북한 정치담론의 의사소통 구조와 전략 : 정치언어에 대한 문화정치적 접근 A Cultural-Political Approach to Political Language

전효관 경남대학교 북한대학원 1998 현대북한연구 Vol.1 No.1

<Abstract>This article examines the communicative structure and linguistic strategies in North Korea's political discourse. It analyzes political texts of North Korea, particularly focusing on the mechanism of discourse and it discursive effects. The discourse analysis used in this article is based on the assumption that language is the vehicle for constructing reality. Therefore, analysis of raw materials enables us to illuminate the strategies and techniques of rhetoric employed in the texts. In other words, the "signification" and encoding of language can clarify dynamics of "politics of meaning."This study shows that North Korea's political discourse if composed of particular elements that prevent the formation of alternative discourse and interaction. North Korean politics nullifies the reciprocity of communication by completely separating the speaker from the listener. In the context of authoritarian politics, language functions as a tool for giving orders as exemplified in the following slogan : "Whatever the party decides, we will carry out." In addition, North Korea's political discourse has several other characteristics preventing the formation of any new discourse that deviates from the dominant discourse. It usually polarizes the images between "good" and "evil." The dominant discourse continues to create and imaginary enemy which challenges it. Moreover, North Korea's political discourse does not allow any room for individual freedom. hence, within the familistic metaphors the obedient relationship between the leader and the followers is taken for granted.This unilateral characteristic of political discourse restricts the development of communicative competence in North Korea. The linguistic situation of North Korea brings about difficulties in integrating North and South Korean society and culture. It calls for deconstructing a dominant political discourse in a way that could promote the coexistence and reunification of North and South Korea.

북한체제 변화론 : 가능성과 제약성 논의를 중심으로 Focusing on the Changeability and the Change-Constraint

김근식 경남대학교 북한대학원 1999 현대북한연구 Vol.2 No.1

<Abstract>To prospect change of North Korean socialism, this paper reviews the existing debates for 'changeability' and 'change-constraint' in North Korean socialism.The arguments for 'changeability' rely on several aspects stemming from the 'dynamics of crisis,' 'modernization theory,' and the 'dynamics of passive response'. First of all, the ideology behind the 'dynamics of crisis' implies that a contingent crisis may result in the opportunity of change. Second, 'modernization theory' or 'socialist civil society theory' implies that economic development and growth of a civil society in socialist state lead to systemic changes including political reform. And the 'dynamics of passive response' indicate that passive approval of, and acquiescence to, change lead to the implementation of that change without the necessary guidance and reforms from officials.On the other side, there are the arguments for the 'change-constraint,' otherwise known as 'institutional constraint'. The concept of 'institutional constraint' means that the existing development strategies or system principles constrain the fundamental change as an institutional force. Therefore, even the decision-making process of policies under crisis are determined by 'structured choice' rather than by 'free choice'. According to the above mentioned ideologies, the North Korean principles of 'Independent National Economic Policy', the political 'Suryong system'(monolithic system), and the over riding ideology termed 'Juche Thought' constrain all radical change of the system.Although the alternation of basic system principles is constrained, in my opinion, the possibility of change in North Korean socialism is great amid the North's 'own' way of overcoming system crisis.

북한의 식량난과 인구변화 추이, 1961∼1998

남성욱 경남대학교 북한대학원 1999 현대북한연구 Vol.2 No.1

<Abstract> This paper focuses on how the grain shortage has affected the population in North Korea. In February 1990, the South Korean government disclosed that the population of North Korea has decreased by 2.5-3 million from the period of 1995 to March of 1998 due to food shortages. This document originated from North Korea during its preparation for the election of representatives of the Supreme Congress that was scheduled for July 26, 1998. This report is supported by the evidence of the shortage of food from consecutive bad weather conditions since 1993. Furthermore, the persistent decline in the yield since 1990 indicates, in part, a structural cause rather than entirely due to natural adversity, such as floods or droughts. Of note, North Korea could not import sufficient quantity of grain from the international market because of deficiency of foreign currency. Another indication of the population decrease is that in 1998, North Korea elected the same number of representatives of the Supreme Congress as in 1992. Election laws stipulate that one representative for every 30,000 people are elected. Therefore, it can be estimated that the population has been constant during 1995 to 1998. In application of the annual increasing rate of 1.5 percent in North Korea, the population has decreased by about 3 million. Traditionally, research on North Korea has dealt mainly with politics, while nonpolitical issues, such as grain shortages has been neglected. In order to broaden our scope of North Korea, we should also analyze nonthraditional research. The grain shortage will have significant impact on North Korea's future. It is urgent to take measures to prevent population decrease. Key Words: North Korea, Grain Shortage, Population Change.

자립적 경제발전전략과 북한적 정치체제의 형성과정

이성봉 경남대학교 북한대학원 1999 현대북한연구 Vol.2 No.1

<Abstract> The purpose of this study is to prove that North korea's self-reliant economic development strategy operated as an important variable in the process of constructing its political system. Previous studies on the political system of North Korea have considered political elements such as ideology, Kim Ⅱ-sung's will to power, and external relations as constructing factors of its political system. These approaches resulted from the perception that North Korea is more ideology-oriented and politics-centered nation than other nations. However, the leadership of North Korea has put priority on economic growth and perceived that as a major function of its political system since the Korean War. In North Korea, this signifies that politics not only functions as a major factor but also is highly subject to economy.The self-reliant strategy for economic growth of North Korea was "to construct an economic system where they can reproduce by themselves with a connection between national production and consumption resulted from mobilizing human and material resources." However, this strategy of North Korea only caused a serious conflict with the Soviet Union and it was also impossible to establish a multi-sided and synthetic economic system in North Korean situation where capital and technology were very poor. Therefore, North Korea could not help but find another special way to accomplish self-reliant strategy for economic growth. Self-reliant strategy was achieved in three aspects. (1) The strategy created and systematized a unique political ideology that lead to the spontaneity and devotion of the people, which was needed to accomplish this strategy. This was expressed as a form of 'Juche Ideology'. (2) North Korea established a centralized control system in order to mobilize its human and material resources more efficiently. As a result, the Korean Worker's Party came to have a much greater organizing ability and influence than any other socialist states' parties. (3) North Korea completely organized and collectivized the people to extract their devotion and sacrifice.By the end of the 1960's, these characters of North Korea's political system reached the extreme form through the policy of establishing independent military defense capability as well as an independent economy. This brought about new debates and splits, what caused the leadership to be reorganized t o a great extent and established the system of 'One Thought'. The strategy for modernization of military required high speed growth and priority on heavy-industry. As a result, the society was wholly dominated by revolutionary high tides and the people's destitution and sacrifice. Finally in 1970, when the Fifth Party Congress was held, the political system of North Korea made it possible for Kim Ⅱ-sung to have absolute power on the basis of 'Juche Ideology' that was developed in the process of pushing the self-reliant strategy for economic growth, powerful controlling mechanisms of the party, and the people who were submissive to the system. Conclusively, it can be said that North Korea's policy for economic growth performed a function as a principal variable in the process of constructing its political system.

북한연구 방법론 : 재론 A Rejoinder to My Critics

강정인 경남대학교 북한대학원 1998 현대북한연구 Vol.1 No.1

<Abstract>This article critically reviews recent debates which have been raised since the publication of te author's two articles in 1993, criticizing the so-called "immanent approach" which was originally proposed by Song Doo-Yul as a new approach to North Korean Studies in 1988. Thus, the primary purpose of the article is to rebut the author's critics and re-confirm his original position. First of all, the author criticizes Song's rejoinder to the author which distinguishes between the immanent and the external approaches in terms of the Kantain concepts of the "immanent (empirical)-transcendent" pair, focusing mainly on the vagueness surrounding his us of the word immanent (empirical). "Secondly, it critically examines Kim Yon-Chol's argument which claims that the criteria of distinction between the two approaches are vague and that the external approach is transcendent. Next the paper criticizes the conceptual problems inherent in Lee Chong-Sok's conception of the "immanent-critical approach." Finally, it discusses the problems and limits facing the "phenomenological approach" advanced by Choi Wan-Kyu. In conclusion, the author re-emphasizes his original position that stresses the conflictual and complementary aspects of the two approaches, based on the inherent duality of human action.

소련의 대한반도-북한정책 관련 기구 및 인물 분석 : 해방∼1948. 12. Military Organs and Personnels

기광서 경남대학교 북한대학원 1998 현대북한연구 Vol.1 No.1

<Abstract>This article is an analysis on the Soviet Union's policy organs and the people in charge of the Korean peninsula and North Korea between the liberation of Korea on August 15,1945 and December 1948. The purpose of this analysis is to look into the organization and system of the policy-making body and examine the function and special features of each organ and the role of each official involved, rather than to try and grasp the character and concrete details of the Soviet Unions Korea policy.In formulating the Soviet Union's policy on Korea, the Moscow leadership made decisions based on it and the military implemented the policy decisions The Moscow leadership consisted of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the Government. In the Central Committee of the Party, the Politburo, which was the most powerful organ in the Soviet Union, the Party Secretariat, the External Policy Department and the Directorate of the Propaganda and Agitation were involved in the decision-making processes. On the Government and military side were the Foreign and the Armed Forces ministries. Under the Ministry of Armed Forces was the General staff and the General political Directorate. These organizations analyzed reports from the military forces in the North Korea and drafted decisions.The regional Soviet military consisted of the Command headquarters of the Maritime Military District, which was responsible for the North Korean area ; the headquarters of the 25th Army which was in charge of policy implementation in North Korea, under which came the Directorate of the Soviet Civil Administration and military komendaturas. Under the two headquarters were various political organs. These organs drafted policies and implemented them. Needless to say, intelligence reports filed by these two organs became the basis for the Soviet Union's policy toward the Korean peninsula and North Korea.In short, if I were to list the command hierarchy of the Soviet Union in North Korea from top to bottom, it would be : the Moscow leadership (the Communist Party Central Committee, the Foreign Ministry, the Armed Forces Ministry)→ (the Headquarters of the Soviet Far Eastern Forces)→ the Headquarters of the Maritime Military District → the 25th Army Headquarters (Directorate of the Soviet Civil Administration and military komendaturas) This article is an analysis on the Soviet Union's policy organs and the people in charge of the Korean peninsula and North Korea between the liberation of Korea on August 15, 1945 and December 1948. The purpose of this analysis is to look into the organization and system of the policy-making body and examine the function and special features of each organ and the role of each official involved, rather than to try and grasp the character and concrete details of the Soviet Union's Korea policy. In formulating the Soviet Union's policy on Korea, the Moscow leadership made decisions based on it and the military implemented the policy decisions. The Moscow leadership consisted of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the Government. In the Central Committee of the Party, the Politburo, which was the most powerful organ in the Soviet Union, the Party Secretariat, the External Policy Department and the Directorate of the Propaganda and Agitation were involved in the decision-making processes. On the Government and military side were the Foreign and the Armed Forces ministries. Under the Ministry of Armed Forces was the General staff and the General political Directorate. These organizations analyzed reports from the military forces in the North Korea and drafted decisions. The regional Soviet military consisted of the Command headquarters of the Maritime Military District, which was responsible for the North Korean area ; the headquarters of the 25th Army which was in charge of policy implementation in Worth Korea, under which came the Directorate of the Soviet Civil Administration and military komendaturas. Under the two headquarters were various political organs. These organs drafted policies and implemented them. Needless to say, intelligence reports filed by these two organs became the basis for the Soviet Union's policy toward the Korean peninsula and North Korea. In short, if I were to list the command hierarchy of the Soviet Union in North Korea from top to bottom, it would be : the Moscow leadership (the Communist Party Central Committee, the Foreign Ministry, the Armed Forces Ministry) → (the Headquarters of the Soviet Far Eastern Forces) → the Headquarters of the Maritime Military District → the 25th Army Headquarters (Directorate of the Soviet Civil Administration and military komendaturas)

통일문제 문학과 현실의 거리 : 북한소설에서 '실천적 리얼리즘'의 모색 Problems of Unification

노귀남 경남대학교 북한대학원 1998 현대북한연구 Vol.1 No.1

<Abstract>North Korean literature is a product of the NKCP. The writers believe that their literary goals and writing methods are correct and are never skeptical of their literary meaning. South Korean literature by contrast has nothing to unite its aims and methods. Obviously, no meanings are absolutely right. South Korea's literary autonomy and aims are different from North Korea,--their literary facts contain different values according to their different world view.There is a need for a meta-theory to criticize North Korean literature. This paper focuses on the theory of realism and comments on socialistic realism. In realism it is important to relate between fiction and reality and to interpret how we may apply literature to real social problems.In response to these issues, I propose the concept of "相"(laksana(. This term is a monistic Oriental World View. It is the monism of being, knowledge, and praxis. "Practical realism" invokes "相". Thekey words here are mediation (媒介) and type (典型).This theory provides important meaning for literary practice as related to literature and reality. Accoridng to the monistic thinking the meaning simultaneously involves "mediated meaning" grasping both reality and historical problems. There are two kinds of meaning. One is fragmentary, the other is mediated that is multifocused and stereoscopic. In this case, character, affair (episode) and situation are closely related to one another.The laksana simultaneously establishes the subject and create the meaning of the text reading over agin. North Korean fiction is practical writing. The significance of its praxis can narrow the distance between fiction and reality regarding the problems of unification.

1950년대 북한 문학과 사회주의 리얼리즘

김성수 경남대학교 북한대학원 1999 현대북한연구 Vol.2 No.2

<Abstract> This article analyzes the historical aspect of North Korean literature of the 1950s, a time in which the damages of the Korean War were repaired and the foundation of socialism was established. During this period, there was a shift in government policy concerning literature as well as a the reconstruction of the North Korean literary league, thus paving the way for the diverse controversies of realism.In 1953, a bitter“war”against the remaining vestige of bourgeois aesthetics, waged by a new group of writers, brought about the establishment of socialist realism literature. The advocates of the socialist realism literature, however, were criticized in 1956 for its“schematistic fallacy”; at the same time, the opponents of the socialist realism literature were in turn attacked for their right-wing tendencies, which was understood as“revisionism”by the advocates of socialist realism literature. Kim Il Sung who did not permit any criticism that would jeopardize his political power, emphasized the propagandic aspect of literature by maintaining that they should promote“chollimawoondong.”Consequently, the possibility for the development of socialist literature was sharply diminished.

1950년대 북한의 정치와 권력 : 인전대적 동원 체제 형성과 3중의 권력 투쟁

박형중 경남대학교 북한대학원 1999 현대북한연구 Vol.2 No.2

〈Abstract〉During the 1950's the structure of the North Korean governing party and its relations with society were remolded to fit a system termed transmission-mobilization. In doing so, the hierarchical relations of order issuing and obedience were established. The transmission-mobilization system was geared at two main objectives ; maintaining political stability and increasing productivity. The system was able to gain acceptance in the presence of a collective will among the people, autonomy among all members of society and the renunciation of the social organization. The transmission-mobilization system was the result of a three fold power struggle in the North Korean society in the 1950's. The first power struggle was among certain factions and elites in the upper layer of the Korean Worker's Party. The second was a struggle between the party center and its agents in the middle-lower layer of the party. The center wished to totally manipulate the will and interests of the power agents, but the agents wanted to protect their autonomy and to expand their power resources. The third power struggle was between the party as a whole and society, including workers and peasants. The party wished to deprivate individuals autonomy and obliterate the possibility of collective interest representation in the society. The attempt of the party core to accelerate economic growth in the 1950's aggravated tensions, resulting in periodic purges of a great number of the faction elites, power agents, and member society. The three power struggles were developed on the basis of the socialist institution of politics and the economy, and the strategy of rapid economic growth. The institution and economic strategies produced peculiar socialist tensions. They also gave way to peculiar socialist rules and interpretations of the tensions, forcing society to adapt its behaviors.

정전 후 1950년대 북한의 정치 변동과 권력 재편

백준기 경남대학교 북한대학원 1999 현대북한연구 Vol.2 No.2

AbstractThis article focuses on North Korea in the 1950s following the Korean War when the basic framework and political mechanism of the current North Korean socialist regime were formulated. The purpose of this paper is to shed light on : how the political actors of high politics in the North recognized the realistic problems facing them at that time ; how resolving problems evolved and erupted political rivalry and conflicts ; why political conflicts went through such a `catastrophic, disastrous coordination' to become the current noncompetitive, closed political mechanism ; and what implications the defeated political forces have in the political history of North Korea. Most researchers agree that the 1950s in North Korea meant a period of great potentials that provided the North with various possible ways of shifting its government. The period also represented an era of abundance in a political sense.The post-Korean War period had the following implications for the North Korean regime : First, the political elite groups and political factions outside of the inner circle led by Kim Il Sung were finally excluded from the central power circle in the power struggles that ensued in high-level politics in 1953 to 1956. The political dynamics have since disappeared in the North. In the wake of the massive cleanup campaign, 1957-1959, the realignment of the political terrain which began in high-level politics spread to low-level politics and then to the whole society, resulting in the oneness of a single leader led by Kim Il Sung.Second, in social and economic terms, full-fledged and widespread fundamental socialist reconstruction occurred among the citizens and industrial fields, providing a basic framework for the current North Korean-style socialist economic system.Third, a foundation for an independent diplomatic line was laid down in the 1950s, that is, the engagement of the Soviet Union and China in the North's power struggle in 1956 failed and the socialist camp fell apart. Consequently, this aided in paving the way for an independent diplomatic line for North Korea.Fourth, the North, after post-war restoration, economic recovery, and the completion of a socialist system through three-and five-year development plans, established a reunification strategy based on its `economic superiority.' It attempted to ease tensions between the South and the North and attain a state of peace on the Korean peninsula by putting forward a series of proposals, including the confederation proposal. This proposal suggested commodities and resource assistance toward the South and free economic and cultural exchanges. These attempts in the area of unification are meaningful in that they constitute a prototype of the North's institutional approach toward unification.This study notes that social and economic factors basically caused changes in other arenas. The 1956 political crisis, represented by the `August plenary session,' took center stage in the political changes in North Korea. This paper analyses points of disputes and standpoints with respect to the political changes in the North, which were destined to define the North's political picture for the following 40 years.The article also explores the causes of the 1956 political crisis, which represents a culmination of the political changes, in terms of economic restoration following the war, establishment and implementation of development strategies and ensuing social and political crises. Finally, through the so-called `Choi Chang Ik's anti-party conspiracy and spy incident' and `the third-party incident,' this article analyzes the process in which the power struggles at the heart of high-level politics featured in the 1956 `August plenary session' expanded toward national organs and society as a whole, contributing to the realignment of power in the political leadership of North Korea.