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      • KCI등재

        On Polarity Licensing in the -ul swu iss Construction

        Daeho Chung 한국생성문법학회 2017 생성문법연구 Vol.27 No.3

        Chung, Daeho. 2017. On Polarity Licensing in the -ul swu iss Construction. Studies in Generative Grammar, 27-3, 457-483. Polarity licensing has been a central topic for the syntactic structure of the -ul swu iss modal construction in Korean since Choe (1988) first raised the issue. To deal with this issue, various theories have been proposed in the literature (Choe 1988, Ha 2005, 2007, Chung 2006, 2007, Kim 2014, 2015, Tchoe 2015, among others). This article evaluates the theoretical and empirical mileage those theories cover, specially examining how they account for the apparent violation of the clause mate condition in polarity licensing and the semantic restrictions that the modal construction displays. It will be shown that no theories thus far advanced are able to perfectly accomodate the polarity licensing in the modal construction, soliciting further research for a more complete theory.

      • KCI등재

        비둘기의 절제와 황새의 정의 -포르피리오스의 De abstinentia의 동물지성론-

        조대호 ( Cho¸ Dae-ho ) 한국가톨릭철학회 2012 가톨릭철학 Vol.0 No.19

        포르피리오스의 『육식의 억제에 대하여』는 육식에 반대하는 저술로서 널리 알려져 있다. 하지만 그 글은 채식주의를 옹호하는 과정에서 저자가 제시한 이른바 ‘단계론적’ 논변 때문에 더욱 더 우리의 관심을 끈다. 나중에 다윈이 『인간의 유래』에서 그렇게 하듯이, 포르피리오스는 동물과 인간의 인지 능력의 차이가 “본질적인 것이 아니라 정도의 차이”라고 주장한다. 이 논문의 목적은 이런 주장을 옹호하기 위해 포르피리오스가 내세우는 논변들을 재구성하고 그것들을 비판적으로 살펴보는 데 있다. 우리의 논의는 특별히 『육식의 억제에 대하여』의 3권에서 동물세계에 적용되는 ‘이성’과 ‘덕’ 개념에 초점을 맞출 것이다. 이런 관점에서 보면 포르피리오스의 테제는-그것이 오늘날의 동물행동학적 연구와 관련해서 갖는 현실적인 의의에도 불구하고-충분히 정당화되기 어려워 보인다. 두 가지 점에서 그렇다: 1) 그는 동물들에게 이성 능력에 속하는 ‘추론’, ‘숙고’, ‘실천적 지혜’ 등을 인정하지만, 그것이 무엇을 뜻하는지를 분명히 정의하지 않는다. 2) 그는 동물들의 덕에 대해 이야기하지만, 그와 관련된 근본적인 구별, 즉 자연적인 덕과 성격적인 덕의 구별을 도외시한다. 포르피리오스의 논변들과 대결하는 일은, 그 가운데 단계론적 주장의 고대적 형태를 복원하거나 오늘날의 단계론을 비판적으로 성찰할 때 우리가 고려해야 할 몇 가지 근본 관점들을 만날 수 있다는 점에서 철학사적인 의의뿐만 아니라 인간학적인 의의를 함께 갖는 것 같다. Seit der Antike ist Porphyrios’ De abstinentia als eine Propagandaschrift gegen das Fleischessen weit bekannt. Doch diese Schrift interessiert uns vor allem wegen der sog. gradualistischen Argumente, die der Autor bei seiner Plädoyer für den Vegetarismus vorbringt. Wie später C. Darwin in The Descent of Man, stellt Porphyrios die These auf, der Mensch und die Tiere unterschieden sich in ihren kognitiven Fähigkeiten “nicht wesentlich, sondern im Grade”. Dieser Aufsatz hat zum Ziel, die für diese These von Porphyrios vorgetragenen Argumente zu rekonstruieren und über ihre Aussagekraft kritisch zu reflektieren. Im Vordergrund unserer Diskussion stehen die Begriffe logos und aretē, wie sie im dritten Buch von De abstinentia für die Tierwelt verwendet werden. Aus diesem Blickwinkel erweist sich die These des Porphyrios-trotz ihrer Aktualität im Zusammenhang der heutigen Tierverhaltensforschung-als eher fragwürdig. Besonders zwei Punkte lassen sich dagegen hervorheben: 1) Porphyrios erkennt den Tieren solche vernünftigen Tätigkeiten wie logismos, bouleusis und phronēsis an, ohne dabei zu definieren, was damit gemeint ist; 2) Auch die Tugend spricht er den Tieren zu, ohne eine grundlegende Unterscheidung zu beachten, d. h. die Unterscheidung zwischen der natürlichen und der ethischen Tugend. Mir scheint, dass die Auseinandersetzung mit den in De abstinentia vorgebrachten Argumenten sowohl in der philosophiegeschichtlichen als auch in der anthropologischen Hinsicht wichtig ist, insofern man dort einigen fundamentalen Standpunkten begegnet, die bei der Diskussion über den antiken sowie den heutigen Gradualismus zu berücksichtigen sind.

      • KCI등재

        Some Notes on Korean Resultative Small Clauses: Focused on Ko’s (2015b) Typology

        정대호(Daeho Chung) 현대문법학회 2018 현대문법연구 Vol.99 No.-

        Daeho Chung. 2018. Some Notes on Korean Resultative Small Clauses: Focused on Ko’s (2015b) Typology. Studies in Modern Grammar 99, 43-64. Ko (2015b) classifies Korean resultative small clause (RSCs) into four sub-types, due to combinations of two factors, i.e., the RSC s functional status (complement vs. adjunct) and the RSC subject s phonological status (overt vs. covert). She accounts for typological differences, especially movement-related behaviors, RSCs display, in terms of the theory of cyclic spell-out (Fox and Pesetsky 2005, Ko 2005). It will be shown in this paper, however, that her system faces non-trivial problems. First, the RSC subject s phonological status in fact does not contribute to the RSC typology, as subjects in any type can be suppressed in principle, given an appropriate context. Second, -key RSCs may function as a complement (not unambiguously as an adjunct). Third, no proper theory is provided for the ellipsis restrictions that the RSC displays. The present work proposes a control based RSC typology and tries to provide a unified explanation of restrictions on ellipsis as well as movement in RSCs, basically following Chung’s (2007, 2009, 2011) constituency based account of the syntactic restrictions.

      • Ettehkey "how" As a Small Clause Head

        ( Daeho Chung ) 한국언어정보학회 1998 국제 워크샵 Vol.1998 No.-

        WH-words are not uniform in their syntactic behaviors. Adjunct WH-words such as HOW and WHY are said to be more restricted in their distribution than argument WH-words such as WHO and WHAT. It is observed, however, that HOW in some East Asian languages behaves more like argument WH-words and does not display ECP effects. In this paper, I try to account for the HOW vs. WHY difference in Korean. First, I briefly review two previous attempts. T. Chung (1991) ascribes the difference to the positional variance: ettehkey ``how`` is generated VP-internally, whereas way ``why`` is generated in an IP(AgrP)-adjoined position, i.e., above subject. The trace of island internal ettehkey, but not of way, satisfies the ECP under the assumption that subject (or INFL) is a (special) antecedent governor for adverbs, which he motivates based on the fact that adverbs agree with subject in number and may take plural morpheme tul when subject is plural. Now the trace of ettehkey, but not of way, is antecedent governed by subject due to the hierarchical (c-command) relation. Another attempt was made by D. Chung (1996), who proposes to decompose ettehkey into etteh-ki-ey and attributes the lack of the ECP effects to the nominal feature associated with the nominalizer ki contained in ettehkey. Both approaches fail when more data is considered. Crucially, it will be shown that etteh, the main part of ettehkey, is a predicate, (i,e., it is neither an adjunct nor a nominal element,) but it does not show the ECP effects. I extend the predicate analysis to ettehkey, anaIyzing it as the predicate head of an adjectival small clause. Now the question is why predicate WH-words do not show the ECP effects like argument WH-words. I provide a theta-theoretic account under the assumption that the theta-identification between a predicate and its arguments is a bilateral relation in the sense that they identify or restrict each other. Thus, ettehkey/etteh as predicates, are theta-identrfied and do not show the ECP effects. In contrast, way, as a pure adjunct, is not theta-identified and does show the ECP effects. As for the ECP effects that English how displays, I suppose that it is not a predicate but a pure adjunct, based on the observation that adjectival small clause heads are replaced by what, but not by how, in WH-questions or echo-questions.

      • KCI등재

        Pre- vs. Post-verbal Asymmetries and the Syntax of Korean Right Dislocated Construction

        Daeho Chung 한국생성문법학회 2012 생성문법연구 Vol.22 No.4

        Among various important issues pertaining to the so-called right dislocated construction (RDC) in Korean are the basic word order in Korean and the grammatical relation the right dislocated (RDed) element assumes with the preceding predicate. In his series of papers, J.-S. Lee (2007a,b, 2008a, 2009a,b, 2010, 2011, 2012) proposes a mono-clausal analysis of Korean RDC, according to which Korean conforms to Kayne’s (1994) universal SVO word order hypothesis, due to the very existence of the construction, and the RDed element is a direct dependent of the preceding predicate. In contrast, Chung (2008a, 2009, 2010, 2011) advocates a non-mono-clausal approach, as in Tanaka (2001) and Kato(2007) for Japanese RDC, according to which the RDed element is taken as a fragment reduced from an independent clausal element due to a massive ellipsis process, while the head-finality is preserved. The current work tries to show that RDed elements cannot be viewed as direct dependents of the preceding predicate due to various asymmetries observed between pre- vs. post-verbal positions, favoring a non-mono-clausal analysis of Korean RDC.

      • KCI등재

        Polarity Licensing by Inherently Negative Predicates: A Unified Approach

        Daeho Chung 한국생성문법학회 2006 생성문법연구 Vol.16 No.2

          Negative polarity triggered by an inherently negative predicate (INP) apparently displays anti-locality: Negative polarity items (NPIs) should be embedded under the complement clause. A negative operator is often assumed at CP-SPEC to account for the anti-locality. This paper observes, however, that NPIs in the Korean INP context are licensed in the subject position as well. To accommodate this puzzle, a predicate type approach is proposed: An INP is strong enough to license NPIs only when it merges with the embedded predicate, forming a complex predicate. Given the predicate merge, the polarity licensing in the Korean INP context turns out to be not different from the case where overt negation is involved in the sense that NPIs are locally licensed, say at the SPEC of NegP. Scope facts and the one-notch loosened clause mate restriction lend support to the proposed analysis.

      • On the Structure of the So-called Head Internal Relative Construction

        ( Daeho Chung ) 한국언어정보학회 1996 국제 워크샵 Vol.1996 No.-

        There have been two opposing views on the so-called head internal relative construction (HIRC) in Korean/Japanese, i.e., a view that analyzes the HIRC categorially as a nominal projection and functionally as an argument (Kuroda 1992, Watanabe 1992, Hoshi 1994, Jhang 1991/1994, among others) vs. a view that analyzes the HIRC categorially as an adjunct clause and functionally as a non-argument (Murasugi 1994). This paper on the one hand points out several phenomena indicating that Murasugi``s analysis is more viable, while on the other hand proposing a more complex structure than Murasugi``s to account for other facts as well. The no/kes clause in the HIRC will be analyzed as the complement of a null perception verb whose projection constitutes part of an adjunct clause.

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