Southeast Asia in Russia`s Foreign Policy under D.Medvedev: An Interim Assessment

( Evgeny Kanaev ) 국민대학교 유라시아연구소 2010 Eurasian Review Vol.3 No.-

Under the presidency of Dmitry Medvedev Russia has an excellent opportunity to raise its relations with the countries of Southeast Asia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to a qualitatively new level. Up to now, Moscow has been able to inject new energies in its Southeast Asian policy thus providing it with a firm basis for future progress. At the same time, however, Russia-ASEAN dialogue is currently facing not only unprecedented opportunities, but also very strong challenges with a considerable potential to grow in the years to come. Under these circumstances, the future of Russia-ASEAN relations remains uncertain since a great deal of time and effort will be required to translate the currently prevailing optimistic expectations into reality. Whether and to what extend this task will be effectively fulfilled remains an open-ended question.

РАСПЛЫВАЮЩИЕСЯ ОСТРОВА: К СОЦИОЛОГИИ КУЛЬТУРЫ В СОВРЕМЕННОЙ РОССИИ

Борис В. Дубин 국민대학교 유라시아연구소 2008 Eurasian Review Vol.1 No.-

The article outlines a typological construction for sociological analysis of the contemporary condition of culture in Russia. The late-Soviet and post-Soviet man is characterized in general as adjusting to the existing social situation, confining to the narrow circle of “one’s own”, mistrusting the majority of social institutions and forms of collective life beyond the family and friends’ community, and spending the main part of leisure time on watching TV (“society of spectators”). The author analyzes the content of semantic patterns which are transmitted by various institutions and channels of communication, from mass media to interpersonal ones (the main issues and value conflicts being war, faith, the basis for selfidentification, relationships with social “others”). Functional types of audience, levels of perception and acceptance of these patterns (masses, layer, and circle) are described. The conclusion is made about gradually developing de-institutionalization of social life in modern Russia, fragmentation and isolation of different levels and zones of society, forms of creation and transmission of culture.

THE LOGIC OF SOVIET PRODUCTION AND INEQUALITY AS ITS AFTERMATH

남영호 국민대학교 유라시아연구소 2009 Eurasian Review Vol.2 No.-

Данная статья опровергает общепризнанную теорию о том, что общественная система в Советском Союзе ориентирована в основном на равноправие. В то же время автор статьи утверждает, что в его производственной системе были присущими определённые ранги и иерархии, что такой порядок был признан и рабочим и руководствующим. Разумеется, что логика советского производства отличается от логики капиталистического. А в соответствии с теорией трудовой стоимости К. Маркса, переведённой Властью, стоимость трудовой силы оценивалась неравноправно. Если в капиталистическом обществе стоимость трудовой силы оценивается рынком, в Союзе она подвергала оценку государством и по этой оценке неравно оплачивались зарплата и обхождение трудовым людям. После внедрения капитализма углубление неравноправия и разницы в оплате труда вызывали большое недовольство среди трудовых людей. Но они не поднимали вопрос по поводу самого неравного обращения, которое продолжалось после советского периода. Тем самым трудовые люди не столько сотрудничают друг с другим под единственной идентификацией, сколько ограничиваются лишь личным откликом против сокращения оплаты и увольнения.

Динамика влияния национальной культуры на управление бизнесом в России за период 1996 -2006 гг.

Александр И. Наумов,Ирина А. Петровская 국민대학교 유라시아연구소 2010 Eurasian Review Vol.3 No.-

Human behavior and its result in organizations are based on values and norms, which, in turn, have their foundations in the national culture. One of the first and currently most popular concepts of understanding national cultures and assessing their influence on business management was developed by worldwide famous Dutch researcher G. Hofstede during 1960-1980ies. The main advantage of the Hofstede’s concept is that it “quantifies” national cultures on a universal scale and thus enables comparisons between them. Evaluations of cultural dimensions for Russia by Geert Hofstede were first published in 1980 and were determined on the basis of the secondary sources, including national statistics and literature archetype analysis. The measurement of the five dimensions for the Russian culture using Hofstede’s questionnaire was conducted by the authors in 1996. The scores obtained turned out to be quite different from Hofstede’s evaluations. Dramatic transformations which took place in the Russian economy and society in the early 1990ies account for much of these variations, which raises a questions of whether culture can in fact change quite quickly and how persistent those changes might be. Therefore the purpose of this paper is to introduce the findings of a recent measurement of the Russian culture conducted at the end of year 2006, compare them to those obtained a decade ago and discuss how the shifts are affected by environmental changes and business practices.

DYNAMICS OF FEDERAL RELATIONS IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA

김성진 국민대학교 유라시아연구소 2008 Eurasian Review Vol.1 No.-

Федеральные отношения формируют основную часть дискурса в российской политике. В частности, после правления Путина, разразились горячие дискуссии не только в отношение федеральных отношений, но и в отношение дискурса о демократии в России в целом. На основе анализа существующей литературы можно сделать вывод, что многие исследователи признают тот факт, что «сильный центр» говорит о слабости центробежных сил. Во-вторых, во многих статьях уделяется большое внимание балансу между центробежными и центростремительными силами, а так же тому вопросу, что достижение этого баланса способствует развитию федеральных отношений. В-третьих, во многих статьях «децентрализация» идентифицируется как «демократизация». В настоящей статье сделано предположение, что центробежные и центростремительные силы имеют свою динамику. Поэтому, прежде чем говорить о балансе между ними, необходим отдельный подход. Это означает, что уровень эквилибриума является еще одним ключевым фактором для стабильного развития федеральных отношений. В отношение дискурса относительно демократии, эта работа так же демонстрирует то, что центростремительные силы не всегда являются угрозой для демократии, и необходимо строить баланс между центробежными и центростремительными силами исходя из понятия накопления «излишка» центростремительных сил.

Trade and Growth. Some Evidence from Russia for 2000-2012

이리나 코르군 국민대학교 유라시아연구소 2014 Eurasian Review Vol.6 No.-

The purpose of this article is to investigate the problem of economic growth in Russia during the period 2000-2010. We argue that despite being sustained by increasing oil process growth of the Russian economy at that time was a far more complex phenomenon brought about by many factors. Based on data obtained through OLS regression, we argue that export in general was the biggest contribution to positive economic dynamics. Result of this research contribute to better understanding of development pattern in Russia during 2000-2010 and provides basis for further research on the problem of economic growth and its relations with export.

Антропологический смысл воспитания молодёжи или к антропологии воспитании через феноменологию и герменевтику

Светлана Салыкова 국민대학교 유라시아연구소 2012 Eurasian Review Vol.5 No.-

This article defines the anthropological meaning of education in terms of anthropology and hermeneutics. Education is viewed through categories such as understanding, dialogue, values and meanings. There is defined the role of educating adult: not through explanations and moral teaching of pupils, but through the example of his own attitude to life, actions and the people.

The Organizational Characters of a Post-Soviet State Bureaucracy: The Case of the Russian Procuracy

이선우 국민대학교 유라시아연구소 2015 Eurasian Review Vol.7 No.-

This paper aims to explain the organizational characters of a post-Soviet state bureaucracy, examining the case of the Russian Procuracy. The Russian Procuracy can be an excellent case because it entails a formally strong but actually fragmented and factionalized organizational structure. Indeed a post-totalitarian state bureaucracy inherited the personal and patron-client networks from the previous undemocratic period, which still substantively undermines its bureaucratic systemization and therefore has it hold a weaker organizational hierarchy than a post-authoritarian one. Hence, the Russian Procuracy has a half-faced organizational structure. On the one hand, the fragmentation, factional conflicts and corruptions within the Procuracy were intensified, and at the same time its organizational hierarchy was also weakened in a vicious cycle. However, on the other hand, the half-faced organizational hierarchy could prevent prosecutors from holding a unified partisan position. The Procuracy would generally devote loyalty to an incumbent president, but several factions within this power apparatus would not only be in conflict with each other, but also sometimes collude with other political or business forces than his or her clique. Due to the 2007 reform, however, the fragmentation and factionalization between prosecutors are expected to be increasingly reduced and at the same time, the organizational hierarchy of the Russian Procuracy may increasingly become stronger than before.

‘Eurasia Initiative,’ ‘Neo-Eastern Policy,’ and ROK-Russia Relations

장덕준 국민대학교 유라시아연구소 2015 Eurasian Review Vol.7 No.-

The Republic of Korea has recently embarked on ‘Eurasia Initiative,’ or a new version of cooperation policy toward Eurasian countries including Russia. Through Eurasia Initiative, Seoul aims at expanding economic cooperation with Eurasian countries, while maintaining peace on the Korean Peninsula and further preparing for the ‘Unified Korea.’ Meanwhile the Russian Federation has been seeking for Neo-Eastern Policy or a policy shifting its diplomatic importance toward the Asia and Pacific region. By doing so, Russia intends not only to diversify its export markets, but also to obtain opportunities to accelerate development of Siberia and the Russian Far East. Despite some limitations in terms of differences in the understanding of the denotation of ‘Eurasia’ and structural constraints such as North Korean issues and geo-political rivalry in the Northeast region, there still exist abundant opportunities for both Seoul and Moscow, through Eurasia Initiative and Neo-Eastern Policy respectively, to work together for mutual benefits. Apparently trilateral cooperation among Russia and the two Koreas is one of the best candidates for deepening bilateral relations in mid-term and long-term perspective.

Imagining Korea: Images of Korea in Russian/Soviet Culture

안드레이 란코프 국민대학교 유라시아연구소 2011 Eurasian Review Vol.4 No.-

The article provides an outline of changes which have occurred in the Russian perceptions of Korea over the 150 years of contacts between these two countries. It shows how the Korea of Russian imagination evolved from an insignificant, if pleasant, distant country (perceived through the prism of the then dominant Orientalist paradigm) to a country struggling for its liberation against the evil forces of imperialism, and finally to a country which is the embodiment of material success and technological sophistication.