차선의 파트너 — 1931-1941년 중소양국의 협력관계 연구 —

정형아 중국근현대사학회 2018 중국근현대사연구 Vol.77 No.-

在一九三七年七月全面抗战爆发后, 中苏两国缔结了互不侵犯条约。 从此到太平洋战争爆发, 苏联就成为中国的最大以及唯一的援助国。 原来蒋介石靠第一次国共合作而统一中国, 然后展开反共活动一致与苏矛盾而断交。随着一九三一年九一八事变爆发, 并日本在中国东北地区扩张势力, 中苏两国分别重新摸索解决状况的国际关系。众所周知, 中国一边以外交的手段阻止日本的扩大, 且希望西方国家积极地介入, 另一边中国寻找改善对苏关系之路。然而西方国家不愿介入东亚问题, 并与日本难以达成协议, 因此中国终于积极地与苏联进行接触。中国方面提出了“先条约, 后复交”, 而苏联方面主张“先复交, 后条约”。最后如苏联所提, 两国先行了复交, 但是中国所愿的合作关系难以呈现。在与中国恢复国交后, 苏联仍然与日接触而谋求东亚边境的安全和自国的利益。 与此同时, 苏联响应中国的提议, 进行了有关互不侵犯条约的讨论, 而另一方面与日进行了有关出售中东铁路和承认满州国的协议, 这是苏联要与日本改善关系的一种措施。最后, 苏日两国达成协议而中东铁路出售于满州国, 并关于中苏互不侵犯条约的讨论, 只是拖延时间而已。 到了一九三七年中日战争全面爆发, 苏联终于与中国签定互不侵犯条约, 而援助中国并牵制日本势力扩大。靠这样成立的第二次中苏合作, 中国获得莫大的援助而应付日本的侵略。虽然苏联成为对华不可取代的最大援助国, 但并不完全抛弃对日关系的改善。 在欧洲苏德两国缔结互不侵犯条约, 德国劝苏改善与日关系。尤其是在諾門罕戰役后, 日本重新评估苏联的军事力, 并为难进政策的考量, 与前不同积极地寻求改善与苏关系之路。该结果就是苏日中立条约。 从一九三一年到一九四一年间, 中苏两国分别将日本看成解决东亚情势的最好的伙伴。但是两国发现难以实现这一目标, 于是以其次的伙半选择了对方。对苏日中立条约中国向苏抗议, 而这并未导致如前的断交。但不久后, 德国侵攻苏联并日本发动珍珠港事件, 苏联的对华援救就中断, 美国替代苏联成为战时中国的新伙伴。 对抗战时期中苏关系而言, 中国学者王真主张, 那就是“动荡中的同盟”, 且李嘉谷称之为“合作和冲突”。但笔者认为从头到尾中苏两国对彼此并不是最好的伙伴, 而是其次的伙伴。即使在太平洋战争爆发以后美国主导的大同盟体制之下, 中苏两国是同盟国的一员, 象抗战初期所见的合作关系, 大致到一九四一年告一段落。

정형물리치료에 관한 Journal List : Bibliography-Cervical spine

대한정형물리치료학회 대한정형물리치료학회 1996 대한정형도수물리치료학회지 Vol.2 No.1

이승만·장제스 정부의 군사적 위기, 협력모색, 그리고 좌절(1949-1950)

정형아 국방부군사편찬연구소 2019 군사 Vol.- No.112

6·25전쟁 발발 이전 대한민국과 중화민국은 친미를 표방하며 미국의 원조에 의존하여 당면한 문제를 하려고 하였다. 그러나 미국은 양국이 바라는 군사적 지원에 대해 방관적이고 소극적인 태도를 취하였다. 양국정부는 미국의 이러한 태도를 당시 양국의 군사적 위기로 간주하였다. 특히 고조되어가는 양국의 위기의식을 최절정에 이르게 한 사건은 ‘주한미군철수’와 ‘중미관계백서’발표였다. 냉전체제에서 미국은 자유진영의 리더적인 위치에 있었지만, 그렇다고 해서 자국의 이익을 무시하고 자유진영 국가를 지지하고 지원할 수는 없었다. 동아시아에서 한국과 대만이 미국의 이익에 얼마나 절대적인 영향을 줄 수 있는 것인가라는 물음에 미국은 긍정적인 답을 가지고 있지 않았다. 게다가 미국정부는 대체로 이들에 대한 군사적 지원이 동아시아에서 이념대립을 고조시킬 수 있다며 우려하였다. 그렇기 때문에 처음 북대서양조약과 같은 반공동맹을 주장했던 퀴리노가 미국의 회유에 의해 생각을 철회하고 반공동맹을 경제, 문화적 관계로 변질시켰던 것이다. 당시 이승만과 장제스는 미국을 설득하여 계속적인 군사지원을 획득하려 하였다. 그 첫 번째 방법으로 태평양동맹에 관한 논의를 지속하기 위해 진해회담을 추진하였다. 한중양국의 결연한 의지가 미국을 압박할 수 있을 것이라고 계산한 것이다. 그러나 미국의 태도변화가 그다지 낙관적인 것이 아니었기 때문에 다른 한편 한중양국은 차선책을 염두에 두어야 했다. 그것은 바로 양국 상호간의 군사협력이었다. 한국은 미국에게서 얻은 경제원조로 미국의 무기를 구입하려는 시도를 꾀하였지만, 그것이 여러 차례 난관에 부딪치자 대만에서 군수물자를 구매할 구상을 하였고 구체적인 구매내역을 보냈다. 한편 대만은 제주도를 대륙에 반격할 수 있는 군사기지로 구상하였다. 그러나 장제스의 이러한 구상에 대해 한국정부는 근본적인 논의조차도 없었던 것으로 부정하였다. 이승만과 장제스의 상호 군사협력 모색은 미국의 원조가 막혀 있을 때 그 차선책으로 모색된 것이었다. 그러나, 이승만과 장제스가 생각하는 상호협력은 다른 것이었다. 이후 이승만은 미국에게서 무기원조를 받을 수 있었기 때문에 장제스의 부담스러운 제의를 거절할 수 있었다. 게다가 이승만은 퀴리노의 반공동맹이 변질되어 경제, 문화적 관계로 국한된다 하더라도 따를 것이라고 천명하였다. 그는 미국과의 친밀도에서 퀴리노의 역할이 장제스보다 더 확고하다는 생각을 하게 되었다. 심지어 이승만은 동맹에서 장제스의 중국국민당을 제외시키자는 주장도 수용할 수 있다고 밝혔다. 이들이 표방한 반공동맹은 냉전시기에 표출된 가장 일반적인 형식이었다. 동맹을 맺는데 있어 기반되어야 할 것은 각각의 정권이 기반을 갖추고 영속될 수 있도록 뒷받침되어야 한다는 것이다. 전통질서 속에서 중국과 한국은 순망치한의 관계로 서로 의지해야 할 상대였다. 그러나 6·25전쟁을 전후로 장제스정부는 풍전등화와 같은 나약한 정권이었다. 또한 한중양국 모두가 의지해야 할 최우선의 배경은 바로 미국이었고, 미국에 의해 그들의 관계도 변화할 수 있었다. 그렇기 때문에 미국의 태도에 따라 한중양국은 우방이었으나 불가분의 우방은 아닐 수 있었다. 미국도 자신의 이익과 안정보장을 염두에 둔 국제관계를 전개해야 하는 상황에서 적어도 6·25전쟁이 발발... Before the outbreak of the Korean War, the Republic of Korea and the Republic of China claimed to be pro-American and tried to address pending issues, counting on aid from the United States. The U.S., however, assumed an indifferent and passive attitude toward military assistance that the two countries wanted to receive. The two governments regarded the similar attitude of the U.S. government as a military crisis in both countries. In particular, at the peak of the sense of crisis in the two countries were the announcements of the “withdrawal of the U.S. troops in Korea” and the “White Paper on the republic of China(Taiwan)-US Relations.” In the Cold War, the U.S. played a role as a leader of the free world, but that did not mean the nation could unconditionally support and assist others in the free world, ignoring its own national interests. The U.S. was not able to give a positive answer to the question about whether the influence of Korea and Taiwan in East Asia on the U.S. interests could be undeniable or not. Moreover, the U.S. government was concerned about a possibility that its military assistance to the two countries could heighten ideological conflicts in East Asia. For this reason, Elpidio Quirino who insisted on forming an anticommunist alliance like the North Atlantic Treaty withdrew his stance by the conciliation of the U.S., and changed into the anticommunist alliance into economic and cultural relations. Back then, Syng-man Rhee and Kai-shek Chiang tried to persuade the U.S. to continue to provide military assistance for the two nations. One of their attempts was the Jinhae Meeting held to carry on discussions on the Pacific Alliance. The two leaders seemed to think that their determined attitude would press Washington. However, as the U.S. did not show a positive change in its stance, the two countries had to have an alternative plan in mind, which was military cooperation between the two nations. Korea attempted to purchase arms from the U.S. with the economic aid that Korea received from Washington, but reached a deadlock several times. Korea planned to purchase war supplies from Taiwan and sent a detailed list to Taiwan. Meanwhile, Taiwan planned to set up a military base in Jeju Island to launch counterattack mainland China. However, the Korean government denied its involvement in Chiang’s plan, saying there was no discussion about it at all between the two nations. Syng-man Rhee and Kai-shek Chiang’s attempt to seek military cooperation was considered as an alternative plan in case aid from the U.S. would be seized, but the bilateral cooperation that the two leaders envisioned was different. Later, Rhee was able to receive arms aid from the U.S., and thus to reject Chiang’s burdensome proposal. Moreover, Rhee made clear that he would follow Quirino’s anticommunist alliance even if the alliance was degenerated and was limited to economic and cultural relations. He came to think that the role of Quirino in its relation with the United States was stronger than that of Chiang. Rhee even said that he could accept the suggestion to exclude Chiang’s Kuomintang of China from the alliance. The anticommunist alliance that they claimed to support was the most commonly observed form during the Cold War. What mattered in forming an alliance was whether each government had a solid and lasting foundation. The relation between the republic of China and Korea in the traditional order was intimately interdependent, and they had to count on each other. Around the time of the Korean War, however, Chiang’s government was weak like a candle flickering in the wind. In addition, the background that both Korea and the republic of China had to prioritize was the U.S., and the two nations’ relation could be affected by the U.S.. For this reason, Korea and the republic of China were allied due to the attitude of the U.S., but the alliance was not inseparable. From the perspective of the U.S. that had to mai...

중일전쟁시기의 중소관계 ― 성세재의 역할을 중심으로 ―

정형아 중국근현대사학회 2008 중국근현대사연구 Vol.39 No.-

在中日戰爭時期的中苏关系上, 少不得谈历任新疆最高统治者盛世才。他在统治新疆十二年的歲月裡,回旋苏联和国民政府之间。 本论文要从盛世才的这种行为,检讨中日战争时期中国和苏联的关系变化。除了前言和结语外,本文分成四個部分; 第一,苏联对新疆的经济合作,第二,苏联和盛世才雙方的关系变化, 第三,1942年盛世才归属国民政府的问题, 第四,苏联和国民政府对盛世才问题的应付。 从这些过程中本, 论文发现一件事實, 不如前人的研究,中苏两国对新疆问题, 虽然存在有些矛盾,但他們兩国为了避免中苏两国关系恶化而努力。这與中苏两国在整個抗战期间一直显示的状况很类似。其實, 中苏两国间虽然存在意识形态上的矛盾,但是他们将国家利益放在意识形态之上,因此建立合作关系,進而尽量避免互相对立的狀况。新疆问题的处理也是如此。所以我们可以说在抗战时期中苏两国决定外交政策时,总是将国家利益摆在意识形态前面, 盛世才的新疆问题是其一例子。

중일전쟁시기의 중소관계 : 성세재의 역할을 중심으로

정형아(?炯?) 중국근현대사학회 2008 중국근현대사연구 Vol.39 No.-

근대도시 건설과 국제정치의 영향 : 중국 대련시를 중심으로

정형아(鄭炯?) 중국근현대사학회 2010 중국근현대사연구 Vol.45 No.-

遷徙與定居, 共同體的再形成 - 以釜山華僑與在日濟州人爲中心

정형아,정창원 한국문화융합학회 2018 문화와 융합 Vol.40 No.7

In regard of studies on commons, I have kept asking, ‘how can the research topic, commons, be approached in the area of research on history?’ The awareness of the issue raised the necessity of conducting a study on commons in line with the understanding of Jeju in its various historic and cultural context. Among several research topics based on the awareness of the issue, the one that attracted my attention was migration and settlement issues seen in the history of East Asia. Migration beyond nationality and settlement in foreign countries strengthen not only ethnic and community identities, but also new personal and cultural identities beyond nationality. In other words, commons that have maintained communities were expected to be traced by exploring various causal relationships regarding how communities were maintained and recreated in new settlements in the process of migration and settlement that each ethnic group had experienced. Unlike overseas Chinese that have formed strong migrant communities from the perspective of world history, the power and range of overseas Korean communities are relatively weaker than them. These strong overseas Chinese communities are scattered in numerous regions around the world, but overseas Chinese communities in Korea have not been grown as a relatively strong migrant community in Korean society. Unlike the overseas Chinese that are discussed in this study, in particular, overseas Chinese in Busan, people from Jeju Island who reside in Osaka, Japan, compared to other overseas Korean communities, have formed and maintained a relatively strong migrant community, which is worthy of notice. Recent migrations across borders have multipolarized and decentralized existing relations between centers and surroundings, while surroundings themselves have created internal differences. In the process where regions and the world meet face to face, transversal and hybrid cultural phenomena have been created in various new forms. For this reason, issues associated with migrations are not confined to movements between spaces, but they are the results of the combination of various internal and external networks such as system, politics, society, culture and network. In particular, commons that migrant communities can commonly embrace inevitably lie in the process of forming communities and identities.

西鶴小說の創作原理

鄭灐 단국대학교 1996 論文集 Vol.30 No.-

作品이 지니는 문예성, 작품연구의 성과 등을 감안해, 일본고전산문작품중 가장 대표적인 것을 고른다면 아마도 11세기초의 『源氏物語』와 17세기후반의 井原西鶴의 一連의 소설들이 될 것이다. 위 작품들에 대한 일본에서의 적극적인 연구와 평가는 당연하다고 하겠으나 歐美의 연구자들에게도 크게 평가받고 있는 점을 보면, 비록 그들이 근대소설적 시각으로 위 작품들을 바라보고 있다고 하더라도 위 작품들이 지니는 문학으로서의 보편적가치는 상당부분 인정할 수 있을 것이다. 본고에서는 일본서사문학의 하위쟝르인 浮世草子의 창작원리, 즉 井原西鶴小說의 창작원리를 究明하기로 한다. 이를 위해 西歐敍事文學의 전개과정(로망, 노블로의 이행)보다는 동아시아한자문학권의 소설사양상을 염두에 두고, 주로 작가의 문예의식에 초점을 맞추어 창작원리를 밝히고자 한다. 특히 物語의 전개양상과 浮世草子와의 관련성, 『源氏物語』의 物語虛構論의 西鶴의 文藝觀, 當代의 중심문학관이었던 宋學이래의 권선징악적 문학관과 西鶴小說의 서문 및 발문 등에서 작가가 말하고자 하는 「慰み草」 혹은 「轉合書」로서의 小說의 의미 등의 검토를 통하여 西鶴小說의 創作原理를 究明하고자 한다.

중일전쟁발발 전후 중국의 대외 군수물자 확보

정형아 중국근현대사학회 2023 중국근현대사연구 Vol.99 No.-

In the mid-19th century, the East Asian country, which relied on traditional weapons and guns to maintain national defense and security, was cruelly trampled on by advanced Western weapons equipment. After that, East Asian countries promoted modernization out of curiosity and need for Western weapons. Although munitions factories were established in various parts of China, their achievements were limited. Going through the ‘long war’ from the opening of ports to World War II, China focused more on securing military power to solve the urgent war immediately than fostering the systematic military industry. After the collapse of Sun Yat-sen's first Sino-Soviet cooperation, China imported weapons from many countries until just before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, but among them, Germany was the largest trading partner, and furthermore, it also purchased weapons from other countries through Germany. Germany maintained arms trade with China even as Germany signed an anti-Comintern agreement with Japan in 1936 and the crisis of Japan's invasion of China was escalating. However, when the Sino-Japanese War broke out, and Germany stopped trade in 1938, China had no choice but to rely on the Soviet Union. China signed a loan agreement with the Soviet Union for $250 million and purchased weapons from the Soviet Union.Soviet weapons were advanced weapons used by the Soviet Union on actual battlefields at the time. Various types of Soviet military supplies, including airplanes, tanks, hardeners, and heavy weapons, played an important role in China's defense of Japan in the first half of the Sino-Japanese War.

국공양당의 갈등과 화해에 대한 미국의 태도변화(1941-1944)

정형아 한국중앙사학회 2010 중앙사론 Vol.0 No.31

This paper focuses on the United States intervention on The New Fourth Army Incident in 1941, external foreign propaganda between KMT and CCP in the beginning of 1940s and the KMT-CCP Negotiation in 1944 led by Hurley and the responses from KMT and CCP along with the transformation of the interactions between the two parties and foreign intervention. The incidents above may appear irrelevant, but all lie in the same frame. One thing worth mentioning about the New Fourth Army Incident is the role of international pressure in its resolution. Some Chinese scholars propose the influence of international pressure in easing the KMT’s anticommunist policies, but the effectiveness of such pressure leave rooms for questions. For example, according to materials that was exposed up to now, it's not easy to explain that the United States carried out a aggressive attitude in intervening the New Fourth Army Incident. However, it seems KMT was not able to entirely reject the U. S advice due to its needs of economical aid. Thus, KMT attempted in reducing the New Fourth Army Incident from a political and ideological collision to merely an internal disciplinary crisis. The identical logic follows for KMT’s relationship with the Soviet Union as the former was reluctant in stimulating the latter with ideological conflicts thus placing its financial assistance in jeopardy. In 1944, the United States obtained a central role in convincing the reconciliation between KMT and CCP. Desperate in warding off the Japanese, the United States urged KMT for a negotiation with CCP for an agreement between the two. However, the different stances of KMT and CCP in the concept of ‘coalition’ and ‘unification’ resulted in the difficulty in reaching an agreement. TheU.S understanding in the rooted conflict between the two parties was much too vague. Surely an agreement between the two parties would have been significant in bringing the U.S a victory in the Pacific War, which highlights the crucial relationship between domestic and foreign policies. However, the negotiation between KMT and CCP ended a failure and re-invoked a civil war.