북한과 UNDP,UNIDO와의 과학기술 교류,협력: 북한의 입장과 이해관계를 중심으로

유호열 ( Ho Yeol Yoo ),김종하 ( Jong Ha Kim ),배진수 ( Jin Soo Bae ),김성형 ( Seong Hyung Kim ) 북한연구학회 2008 北韓硏究學會報 Vol.12 No.2

The purpose of this thesis is to draw the policy implications that could help the countries and organizations in the international society seeking to establish S&T exchange and cooperation with North Korea in the future through research on S&T exchange and cooperation between North Korea and UNDP·UNIDO. Basically, North Korea wants to introduce S&T from overseas, matching with its real conditions and on-the-spot demands. By means of this, North Korea hopes to recover its retarded economy and to maintain and develope its social system reliably. North Korea puts much value on exchange and cooperation with an international organization than with a country. That is because North Korea can maintain its system and avoid technologic dependency. If we carefully consider this kind of North Korea`s position and interests, we need to work on activating exchange and cooperation not only between South and North Korea, but also between North Korea and international organizations. Specially, well-organized and careful approach such as technologic assistance will let North Korea participate in the international society and promote relations with every individual country furthermore.

북한대외정책결정과정에서의 통일전략적 함의분석

유호열(Ho Yeol Yoo) 한국통일전략학회 2006 통일전략 Vol.6 No.1

북한의 정치군사적 문제와 달리 북한인권과 탈북자문제는 그동안 국내 및 국제사회에서 단편적이고 일회성 관심 속에 간헐적으로 제기되곤 하였다. 탈냉전시대 북한체제 붕괴 가능성에 대한 섣부른 낙관론과 햇볕정책하에서 남북화해와 교류협력의 일방적 독주에 밀려 냉전시대와 큰 차이없이 부차적 현안으로 취급되었다. 그러나 북한인권과 탈북자문제는 북한체제 개혁과 발전의 목표이며 남북관계 개선과 통일을 설계하는 시금석이 되어야 한다. 북한 인권 실태를 북한법과 국제기구에서의 자료를 통해 검증하고 탈북자문제는 탈북자들의 국내정착의 시대적 변천과정을 살펴봄으로써 문제점과 전략적 대안들을 제시하였다. 특히 북한인권과 탈북자문제는 미국의 대북정책과 2004년 발효된 북한인권법이 중요한 변수로 작용하고 있어 이에 대한 실상과 문제점도 분석하였다. 향후 북한인권과 탈북자 문제를 통일전략의 일환으로 상정할 경우 첫째, 국제사회에서 북한의 전반적인 인권개선을 위한 요구를 지속적으로 제기할 필요가 있다. 이를 통해 북한 주민과 엘리트들에게 희망과 대안의 목표를 전달할 수 있고 북한 당국 역시 이러한 국제사회의 권고사항에 대해 전면 거부하지 못하는 상황을 유리하게 활용할 필요가 있다. 둘째, 북한의 경제사회적 인권의 경우에도 국제사회의 적극적인 개입을 통해서만이 주민들에게 실질적인 혜택이 돌아갈 수 있다. 따라서 자유권과 함께 생존권은 상호 연계하여 개선책을 촉구하는 것이 바람직하다. 셋째, 탈북자의 경우 국제사회 특히 우리사회의 적극적이고 효율적인 지원정책이 민관협조하에 체계화될 필요가 있다. 그렇지 못할 경우 탈북자들의 미국 망명 증가로 통일과정에서의 우리의 입지가 축소될 위험성도 있다. 이같은 전략적 함의를 통해 향후 남북평화공존 뿐만 아니라 돌발사태 및 급속한 통일환경에 대비하는 전략이 종합적으로 추진되어야 할 것이다. During the cold-war era, contrary to the political and military issues, problems of North Korea's human rights and refugees could not get attentions from the international community including South Korea. In the post-cold war era, two extreme policies of either a naive optimism on the collapse of the North Korean regime or the sun-shine policy have also dominated the agenda on the inter-Korean relations. As a result, we have not been able to pay enough attentions to the genuine goals of the inter-Korean relations: North Korea's reform and the peaceful unification. In the paper, the reality of human rights in North Korea and the settlement of the North Korean refugees in South Korea were examined by comparing documents and data available in and out of North Korea. Particularly, the US Act on Human Rights in North Korea was also taken into consideration to understand the direction of the issues in the future. In an effort to develop constructive unification strategies, three conclusions were made in the paper. First, it is necessary to keep raising voice to improve human rights in North Korea from the international community. They would contribute to change Pyongyang's attitude and policies and provide hopes and expectation of an alternative among ordinary people as well as elite in North Korea. Secondly, active involvement of the international community might bring a meaningful change for the improvement of daily lives and economic situation in North Korea. Thirdly, it is required to make a unified approach to provide safety net for the North Korean refugees coming to the South. In case of neglecting to make an effective supporting system for the refugees, more of them might choose to take the US as their destinations. In preparation for a peaceful unification, strategic approaches to such issues are quite urgent.

북한이탈주민에 대한 언론의 보도 태도

유호열 ( Ho-yeol Yoo ),박현선 ( Hyun-sun Park ) 남북하나재단 2011 연구총서 Vol.2011 No.0

Due to limitation on the direct access to the information on the North Korean Refugees in Korean society, the thing that has the greatest influence to the formation of social recognition toward them is the press report. In spite of such importance of role of press, study on their reporting attitude is still remains insufficient. Based on the critical mind, this study implemented both quantitative on the quality and reporting attitude as well as qualitative analysis through in-depth analysis on the contents and experts’ research on the reporting tendency toward the North Korean Refugees aiming at the suggestion of recommendation for improvement along with detailed and systematic political alternatives based on the result of analysis. Based on the theoretical consideration on the concrete influence of press toward the social members’ recognition, this study implemented analysis on the press toward the North Korean Refugees during 18 years from January 1, 1994 to June 30, 2011. In consideration of quantitative importance of press and the influence of media, both newspaper and broadcasting company were selected as the object of analysis and among the targets are three newspapers of The Chosun Ilbo, The Joongang Ilbo, The Hankyoreh Shinmun and two broadcasters of KBS and MBC, those were selected as main objects of analysis in the precedent studies that implemented analysis on the recognition and attitude of press. The result of research and analysis targeting The Chosun Ilbo, The Joongang Ilbo, The Hankyoreh Shinmun, KBS and MBC on the fluctuation of reporting attitude of press in respect of the North Korean Refugees is as follows. First, Neutral attitude in reporting simple case objectively and delivering general situation is taking the majority in both newspaper and broadcastings. Second, difference in views between presses has been found by analysis on the quantity of report, fluctuation of reporting attitude of press and in-depth research on the contents by year and such difference was more determinately shown on the specific cases. Third, press, in general, turned out to have a tendency to report North Korean Refugees focusing on the individual difficulties that they are facing in Korean society by accessing to the issue from the humanitarian point of view, making them considered to be isolated group in this society. Based on the above result, the significance of this study can be classified by the following three. First, this study provided an opportunity to identify the recognition and attitude of each press toward the North Korean Refugees. Second, this study complemented and developed the previous studies through historical research on the reporting attitude of press toward the North Korean Refugees from diachronic viewpoint. Third, this study provided an opportunity to reconsider the recognition of press, government, academic circles as well as civil society toward the North Korean Refugees by analytically suggesting the attitude of press toward the North Korean Refugees. Based on the result of this study, desirable reporting attitude of press toward the North Korean Refugees and detailed policy alternatives for actualization have been organized. In regard of the reporting attitude of press regarding the North Korean Refugees, multidimensional access through mediation of complicated relation between various parties including North Korean Refugees, government, press, academic circles and civil society shall be made. Thus, this study gave consideration to the policy alternatives for press report that will make contribution to the formation of positive recognition of the public toward the North Korean Refugees without prejudice of autonomy and independence of press report. As a result of trial for seeking a detailed and realizable policy alternative at government, press, academic and civil society level, a common assignment that should be jointly implemented by each party has been drawn. A common policy alternative that the main parties that are deeply associated with reporting attitude of press in respect of the North Korean Refugees are required to promote is able to be referred to as ‘structuring an organic and intellectual network’ which government, press, academic circles and civil society are jointly connected with North Korean Refugees Support Foundation as the central player. Through the network, each party will be able to share knowledge and information on the North Korean Refugees and promote mutual cooperation. As the final outcome, it is expected that positive effects derived from the application of network will play an important role in helping the North Korean Refugees to become the member of Korean society by making contribution to the reconsideration of the recognition of the public toward the North Korean Refugees.

북한외교정책의 결정구조와 과정

柳浩烈(Yoo Ho-Yeol) 한국국제정치학회 1995 國際政治論叢 Vol.34 No.2

한반도 평화체제 구축과 '4자회담' : 현황과 과제

유호열(Ho-Yeol Yoo) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 1997 국제관계연구 Vol.2 No.1

Differences in Policy toward North Korea between South Korea-U.S. from May to December in 2017

Nam Kwang-Kyu(남광규),Yoo Ho-Yeol(유호열) 한국공공사회학회 2018 공공사회연구 Vol.8 No.3

본 논문은 한국정부와 미국정부사이에 대북정책을 놓고 약간의 차이를 보이면서 어떤 상황들, 정책결정들이 이루어지고 있는지를 살피고 있다. 시기적으로는 2017년 5월부터 12월 까지 북핵문제에 대한 한국과 미국 정부의 정책을 비교, 분석하고 있다. 특히, 2017년 사드배치를 놓고 한미 간의 갈등과 긴장, 북핵문제에 대한 처방과 해법에서 약간의 이견을 보이면서 각각의 정책결정이 어떻게 진행되었는지를 살피고 있다. 문재인 정부가 들어선 이후 작년까지 대북정책을 둘러싼 한미 간 차이점은 남북관계 발전과 한미동맹 사이에서 문재인정부에게 적지 않은 딜레마를 안겨 주었다. 구체적으로 사드(THAAD·고고도미사일방어체계) 배치에 대한 문재인 정부의 중립적 입장과 북한의 비핵화를 위한 구체적인 수단, 대화 재개를 위한 조건들에 있어서 한미 간에는 적지 않은 차이점을 노정했다. 사드 배치에 대한 부정적인 대응은 미국의 불신을 야기시켰고 군사적 수단까지 배제하지 않는 트럼프행정부의 대북 압박은 대화를 위한 대북 압박을 추구하는 문재인정부와 조율되기 어려웠다. 북한에 대한 인도적 지원접근도 한미 간 갈등요소였고 북한과의 대화가 가능할 경우 제기될 수 있는 대북제재 유지문제와 대북지원 재개도 갈등적 요소였다. 올 들어 한반도정세는 작년과는 전혀 다른 방향으로 전개되고 있지만 대북정책을 둘러싼 한미 간 차이와 갈등은 대화와 협상 국면에도 잠재해 있다. 현재 남북정상회담과 북미정상회담을 통해 비핵화에 합의함으로써 한반도 정세가 급변하고 있지만 대북정책을 둘러싼 한미 간 차이점이 완전히 해소된 것은 아니다. 완전한 비핵화와 관련해 중요한 행위자인 한국과 미국이 북핵문제에 대해 각기 어떠한 정책을 취하고 있는지 확인하는 것은 비핵화를 실현하는데 매우 중요한 요소다. 그런 점에서 본 논문은 북핵문제 해결 과정에서 한국이 주도적인 역할을 수행하기 위한 방안을 모색하는데 있어 고려해야 할 사안들을 짚어보고 있다. The objective of this paper is to present the realistic dilemma facing the Moon Jae-in administration that were aiming at pursuing both Korea-US alliance and cooperation with the North Korea, by analyzing the North Korean policies and the Korea-US relationship under the Moon administration during May 2017~December 2017. Specifically, comparing the different stances of the South Korea and the United States surrounding the contents of the alliance dealing with the North Korean nuclear issues and the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense(THAAD). It also revisits how the means to denuclearize the North have their limits in realistic terms and what the conditions on the resumption of dialogue for the related discussions. This paper reveals that the approach taken by the Moon administration regarding Pyongyang is similar to that of China, and that the Korea-US alliance is likely to weaken should there be any change concerning the North Korean nuclear issue. Thus, change in the issue in any direction will have possibility lead to a weaker alliance with the US. If the issue enters into a condition right for dialogue, as recently as, the US’ stance will likely be, in the long term, neutral. In addition, should the issue become one that urges a solution for peaceful regime on the Korean Peninsula, then it will need go beyond solving the nuclear issue itself to form a security community in the Northeast Asia as a whole.

북한 최고통치자의 상징, ‘태양’의 성격에 관한 연구

정교진(Kyo-Jin Jung),유호열(Ho-Yeol Yoo) 한국종교학회 2017 宗敎硏究 Vol.77 No.1

일반논문 : 탈냉전시기 북한-대만관계의 복합구조 연구

린치하오 ( Chih Hao Lin ),유호열 ( Ho Yeol Yoo ) 동국대학교 북한학연구소 2015 북한학연구 Vol.11 No.2

본 연구는 1992년부터 시작된 북한과 대만관계의 흐름을 살펴보는 것이다. 1990년 초 탈냉전 시기, 한중관계와 북중관계는 서로의 차이점이 발생하게 된다. 당시 한국과 중국은 경제관계를 주축으로 수교가 이루어지고 있었고, 북한과 중국은 지역전략과 전통적 혈맹관계에 기반을 두어 수교가 이루어지는 상황이었다. 한중수교 이후 북한과 대만은 동시에 외교적 충격을 받았다. 이 동병상련의 상황에서 북한과 대만 사이의 수면 아래 교류는 점차 부상되었다. 당시 중국국민당이 집권한 대만정부에서는 북한과 직접무역을 하기 위해 국민당의 기업(회사)을 통해 북한과 관물자원 등 무역거래를 했다. 그 이후 양측의 왕래무역은 점점 규모가 확장되었다. 1996~1997년 기간에는 대만정부가 북한의 요청을 받아서 2차례의 농업기술지원단을 파견하기도 하였다. 1998년 대만전력공사는 북한정부와 핵폐기물이전합의를 맺었다. 특히 이 핵폐기물이전합의는 한국, 미국, 일본, 중국 등 주변국가의 우려 및 불신 등 원인으로 인해, 결국 북한-대만간 의 핵폐기물합의는 제대로 실행될 수 없었다. 본 연구는 이러한 역사적 흐름을 통해 동아시아에 있는 남북한 관계 및 양안관계의 교차관계를 구성함으로써 북한-대만 관계의 지위를 분석하려고 한다. This treatise will focus North Korea and Taiwan’s relationship and relation process in the post-cold war, And it is not to figured out what different of North Korea and Taiwan’s diplomatic strategy but also try to find out Taiwan’s Korea peninsula strategy between North and South Korea during 1990s. After 1992, cross-strait relations and North-South Korea relations were changed to another system, China having successful in implementing its “One China Policy” and then Taiwan was tried to establish informal relations with North Korea, After Since the establishment of diplomatic between Korea and China, Taiwan changed its foreign policy to eliminate international isolation Almost at the same time, North Korea were also to tried new relationship with USA, Japan and the other country which without diplomatic relations. we can find that North Korea and Taiwan were in the same boat Until Kim Jung Il visited China in 2000. This treatise’s references is according to the formal history data from Taiwan, Korea, North Korea. and also found by Taiwan newspaper “China Times”, North Korea newspaper “Rodong Sinmun” and memoir books wrote by Lin Qiu Shan who was a Taiwan government’s negotiator with North Korea government. This treatise will review North Korea and Taiwan’s relationships from the Taiwan’s view position.

북한이탈주민의 국가정체성 영향 요인

김희진 ( Hee Jin Kim ),유호열 ( Ho Yeol Yoo ) 아시아.유럽미래학회 2014 유라시아연구 Vol.11 No.3

본 연구의 목적은 남한에 살고 있는 북한이탈주민의 국가정체성에 미치는 영향요인을 탐색하는 것이다. 본 연구를 위해 서울시와 경기도, 인천 지역에 거주하는 20~69세의 북한이탈주민 중 성인남녀를 대상으로 설문조사를 실시하고 405명의 응답을 최종분석에 사용하였다. 북한이탈주민의 특성상 확률표집이 불가능하므로 편의 표집 중 눈덩이 표집을 사용하였다. 본 연구는 국가정체성의 개념을 한국의 국민으로서의 소속감으로 규정하고, 위계적 회귀분석 방법을 활용하여 세 단계로 변수들을 투입하였다. 첫 단계인 Model 1에서는 인구사회학적 변수로서 성별, 연령, 북한학력, 남한학력, 월수입, 결혼여부, 규칙적 종교활동여부를 투입하였고, Model 2에서는 인구사회학적 변수와 함께 개인 인식변수로서 주관적 건강수준과 남한 영구정착 의향을 투입하였으며 Full Model인 Model 3에서는 인구사회학적 변수, 개인 인식변수와 함께, 남한에서의 경험변수인, 공공복지서비스 이용경험과 사회적 관계에서의 신뢰도, 그리고 남한에서의 차별 경험을 투입하였다. 분석결과, Model 1에서는 국가정체성에 정적으로 영향을 미치는 변인으로 연령(β=.171, p<.05)과 규칙적 종교활동(β=.117, p<.01)이 확인되었다. Model 2에서는 Model 1에서와 같이 연령(β=.137, p<.05)과 규칙적 종교활동(β=.107, p<.05)이 모두 정적으로 영향을 미쳤으며, 2단계 주요변수로서 추가로 투입된 주관적 건강수준(β=.130, p<.01)과 남한 영구정착 의향(β=.292, p<.001) 역시 정적인 영향을 미치고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 고려한 모든 변수가 투입된 Full Model인 Model 3을 살펴보면, 인구사회학적 변수에서는 연령, 개인 인식변수에서는 남한 영구정착 의향, 그리고 남한에서의 경험변수에서는 복지서비스 이용정도, 사회적관계에서의 신뢰도, 그리고 차별 경험이 국가정체성에 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 연령은β=.145(p<.05), 남한 영구정착 의향은 β=.286(p<.001), 복지서비스 이용정도는 β=.114(p<.05), 사회적관계에서의 신뢰도 β=.171(p<.001)로 나타나서 국가정체성에 정적 영향을 주는 것으로 확인되었고 차별 경험은 β=-.177(p<.001)로서 국가정체성에 부적 영향을 주는 것으로 나타났다. Full Model의 분석결과는, 연령이 높을수록, 남한 영구정착 의향이 있는 사람일수록, 보다 다양하게 복지서비스를 이용했을수록, 사회적 관계에서의 신뢰도가 높을수록 남한사회에의 소속감, 국가정체성이 강해지고 남한에서의 차별경험이 많다고 느낄수록 국가정체성은 약화되는 것으로 나타났다. 아울러 β 절대값을 기준으로 국가정체성에 미치는 영향력의 상대적 크기를 비교해 보면, 남한 영구정착 의향이 가장크고 다음이 남한에서의 차별경험, 그리고 사회적 관계에서의 신뢰도, 연령, 공공복지서비스 이용정도의 순으로 확인되었다. 북한이탈주민들은 다른 어떤 민족 집단보다도 국가에 대한 생각에 있어 예민할 수 있으며 사회적 환경의 변화에 따라 심각한 국가정체성의 혼란을 느낄 수 있을 것으로 예상된다. 어릴 적부터 경험한 반복적이고 주입적인 사상교육으로 인해 자율적인 고민과 충분한 질문 및 비판의 과정 없이 맹목적인 국가관, 당이 만들어준 국가정체성이 내면에 자리잡았기 때문에 급변하게 돌아가는 사회적 상황 속에서 새로운 정체감을 획득하기 어려웠을 것이다. 더구나 국가 간을 이동하면서 그들에게 생소하고 불리한 환경에 반복적으로 노출되다 보면 어느 나라가 내 울타리인지 혼란스럽고 어느 곳에서도 안심하지 못했을 것이다. 이러한 북한이탈주민이 안정된 국가정체성을 형성하도록 개입하는 일은 이들의 남한사회 적응을 돕는 일이 될 것이다. 이에 본 연구결과를 바탕으로, 북한이탈주민이 남한으로 들어와 이 나라 국민으로서의 소속감과 안정감을 가지고 정착하는 데에 남한 정부가, 지원 단체가 그리고 남한 국민이 무엇을 해야할지에 대한 실천적 함의를 제시하였다. The purpose of this study was to examine influential factors for the national identity of North Korean refugees living in South Korea. The subjects in this study were the selected male and female North Korean adult refugees who resided in Seoul, Gyeonggi Province and Incheon and were aged between 20 and 69. After a survey was conducted, the answer sheets from 405 respondents were analyzed. Since probability sampling was impossible to do due to the characteristics of North Korean refugees, snowball sampling was utilized, which is convenience sampling. A sense of belonging as a Korean was defined as national identity in this study, and the selected variables were inputted in three stages by using a hierarchical regression analysis. In the first stage of Model 1, gender, age, education level in the North, education level in the South, monthly income, marital status and regular participation or non-participation in religious practices were inputted as socio-demographic variables. In Model 2, self-rated global health level and an intention of permanent settlement in the South were inputted as personal awareness variables along with the socio-demographic variables. In Model 3, which was the full model, experience of public welfare service usage, trust in social relationships and perceived discrimination experience in the South were inputted as experience variables in the South along with the socio-demographic variables and the personal awareness variables. As a result of analyzing the collected data, age(β=.171, p<.05) and regular religious practices(β=.117, p<.01) were identified in Model 1 as the variables to have a positive impact on national identity. Like in Model 1, age(β=.137, p<.05) and regular religious practices(β=.107, p<.05) exerted a positive influence on that in Model 2, and self-rated global health level and an intention of permanent settlement in the South that were additionally inputted as the major variables in stage 2 affected it in a positive way as well. In Model 3, which was the full model that every selected variable was inputted into, national identity was under the influence of age(β=.145, p<.05) out of the socio-demographic variables, of an intention of permanent settlement in the South(β=.286, p<.001) out of the personal awareness variables, and of welfare service usage (β=.114, p<.05), trust in social relationships (β=.171, p<.001) and discrimination experience( β=-.177, p<.001) which were all the experience variables in the South. Age, an intention of permanent settlement in South, welfare service usage and trust in social relationships had a positive impact on national identity, and perceived discrimination experience exercised a negative influence on that. Finally, a stronger sense of belonging to the South were found in the respondents who were older, who had a more intention to settle down permanently in the South, who made more diverse use of welfare services and who had more trust in their social relationships. Their national identity weakened when they felt they had more discrimination experience in the South. As a result of comparing the relative influence of the variables on national identity based on β values, an intention of permanent settlement in the South was most influential, followed by discrimination experience in the South, trust in social relationships, age and public welfare service usage. When it comes to the way of looking at the nation, North Korean refugees may be more sensitive than any other racial group, and the shifts of social environments are likely to throw them into confusion in regard to national identity. They kept receiving cramming ideological education from their childhood, and they were consequently bound to take a blind view of state without carefully thinking over it, asking any questions or having any critical mind about it, and their national identity was built just as the North Korean government intended. So it seemed hard for them to build new identity under fast-changing social circumstances. Furthermore, they were repeatedly exposed to strange and disadvantageous environments as they moved from country to country, and they might have been confused about their own national identity nor felt relieved at any place. Helping North Korean refugees to build a firm national identity will be conducive to their adaptation to South Korean society. Given the findings of the study, what the South Korean government, South Korean people and supporting organizations should do to facilitate the resettlement of North Korean refugees as South Korean nationals with a sense of belonging was suggested.

북미 핵협상의 전략적 분석: 협상전략이론을 중심으로

황부연 ( Hwang Boo Yun ),김에스라 ( Kim Ezra ),유호열 ( Yoo Ho Yeol ) 한국세계지역학회 2017 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.35 No.1

본 연구는 피셔-유리(Fisher-Ury)의 협상전략이론을 분석틀로 활용하여 그동안 진행 되어온 북미 핵협상에서 북한과 미국의 협상 전략을 분석하고자 한다. 협상전략이론의 관점에서 북한은 초기부터 경성입장의 일관된 핵협상 전략을 추구해 오고 있다. 북한이 미국의 협상전략 변화에 맞추어 협상 전략을 조금씩 수정하여 협상에 임하는 것으로 보이지만, 기본적으로 경성입장의 협상전략을 일관되게 유지해 오고 있는 것이다. 반면 또 다른 협상 상대자인 미국은 북한의 협상 행태보다는 협상의 주체인 미국 행정부의 협상 전략 기조에 따라 경성입장과 원칙협상 전략을 적절히 혼합하여 구사하고 있는 것으로 보인다. 향후 북핵 협상은 경성입장 협상전략을 구사하는 북한에 대한 미국의 협상전략이 향방을 좌우하게 될 것이다. 자신의 입장을 완강하게 고수하면서 상대방의 일방적인 양보를 통해 협상에서 승리하기를 원하는 일관된 경성입장 협상전략으로는 기존의 협상결과를 답습하게 될 수밖에 없다. 그러므로 미국은 경성입장과 원칙협상을 병행하여 북한의 위협을 최대한 억제하고 원칙협상 전략을 확대하여 북한이 경성입장 협상전략으로부터 탈피하도록 유도하여 협상을 진전시켜야 할 것이다. This paper is to analyze the nuclear program negotiation strategies under the U.S. and North Korea in the theoretical framework of Fisher-Ury negotiation strategy Model. In this study, we can find that from the beginning, North Korea has been conducting Hard negotiation strategy toward its nuclear program issue. It is true that North Korea has been slightly revised its negotiation strategy depends on the changing of the U.S. negotiation strategy, but basically, it has been pursed Hard positional negotiation strategy. On the other hand, the U.S., it has been properly conducting both Hard positional negotiation strategy and Principled negotiation strategy toward North Korea`s nuclear issue. It is not affected by North Korea`s negotiation strategy and its behavior as well, but it could be affected by each administration`s North Korea policy. Moreover, the U.S. negotiation strategy will be more influential to make better result on the negotiation of the North Korean nuclear program. Hard positional negotiation strategy, it only highlights its own perspective and force other side to make concession for its victory over the negotiation. It cannot make an appropriate result and also it just repeats former failure negotiation. Therefore, on the perspective of the U.S., based on combine of Hard positional and Principled negotiation strategy, it should restrain the threat from North Korea. And through the expansion of conducting the Principled negotiation strategy, the U.S. should motivate North Korea to come back to the negotiation table and lead them to escape from the Hard positional negotiation strategy.