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      • KCI등재후보

        국공양당의 갈등과 화해에 대한 미국의 태도변화(1941-1944)

        정형아 한국중앙사학회 2010 중앙사론 Vol.0 No.31

        This paper focuses on the United States intervention on The New Fourth Army Incident in 1941, external foreign propaganda between KMT and CCP in the beginning of 1940s and the KMT-CCP Negotiation in 1944 led by Hurley and the responses from KMT and CCP along with the transformation of the interactions between the two parties and foreign intervention. The incidents above may appear irrelevant, but all lie in the same frame. One thing worth mentioning about the New Fourth Army Incident is the role of international pressure in its resolution. Some Chinese scholars propose the influence of international pressure in easing the KMT’s anticommunist policies, but the effectiveness of such pressure leave rooms for questions. For example, according to materials that was exposed up to now, it's not easy to explain that the United States carried out a aggressive attitude in intervening the New Fourth Army Incident. However, it seems KMT was not able to entirely reject the U. S advice due to its needs of economical aid. Thus, KMT attempted in reducing the New Fourth Army Incident from a political and ideological collision to merely an internal disciplinary crisis. The identical logic follows for KMT’s relationship with the Soviet Union as the former was reluctant in stimulating the latter with ideological conflicts thus placing its financial assistance in jeopardy. In 1944, the United States obtained a central role in convincing the reconciliation between KMT and CCP. Desperate in warding off the Japanese, the United States urged KMT for a negotiation with CCP for an agreement between the two. However, the different stances of KMT and CCP in the concept of ‘coalition’ and ‘unification’ resulted in the difficulty in reaching an agreement. TheU.S understanding in the rooted conflict between the two parties was much too vague. Surely an agreement between the two parties would have been significant in bringing the U.S a victory in the Pacific War, which highlights the crucial relationship between domestic and foreign policies. However, the negotiation between KMT and CCP ended a failure and re-invoked a civil war.

      • KCI등재

        조약 논의 과정을 통해 본 중소관계의 변화, 1931-1941*

        정형아,정창원 명지대학교(서울캠퍼스) 인문과학연구소 2022 인문과학연구논총 Vol.43 No.3

        이 논문은 1931년~1941년까지 중소관계를 ‘조약’체결문제를 통해 살펴보았다. 만주사변이후 중소는 일본의 세력확장에 위협을 느꼈다. 중국은 일본을 독자적으로 막아내는 데는 한계를 느끼고 소련과 국교회복과 조약으로 협력하기원했다. 중일전쟁 발발 후 소련은 중국과 불가침조약을 체결하고, 차관과 군수물자를 지원했다. 원래 중국은 상호원조조약으로 소일 양국의 타협 차단과 소련의 참전을 바랐다. 그러나 결국 중국이 원하지 않는 시점에 소련은 참전하였고, 이것이 위협이 되어 중국은 우호동맹조약을 맺고 소련에 특수 이익을 보장하였다. 중국이 추구했던 조약은 소련의 참전을 목표로 한 상호원조조약이었으나, 정작 필요시에는 원조를 약속한 불가침조약을 체결하였고, 결국 바라지 않는 시점에 참전과 우호동맹조약으로 귀결되었다.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        중일전쟁발발 전후 중국의 대외 군수물자 확보

        정형아 중국근현대사학회 2023 중국근현대사연구 Vol.99 No.-

        In the mid-19th century, the East Asian country, which relied on traditional weapons and guns to maintain national defense and security, was cruelly trampled on by advanced Western weapons equipment. After that, East Asian countries promoted modernization out of curiosity and need for Western weapons. Although munitions factories were established in various parts of China, their achievements were limited. Going through the ‘long war’ from the opening of ports to World War II, China focused more on securing military power to solve the urgent war immediately than fostering the systematic military industry. After the collapse of Sun Yat-sen's first Sino-Soviet cooperation, China imported weapons from many countries until just before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, but among them, Germany was the largest trading partner, and furthermore, it also purchased weapons from other countries through Germany. Germany maintained arms trade with China even as Germany signed an anti-Comintern agreement with Japan in 1936 and the crisis of Japan's invasion of China was escalating. However, when the Sino-Japanese War broke out, and Germany stopped trade in 1938, China had no choice but to rely on the Soviet Union. China signed a loan agreement with the Soviet Union for $250 million and purchased weapons from the Soviet Union.Soviet weapons were advanced weapons used by the Soviet Union on actual battlefields at the time. Various types of Soviet military supplies, including airplanes, tanks, hardeners, and heavy weapons, played an important role in China's defense of Japan in the first half of the Sino-Japanese War.

      • KCI등재

        遷徙與定居, 共同體的再形成 - 以釜山華僑與在日濟州人爲中心

        정형아,정창원 한국문화융합학회 2018 문화와 융합 Vol.40 No.7

        In regard of studies on commons, I have kept asking, ‘how can the research topic, commons, be approached in the area of research on history?’ The awareness of the issue raised the necessity of conducting a study on commons in line with the understanding of Jeju in its various historic and cultural context. Among several research topics based on the awareness of the issue, the one that attracted my attention was migration and settlement issues seen in the history of East Asia. Migration beyond nationality and settlement in foreign countries strengthen not only ethnic and community identities, but also new personal and cultural identities beyond nationality. In other words, commons that have maintained communities were expected to be traced by exploring various causal relationships regarding how communities were maintained and recreated in new settlements in the process of migration and settlement that each ethnic group had experienced. Unlike overseas Chinese that have formed strong migrant communities from the perspective of world history, the power and range of overseas Korean communities are relatively weaker than them. These strong overseas Chinese communities are scattered in numerous regions around the world, but overseas Chinese communities in Korea have not been grown as a relatively strong migrant community in Korean society. Unlike the overseas Chinese that are discussed in this study, in particular, overseas Chinese in Busan, people from Jeju Island who reside in Osaka, Japan, compared to other overseas Korean communities, have formed and maintained a relatively strong migrant community, which is worthy of notice. Recent migrations across borders have multipolarized and decentralized existing relations between centers and surroundings, while surroundings themselves have created internal differences. In the process where regions and the world meet face to face, transversal and hybrid cultural phenomena have been created in various new forms. For this reason, issues associated with migrations are not confined to movements between spaces, but they are the results of the combination of various internal and external networks such as system, politics, society, culture and network. In particular, commons that migrant communities can commonly embrace inevitably lie in the process of forming communities and identities.

      • KCI등재

        차선의 파트너 — 1931-1941년 중소양국의 협력관계 연구 —

        정형아 중국근현대사학회 2018 중국근현대사연구 Vol.77 No.-

        在一九三七年七月全面抗战爆发后, 中苏两国缔结了互不侵犯条约。 从此到太平洋战争爆发, 苏联就成为中国的最大以及唯一的援助国。 原来蒋介石靠第一次国共合作而统一中国, 然后展开反共活动一致与苏矛盾而断交。随着一九三一年九一八事变爆发, 并日本在中国东北地区扩张势力, 中苏两国分别重新摸索解决状况的国际关系。众所周知, 中国一边以外交的手段阻止日本的扩大, 且希望西方国家积极地介入, 另一边中国寻找改善对苏关系之路。然而西方国家不愿介入东亚问题, 并与日本难以达成协议, 因此中国终于积极地与苏联进行接触。中国方面提出了“先条约, 后复交”, 而苏联方面主张“先复交, 后条约”。最后如苏联所提, 两国先行了复交, 但是中国所愿的合作关系难以呈现。在与中国恢复国交后, 苏联仍然与日接触而谋求东亚边境的安全和自国的利益。 与此同时, 苏联响应中国的提议, 进行了有关互不侵犯条约的讨论, 而另一方面与日进行了有关出售中东铁路和承认满州国的协议, 这是苏联要与日本改善关系的一种措施。最后, 苏日两国达成协议而中东铁路出售于满州国, 并关于中苏互不侵犯条约的讨论, 只是拖延时间而已。 到了一九三七年中日战争全面爆发, 苏联终于与中国签定互不侵犯条约, 而援助中国并牵制日本势力扩大。靠这样成立的第二次中苏合作, 中国获得莫大的援助而应付日本的侵略。虽然苏联成为对华不可取代的最大援助国, 但并不完全抛弃对日关系的改善。 在欧洲苏德两国缔结互不侵犯条约, 德国劝苏改善与日关系。尤其是在諾門罕戰役后, 日本重新评估苏联的军事力, 并为难进政策的考量, 与前不同积极地寻求改善与苏关系之路。该结果就是苏日中立条约。 从一九三一年到一九四一年间, 中苏两国分别将日本看成解决东亚情势的最好的伙伴。但是两国发现难以实现这一目标, 于是以其次的伙半选择了对方。对苏日中立条约中国向苏抗议, 而这并未导致如前的断交。但不久后, 德国侵攻苏联并日本发动珍珠港事件, 苏联的对华援救就中断, 美国替代苏联成为战时中国的新伙伴。 对抗战时期中苏关系而言, 中国学者王真主张, 那就是“动荡中的同盟”, 且李嘉谷称之为“合作和冲突”。但笔者认为从头到尾中苏两国对彼此并不是最好的伙伴, 而是其次的伙伴。即使在太平洋战争爆发以后美国主导的大同盟体制之下, 中苏两国是同盟国的一员, 象抗战初期所见的合作关系, 大致到一九四一年告一段落。

      • 『一代男』の創作意圖 : 卷一の二と卷一の三を中心に 「卷一の二」와「卷一の三」을 中心으로

        鄭灐 단국대학교 1998 論文集 Vol.33 No.-

        본고에서는 前稿, 「西鶴好色物의 創作意圖(1)」­『好色一代男』의 주제와 戱作意識을 중심으로­의 후속 연구로서 「卷一の二」와 「卷一の三」에 있어서의 작자의 창작 의도를 고찰했다. 「卷一の二」의 작품 서두에서는 「卷一の一」의 『桐곤』의 雅的 표현 구조를 일부에 잔존시키면서, 주인공의 언설과 행위의 묘사는 『太平記』의 패러디를 행하기 위한 비속적인 취향과 표현 구조로 전환된다. 작자는 『源氏物語』에서 『太平記』로 이중 번안을 시도함으로써 『源氏物語』의 이른바 「みやび」의 내실과 「世之介」로 상징되는 「好色性」과의 낙차를 형상화하는 「性」이라는 원리적 주제로의 의식을 밝히는 계기로 삼고 있다. 또한 「卷一の三」에서는 「卷一の二」의 서두부 이후의 주인공에 대한 비속적 표현의 전환이 정착되어, 유형적 「世之介」像이 제시된다. 그리고 『伊勢物語』의 패러디가 집중되면서 「世之介」의 독자적 표현 구조와 작품 세계가 확립되는 것이다. 『伊勢物語』의 「男」의 「みやび」의 내실을 「世之介」의 언설과 행동과의 대비를 통해 구체화됨으로써 희작 의식과 주제성을 둘러싼 작자의 창작 의도의 일단이 명확하게 드러나는 구조를 보이고 있는 것이다.

      • KCI등재

        중일전쟁시기의 중소관계 ― 성세재의 역할을 중심으로 ―

        정형아 중국근현대사학회 2008 중국근현대사연구 Vol.39 No.-

        在中日戰爭時期的中苏关系上, 少不得谈历任新疆最高统治者盛世才。他在统治新疆十二年的歲月裡,回旋苏联和国民政府之间。 本论文要从盛世才的这种行为,检讨中日战争时期中国和苏联的关系变化。除了前言和结语外,本文分成四個部分; 第一,苏联对新疆的经济合作,第二,苏联和盛世才雙方的关系变化, 第三,1942年盛世才归属国民政府的问题, 第四,苏联和国民政府对盛世才问题的应付。 从这些过程中本, 论文发现一件事實, 不如前人的研究,中苏两国对新疆问题, 虽然存在有些矛盾,但他們兩国为了避免中苏两国关系恶化而努力。这與中苏两国在整個抗战期间一直显示的状况很类似。其實, 中苏两国间虽然存在意识形态上的矛盾,但是他们将国家利益放在意识形态之上,因此建立合作关系,進而尽量避免互相对立的狀况。新疆问题的处理也是如此。所以我们可以说在抗战时期中苏两国决定外交政策时,总是将国家利益摆在意识形态前面, 盛世才的新疆问题是其一例子。

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