Hwang Heui by Baekhwahoengdang; therefore, it neither led the jurisdiction nor attracted much attention. Limited accessibility due to geographical factors and its location west of Sangju also cannot be ignored. Taking these into account, the petition activity and title bestowal contributed greatly to the status of the Seowon and a change in perception. 이 논문은 상주 옥동서원 소장 『書院日錄』과 『疏廳日記』를 중심으로 청액 활동 과정을 검토하였다. 정조 즉위 후 원사정책은 여주목 大老祠와 안동부 西磵祠에 편액을 내리면서 노론 중심으로 운영되었다. 여기에 더해 영남을 우대하는 정책이 시도되기 시작하였다. 그 예가 선산부 낙봉서원에 사액한 일이다. 이곳은 남·노가 공조하여 청액활동을 펼쳐 사액된 곳으로 깊은 의미를 가진다. 정조는 남인의 영수 채제공을 우의정에 등용하여 무신란 60주년 기념의 일환으로 충신 재평가와 신원 사업을 추진하였다. 옥동서원 측은 정조의 이러한 행보에 대해 영남을 새롭게 인식하고 있다는 판단하에 영남유생 326명이 연명하여 청액소를 올리기로 결의하고 본격적인 청액활동을 전개하였다. 한편 정조는 영남 『戊申倡義錄』의 충신 신원과 더 나아가 조덕린·황익재 신원까지 강행하면서 노·소론과 첨예하게 대립하였다. 정조의 충신 재평가와 신원 사업은 노론을 견제함과 동시에 충신과 충절을 공식화하여 군신 관계를 회복하고, 영남 남인을 등용하기 위한 명분으로 활용하고자 함이었다. 이후 집권당의 강력한 반발에도 불구하고 이 정책은 성공적으로 마무리할 수 있었다. 이러한 대립으로 인해 옥동서원의 청액 복합은 중지와 재개를 반복하였다. 그사이 정조의 충신 재평가 사업과 신원은 서서히 수습되면서 왕권도 회복되어 갔다. 옥동서원 복합도 재개되어 청액활동 8개월 만에 사액 되었다. 한 차례의 청액 활동으로 사액된 예는 극히 드물었기 때문에 그 의미는 컸다. 그렇다면 이렇게 짧은 시간에 사액된 배경은 무엇일까. 첫째 정조가 추진했던 영남 우대정책 시기를 잘 파악하여 청액소를 올렸다는 점. 둘째 옥동서원의 제향인물이 충신평가 사업에 부합한 인물이었고, 영남 남인계 서원이었다는 점. 셋째 중앙에 포진되어있는 황희의 후손들과 채제공·홍인호 등의 적극적인 후원이 있었다는 점 등을 들 수 있다. 옥동서원은 황희 영정을 奉安한 白華黌堂으로 문중이 주도적으로 운영하여 관내를 영도하지 못했고, 관심도 크게 받지 못한 편이었다. 이러한 점들을 감안하면 옥동서원의 청액 활동과 사액은 서원의 위상 제고와 인식변화에 큰 기여를 하였다.

조선전기 국왕 국장(國葬)에서 명(明) 사신의 의례설행과 그 공간

이현진 조선시대사학회 2018 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.- No.85

Before announcing itself as the Daehan Empire in 1897, Joseon had been situated in a Sino-centric order, as part of the Chinese periphery and also as a subordinate lord state to the majestic empire which China was at the time. In order to maintain that kind of relationship, whenever a Joseon king died and a new king was to be enthroned, Joseon was obliged to notify the Chinese government and seek approval for the entire process. The emissary Joseon dispatched to China for this very purpose was called ‘Gobu-sa(告訃使, emissary to inform the death of the king).’ This envoy officially informed the Chinese government the death of the Joseon king, asked the Chinese Emperor to bestow a posthumous title for that former leader, as well as approve the enthronement of the new one. The leadership of the Gobu-sa delegation was composed of three main figures(Samsa, 三使): Head delegate(Jeongsa, 正使 or Sangsa, 上使), Vice delegate(Busa, 副使), and Associate delegate(Seojang-gwan, 書壯官). After completing their mission in China, they would return to Joseon with the Ming delegation dispatched by the Chinese emperor. The protocols the members of this Ming delegation observed in Joseon were specified in the Funeral Protocols (Hyung’rye, 凶禮) section inside the Dynastic Code, such as Yeong-Sashije-geub-Jobu’eui(迎賜諡祭及弔賻儀, Protocols to Greet the Chinese Emissary who is coming to bestow posthumous title, a funeral, and also provide condolence), Sabu-eui(賜賻儀, Providing Condolence Protocols), Sashi-eui(賜諡儀, Bestowing Posthumous Title Protocols), and Saje-eui(賜祭儀, Bestowing a Funeral Ceremony Protocols), etc. The first one, Yeong-Sashije-geub-Jobu’eui, dictated that either the Provisional Leader in Charge(Gweonseo Guksa-ja, 權署國事者, the successor to the deceased king, before China’s approval) or the King(after being approved by China) would go to the Mohwa-gwan(慕華館) Hall, greet the Chinese condolence delegation and escort(or accompany) them to the Taepyeong-gwan(太平館) Hall which would serve as their staying residence, and then receive the Posthumous title order(Go’myeong, 誥命), Imperial Eulogy[祭文], and condolence materials[賻物] with respect. The other three protocols were also important. Sabu-eui was the ritual in which the Ming delegate would hand over the condolence material sent from the Ming Emperor to the new Joseon king, and this protocol was observed in the Geunjeong-jeon Hall of the Gyeongbok-gung palace. Sashi-eui was the ritual in which the Ming Emperor would provide an order containing the posthumous title for the deceased king, while Saje-eui was the ritual for the Joseon king and officials when they received the Imperial Eulogy given from the Ming Emperor. The last two protocols were observed in the Honjeon(魂殿) Chamber of the dead king, as the true recipient was not the new king but the deceased one. It should be noted that Joseon dynastic codes do not contain protocols designed for the newly enthroned king. The rite for the new king’s enthronement was performed when the Joseon king would announce the Ming edict approving the new king as the ‘Joseon King’ at the Gyeongbok-gung palace’s Geunjeong-jeon hall, on his way to Taepyeong-gwan to observe the Yeong-Sashije-geub-Jobu’eui protocol. 조선은 1897년 대한제국을 선포하기 전까지 중국의 번방으로서 중국과는 천자국-제후국이라는 계서적 질서 속에 놓여 있었다. 이러한 관계를 유지하기 위해 조선의 국왕이 승하하고 새로운 국왕이 즉위할 때 반드시 중국 조정에 알려서 그들의 승인을 받는 것이 제후국의 분의(分義)였다. 이를 위해 조선에서 파견하는 사신을 ‘고부사’라고 한다. 이들은 국왕의 죽음을 알리고 그의 시호를 청하며, 새로 즉위한 국왕의 즉위를 인정해줄 것을 청하는 세 가지 임무를 띠었다. 고부사의 전체 구성원은 대체로 정사 혹은 상사, 부사, 서장관의 삼사(三使)를 주축으로 종사관, 종인 등으로 구성되었다. 중국에서 임무를 완수한 고부사는 중국 황제가 파견한 명 사신과 함께 조선에 당도했다. 한편, 국가전례서 흉례조에 명 사신이 설행하는 의례가 재록되어 있다. 곧, 「영사시제급조부의」, 「사부의」, 「사시의」, 「사제의」 등이다. 「영사시제급조부의」는 권서국사자 혹은 국왕이 모화관으로 가서 조문 사신을 맞이한 뒤 그들과 함께 숙소인 태평관으로 가서 그들이 가지고 온 고명과 제문, 부물을 안치하는 절차이다. 「사부의」는 황제가 상주(喪主)인 조선의 국왕에게 내리는 부물을 명 사신이 전달하는 의례로 경복궁 근정전에서 이루어졌다. 「사시의」는 황제가 시호가 기록된 고명을 선왕에게 내리는 의례이고, 「사제의」는 황제가 내린 제문을 받는 의절이다. 「사시의」와 「사제의」는 죽은 선왕을 대신하여 현 국왕이 고명과 제문을 받는 절차이기 때문에 행례 공간은 선왕의 신주가 봉안되어 있는 혼전이었다. 주의할 점은 조선의 새로 즉위한 국왕에 대한 책봉례가 국가전례서에 실려 있지 않다는 점이다. 책봉례는 「영사시제급조부의」를 행할 때 태평관으로 가기 전 경복궁 근정전에서 ‘조선국왕’으로 책봉한다는 내용을 담고 있는 조칙을 선포하면서 이루어졌다.

高麗時代 승정 제도의 구조와 기능

박윤진(Yun Jin Park) 호남대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2023 인문사회과학연구 Vol.66 No.2

연평(延平) 이귀(李貴)의 정치론(政治論)과 학문관(學問觀)

김용흠 ( Yong Hum Kim ) 한국사상사학회 2007 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.29