조선후기 역모 사건과 변통론의 위상

김용흠 ( Yong Hum Kim ) 한국사회사학회 2006 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.70

The brothers Yi Sibaek and Yi Sibang were able to survive the turmoil created by the incidents of high treason involving Sim Kiwon and Kim Chajom because King Injo and Hyojong, as well as the meritorious subjects, held in high esteem the notions of responsibility and practical morality on which the brothers based their political leadership. Based in these concepts of responsibility and practical morality, these two individuals sought to implement institutional reforms that would lead to a restructuring of the state. The Yi brothers, as meritorious subjects, shared Sim Kiwon and Kim Chajom`s sense of political realism. However, while Sim and Kim Chajom`s sense of political realism. However, while Sim and Kim focused to almost exclusively on political realism and failed to pay attention to the pyont`onhnon (governance reform theory), which led to their purge by the Uiriron (moral justice) faction and to their eventual arrest in charges of treason, the Yi brothers sought to cooperate with the Uiriron faction, and focused on preserving the state through a cooperate with the Uiriron faction, and focused on preserving the state through a combination of innovation (kyongjang) and reform (pyint`ong). While Yi Sibaek strove to further develop Yi Kwi`s theory regarding the reform of military governance (Kunjong pyont`ongnon), Yi Sibang concentrated on the reform of the financial structure (chaejomg pyont`ongnon). Later, they became the main actors involved in the formulation of the Taedongbop (Uniform Land Tax Law) promulgated during the reign of King Hyojong. Their good personal relations with the opposing Uiriron faction and in the cultivation of a sense of trust between the two groups. Moreover, it later provided them with the opposing Uiriron faction and in the cultivation of a sense of trust between the two groups. Moreover, it later provided them with the opportunity to pursue policy cooperation with the reformists from the Sallim group of the Soin(Western) faction. Their policies became one of the sources of the reform theory developed by members of the Soron faction (Disciple`s faction) such as Ch`oe Myonggil and Cho Ik following the Soin faction`s spilt into the Noron (Patriarch`s Faction) and Soron factions.

18세기 "목민서(牧民書)"와 지방통치 -『목민고(牧民攷)』를 중심으로-

김용흠 ( Yong Hum Kim ) 한국사상사학회 2010 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.35

본 논문은 조선후기 牧民書 가운데 『牧民攷』類의 변천을 통해서 이 시기 사회변동의 양상을 확인하고 국가의 대응 방안을 수령의 지방통치 지침을 통해서 살펴보았다. 『목민고』류의 목민서는 수많은 필사본이 존재하는데, 그 내용상의 차이를 중심으로 「治郡要訣」, 『牧民攷1』(藏書閣本), 『牧民攷2』(奎章閣本)의 순서로 변천된 것으로 보고, 그 작성 시기를 각각 18세기 전반, 중엽, 후반으로 비정하였다. 『목민고』류의 편찬에는 18세기 少論 蕩平派가 주로 관여하고 있었다. 영조대 대표적인 탕평론자인 李光佐와 趙顯命은 모두 당시의 사회변동으로 인해 초래된 국가의 위기를 대대적인 제도 개혁을 통해서 타개해야 한다고 보았지만 또한 그러한 제도 개혁이 중앙정치 차원에서 달성되더라도 지방관이 그것을 어떻게 집행하느냐에 따라서 그 성패가 좌우된다는 점에 깊이 유의하였다. 이것이 바로 이들이 지방관의 통치 지침에 해당되는 牧民書에 주목한 이유였다. 『목민고』류의 지방통치 지침은 모두 17세기의 兩亂期 이래 초래된 국가적 위기를 국가의 集權力 强化와 公共性 확대, 그리고 公的 영역의 확장을 통해서 극복하려는 지향을 공통적으로 반영하고 있었다. 그것은 당시까지 조선 봉건왕조 국가를 지탱해 온 양대 지주였던 양반제와 지주제의 폐단을 제거할 수 있는 제도개혁이 지지부진한 현실 속에서 대안으로서 마련된 것이었다. 『목민고』류의 목민서에서는 국가의 향촌통제정책에 발맞추어 수령권을 강화시키고, 兩班土豪와 吏胥들의 전횡과 중간수탈을 방지하여 小民을 보호할 수 있는 방안을 집중적으로 마련하여 제시하려 하였다. 이것은 결국 지방통치 차원에서 ``公共性``을 확대·강화시켜 봉건사회의 모순을 극복하려는 시도로서, 소론 탕평파의 근대 지향적인 국가 구상을 반영한 것이었다. This study analyzes the characteristics of social change during the late Choson period based on the variations that took place in terms of the Mongmin`go(牧民攷, Thoughts on Governing the People)- related books associatesd with the Mongminso(牧民書, Books on Governing the People) that were produced during late Choson. In addition, an examination of the countermeasures undertaken by the state in the face of such social changes is also conducted based on a perusal of the guidelines for local magistrates(守令, suryong) that were published. Many copies of Mongmin`go books can still be found. To this end, this study examines in a sequential manner the Ch`igun yogyol(治郡要訣, Key to Governance), Mongmin`go(牧民攷) 1, currently housed in the Changseogak(藏書閣本), and Mongmin`go(牧民攷) 2, currently housed in the Kyujanggak(奎章閣本), and based on the differences in terms of their contents, breaks down the periods in which such works were produced into the early, mid, and late 18th century. The T`angp`yong wing of the Soron(少論) faction was heavily engaged in the compilation of Mongmin`go books during the 18th century. These individuals believed that the national crisis caused by the ongoing social changes of the day should be overcome through institutional reforms. However, despite King Yongjo`s(英祖) stringent implementation of his T`angp`yong policy, institutional reforms were implemented in a haphazard manner amidst the firm resistance of the anti-T`angp`yong forces within the Noron(老論) faction. To this end, the measures adopted included those designed to overcome the salient problems through the rigid selection and evaluation of the job performance of local governors. Leading advocates of the T`angp` yongron(Policy of Impartiality) such as Yi Kwangjwa(李光佐) and Cho Hyonmyong(趙顯命) paid careful attention to the fact that even if institutional reforms were carried out at the central government level, the success of such measures was dependent on how local governors implemented them. In this regard, their focus on Mongminso, or guidelines for local governors and magistrates with regards to local governance, should be understood as having been motivated by this reality. Guidelines for local governance such as the Mongminso shared the commonality of seeking to overcome the national crisis caused by the Hideyoshi and Manchu Invasions through the strengthening of statepower, the expansion of public interests, and the extension of the public sphere. Such guidelines were prepared amidst circumstances characterized by the lax implementation of the institutional reforms designed to remove the obnoxious practices of the yangban and landlord systems that had long served as the dual pillars that ensured the continuity of the Choson dynasty. The books on governing the people such as the Mongmin`go called for the preparation of measures that could not only strengthen the power of local magistrates(suryong) in accordance with the state`s control policy for local villages, but also protect the people by preventing local yangban and functionaries from engaging in despotic actions and exploitation. These suggestions, which reflected the notion of a modernity-oriented state advanced by the T`angp`yong wing of the Soron faction can be construed as an attempt to overcome the contradictions of feudal society by expanding and strengthening the public interest at the local governance level.

사회인문학의 개념과 방법 ; 한국 중세 국가 연구의 방향과 사회인문학

김용흠 ( Yong Hum Kim ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2010 동방학지 Vol.150 No.-

숙종대 소론 변통론의 계통과 탕평론 -명곡(明谷) 최석정(崔錫鼎)을 중심으로

김용흠 ( Yong Hum Kim ) 思想社會硏究所 2009 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.32

연평(延平) 이귀(李貴)의 정치론(政治論)과 학문관(學問觀)

김용흠 ( Yong Hum Kim ) 한국사상사학회 2007 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.29

"조선후기 실학"과 사회인문학

김용흠 ( Yong Hum Kim ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2011 동방학지 Vol.154 No.-

``조선후기 실학``이 국가적 위기를 타개하기 위해 치열한 현실인식에 바탕을 두고 국가와 민에 대한 새로운 인식에 도달한 것은 인문학의 본령을 보여준 것이었다. 특히 이것은 진보적 지식인들이 주자학으로 대표되는 지배적 학문을 넘어서서 자주적이고 주체적으로 달성한 학문적 성과였다. 그 범위는 오늘날의 인문학은 물론, 사회과학과 자연과학을 망라하였다. 이러한 점에서 조선후기 실학은 21세기 실학으로서의 사회인문학의 준거가 될 수 있다. 그리고 국가의 공공성, 정치와 학문의 공공성에 대한 풍부한 내용이 포함되어 있어서 오늘날 공공성을 연구하는 자원이 될 수 있으며, 복지국가의 모델 역시 추론해 낼 수 있다. 21세기 들어서도 실학 연구가 요구되는 가장 중요한 이유는 분단 현실에 있다. 신간회 운동의 좌절 속에서 ``조선학 운동``이 주목한 실학의 국가론은 통일국가의 형태를 논의할 때 남북한이 합의할 수 있는 최소한의 전제가 될 수 있을 것이기 때문이다. Rooted in the intense recognition of the actual need to overcome the national crisis, the Sirhak (Practical Learning) thought of late Choson developed as a new perception for the state and people. This trend was particularly evident in the field of humanities. This academic outcome was independently achieved by progressive intellectuals who sought to overcome the dominant ideology known as Neo-Confucianism. The scope of Sirhak thought covered not only the field we refer to as humanities today, but also the social and natural sciences. To this end, the Sirhak thought of late Choson can be regarded as a criterion for the social-humanities, and as the Sirhak of the 21st century. Furthermore, as it encompassed a wide-range of contents pertaining to such topics as the public aspects of the state and of politics and academic studies, Sirhak can serve as a tool with which study such public interest today. It can be also used to derive a model for the welfare state. However, the national division into two Koreas can be regarded as the most important reason why Sirhak studies are required in the 21st century. The Sirhak state theory promoted by advocates of the ``Korean Studies Movement (Chosonhak Undong)`` within the Sin`ganhoe (新幹會) can be perceived as the minimal premise on which the two Koreans can agree when discussions about the type of united state they want are finally held.